Crisis in the Kremlin - Our 1988 USSR

[Altlov]

Chapter Twenty Two: The Moscow Summit and Andreeva's debut (January 1988 - August 1988)

In May 1988 a major change occurred at the one of the highest levels of Soviet politics, although with little real effect. Second General Secretary Dinmukhamed Kunaev finally left his post, following on from his announcement in January, this left one of the highest offices of Soviet politics empty and an election soon followed. Eduard Shevardnadze was successful in his bid for the office of Second General Secretary. Shevardnadze was born on the 25th January 1928 in the village of Mamati, Georgia (Then the Transcaucasian SFSR). From a young age Shevardnadze was exposed to politics, his father was a teacher and a dedicated Communist. In 1948, against the wishes of his anti-communist mother, Shevardnadze joined the Georgian Komsomol as a political instructor. While in this position Shevardnadze graduated from the Higher Party School of the Communist Party of Georgia and soon rose through the ranks to become First Secretary of the Georgian Komsomol in 1956. By 1968 he had become highly regarded in the Party, earning him the position of Interior Minister, where he earned a reputation as a fierce fighter against corruption within the Party. After taking office Shevardnadze asked all leading officials to show him their wrists, ordering those with black-market Western watches to hand them over and replace them with Soviet-made ones. In 1972 First Secretary of the Georgian Communist Party; Vasily Mzhavanadze was forced to resign after facing a corruption scandal, Shevardnadze was seen as a natural replacement and was duly appointed First Secretary. In 1978 Shevardnadze was appointed as a non-voting member of the Politburo, however he remained politically obscure for many years. Though a committed reformer, Shevardnadze wishes to implement his vision for the USSR gradually and opposes Gorbachev’s market ideas. A supporter of Afghan withdrawal and a new round of détente, his time in office will surely ensure a peaceful future for the USSR.

(Eduard Shevardnadze with Mikhail Gorbachev)

In a monumental step for the Soviet space program, in January 1988 the planned construction of the Orbital Assembly and Operations Centre (OSETS) was announced to the world. Consisting of several enormous 90-ton modules, it will be the largest artificial satellite ever constructed, even larger then the planned MKBS, and will provide a basis for further Soviet exploration of the Solar System, especially in the Lunar and Martian Spheres. The construction of OSETS is expected to begin 1993 according to the following plan:

Launch 1 - DOS 8 - providing housing for the assembly crew. Boosted into orbit by the Proton launch vehicle.
Launch 2 - 90 metric ton module launched by the Energia 14A10 version. This will add the GTAS Payload Transfer and Supply System tug to the basic Energia configuration. The tug will deliver the module to the station, dock it, then depart and deorbit itself.
Launch 3 - Truss and solar arrays, launched by Energia.
Launches 4-6 - additional 90 metric ton modules, launched by Energia

(An Artist's rendition of OSETS)
The station will be visited by Buran Shuttles, however it's primary method of supply will not be the Buran shuttle but rather by ballistic capsules such as the Progress M-2 and in future the Zarya spacecraft. OSETS will contain several modules dedicated to various fields of scientific study as well as a new experimental robotic arm for maintenance and logistics purposes. Most excitingly of all it will also provide an orbital control centre for further Soviet space efforts, and a logistical hub for missions deeper into space.

(Mikhail Gorbachev and George Schultz meet in Moscow to discuss the possibility of a joint peace plan)

With the beginning of the First Intifada in Palestine, both the USSR and the USA issued statements affirming their belief in the necessity of negotiations to achieve a lasting peace in the region. With this convergence in policy Secretary of State George Shultz and Minister for Foreign Affairs Mikhail Gorbachev met together in March on the topic of a joint US-Soviet proposal for peace talks. After two weeks of negotiations between the two; the USA and the USSR published the Schultz-Gorbachev Peace Plan on the 28th of March 1988. Whilst the plan did not offer any comprehensive peace plan, leaving out contentious issues such as the status of Jerusalem, it did push for comprehensive negotiations to be held, with representatives from Israel, Palestine, the USA, the USSR, and neighbouring Arab countries. Unfortunately, the peace plan did not receive any welcome from Israeli or Palestinian figures, with Israel objecting to the potential presence of PLO delegates and the PLO viewing the USA's involvement as a ploy to reveal key PLO figures to Israeli authorities. An Israeli spokesman for Prime Minister Yitzhak Shamir stated that no negotiations could occur under the pressure of PLO action, stating “If we try to work under pressure, this will be interpreted by the PLO as a victory.” In the wake of the peace plan’s rejection the USSR decided to abandon it's pursuit of a conference, instead maintaining its course of providing humanitarian aid to Palestine, as well as supporting the leftist wing of the PLO. Though wider talks failed, a mutual position on Palestinian affairs was established between the USA and the USSR and the Schultz-Gorbachev plan became a crucial step in the wider Israeli–Palestinian peace process.

The Battle of Cuito Cuanavale was celebrated by Soviet media as a victory for international Socialism. TASS praised the efforts of Angolan and Cuban forces in defeating a reactionary enemy, however in the echelons of Soviet government the reaction was less joyous, with the defence ministry noting that the FAPLA-Cuban forces failed to win a decisive victory, describing the result as "frankly speaking, an impasse". Nonetheless Soviet support for Angola continued and the battle in the following years became known as a model example of socialist internationalism.

The Black Sea Bumping Incident occurred 12th February 1988 when an American Ticonderoga-class cruiser – the USS Yorktown was bumped by a Soviet Krivak-class frigate – the Bezzavetnyy. In the early morning two US Cruisers; Yorktown, and the USS Caron, conducted an innocent passage into Soviet territorial waters in the Black Sea, Caron passed 10km off the Soviet shore whilst Yorktown only drew to 17km. The Commander of the Black Sea Fleet Mikhail Khronopulo received an order from above to intercept the US warships and curb their passage. Bezzavetnyy was tasked with confronting the USS Yorktown whilst the much smaller Mirka-class frigate, the SKR-6 was tasked with the USS Caron. The two ships were significantly smaller than their American counterparts, with the Bezzavetnyy being half the size of the Yorktown and the SKR-6 having a quarter of the size of the USS Caron. At 10:02 local time 20km from the Soviet coast, supervised by Tupolev Tu-16 bombers, SKR-6 bumped the port side of the Caron 18m from bow, Caron received only superficial damage. Bezzavetnyy likewise bumped the USS Yorktown, losing her starboard anchor in the process, the USS Yorktown like the Caron received virtually no damage. Immediately after the bump Bezzavetnyy cleared to port and took station 270m off Yorktown’s port beam. After the bumping neither US warships departed from their original course, another bumping attempt did not take place.

(The Sword of Qādisiyyah, otherwise known as the Victory Arch, constructed in 1989)

On July 20th 1988 Iran finally accepted UN resolution 598, putting an end to the vicious eight-year conflict that was the Iran-Iraq war. In the face of a new Iraqi offensive, threats of mass chemical attacks and an increasingly discontented leadership Ayatollah Khomeini delivered a reluctant radio address to the world, stating:

“Happy are those who have departed through martyrdom. Happy are those who have lost their lives in this convoy of light. Unhappy am I that I still survive and have drunk the poisoned chalice”

Though the news was greeted by a deep sense of sorrow and bitter disappointment in Tehran, in Baghdad people were jubilant, with accounts of dancing in the streets and spontaneous festivals occurring to celebrate the end of the near decade of slaughter, the Iran-Iraq war was infamous for it's extensive targeting of civilian population centres and use of chemical weapons, the fear of an Iraqi mass chemical attack on Tehran was a major cause of the war's inconclusive end. Ending with no territorial changes between the two powers nor any other concessions, the Iran-Iraq war up to two million people died in the war in brutal conditions, often likened to the western front World War One. Iraq was quick to claim the ceasefire as a 'victory' for Ba'athism and Iraq, drawing parallels with the ancient Battle of al-Qādisiyyah, where the Arab Rashidun Caliphate achieved a crushing victory over the Persian Sassanid Empire. The following year the The Sword of Qādisiyyah, also known as the Victory Arch, was constructed to celebrate Iraq's 'victory' in the Iran-Iraq war, featuring two swords modelled after those used by the Arab general at the Battle of Qādisiyyah in 636 CE.

The Moscow Summit was a meeting between US President Ronald Reagan and Soviet General Secretary Grigory Romanov held from May 29th 1988 to June 3rd 1988. Reagan and Romanov finalised the Intermediate-Range Nuclear Forces Treaty (INF) after the US Senate’s ratification of the treaty. Reagan and Romanov discussed issues such as Angola, Israel-Palestine, Central America, and the withdrawal of Soviet troops from Afghanistan. The parties also agreed and signed several agreements on the subject of student and cultural exchanges, fishing rights, and most importantly discussed the possibility of expanded trade relations between the USA and USSR.

(Ronald Reagan waving and meeting Soviet citizens in Moscow)

Through the 1970s trade between the two countries averaged 1%, peaking in 1979 at US$4.5B. The Soviet Union ran a trade deficit with the United States for the majority of its history, especially in the early years of Romanov’s rule as the USSR aggressively imported western computing technology and industrial equipment, however through 1985-1987 the USSR has slowed down it’s imports whilst increasing it’s exports, in 1987 total trade between the US and the USSR amounted to US$4.3B. The USSR exported chemical goods, raw metals (including gold), and petroleum products in addition to cotton, alcohol and fish to the USA and received mainly agricultural goods in return (a mixture of fertilisers and grain). The value of exports to the USSR from the USA amounted to US$2.6B, half of which consisted of agricultural products, one-quarter industrial equipment and one-quarter high technology. Competition from other parts of the world, improvements in Soviet grain production and industrial quality as well as the rapid computerization promoted by Romanov’s reforms greatly contributed to the increases in Soviet-American trade and trade is only expected to grow as the Soviet Union economically liberalises and expands. At the summit Reagan agreed to lift some controls on high technology exports to the USSR as well as allow for US companies to operate within the USSR, in turn, Romanov agreed to formally end the state monopoly on the US economy, allowing for foreign private companies to operate within the USSR as part of a small market sector, whilst retaining state dominance. The Moscow Summit marked a new chapter in US-Soviet relations and also marked a turning point in Soviet society, as private companies were allowed to formally operate for the first time since the NEP.

Outside of economic matters the two leaders also discussed a collective ban on nuclear testing, joint US-Soviet space missions, and further resolutions on arms reduction. Reagan and Romanov were friendly to each other; discussing many topics such as cinema and literature. However, Reagan often insisted on holding long debates on the subject of Marxism-Leninism and the failings of socialist ideology, a topic which he was woefully underprepared for in the face of Romanov’s socialist education, often embarrassing himself before the Soviet delegation. Nonetheless the Moscow Summit was a great success for both powers, and Reagan even invited Romanov to visit New York alongside him in December, a proposal which Gorbachev urged Romanov to accept, viewing it as a chance to further improve relations and the American public image of the USSR.

(Nina Andreeva in 1988)
‘I Cannot Forsake My Principles’ was an essay published in the newspaper ‘Soviet Russia’ on March 13th 1988, in it the Soviet chemistry lecturer Nina Andreeva wrote a scathing criticism of the reformers who had begun to appear in Soviet media in the mid-1980s during Romanov’s political liberalisation of the country. In this period Soviet media began to openly criticise government policy for the first time in decades and opened up to new political voices who wished to reform the country, sometimes even containing open denouncement of socialist ideals, though these cases were incredibly rare and often suppressed. Regardless during ‘Restalinisation’, as it became to be known, both reformist figures and government condemned Stalin’s ‘excesses’ such as the NKVD’s execution of the Great Purge or the population transfer (deportations) that occurred under Stalin. Andreeva wrote that the purges were “being blown way out of proportion” and complained of “unrelenting criticism of Stalin” from the reformist wing of the Party. Of the reformers, in 1989 Andreeva said to David Remnick of the Washington Post: “Under Stalin the country built socialism for 30 years […] Our media are lying about Stalin now. They are blackening our history." And "The political structure of an anti-socialist movement is taking place in the form of democratic unions and popular fronts." Andreeva spoke positively of the ‘New Left’ faction of the CPSU and praised their dedication to socialist ideas in the face of “Capitalist-roaders”. Andreeva’s essay was politically significant as it marked a new chapter in Soviet politics, where the far-left and the far-right of the CPSU clashed publicly, inspiring new debates and new ideas on the governance and ideology of the USSR. The Maoist political figure, recently pardoned from his 7-year prison sentence, Alexei Razlatsky praised the essay and vowed his support for Andreeva alongside other New Left politicians.

Votes of the Day

1. With Soviet presence in Afghanistan becoming increasingly untenable, What decision should the USSR make on a potential Afghan withdrawal?

2. How should the USSR react to the Black Sea Bumping Incident?

3. How should General Secretary Romanov respond to Reagan’s invitation?

4. How should the government, if at all, respond to Andreeva’s essay?

5. With the USSR market finally opening partially to foreign companies, how should the USSR regulate these companies? Which sectors require the most investment and how will the USSR attract them?

 

[Altlov]

(Colonel General of the 40th Army, Boris Gromov announcing the withdrawal of Soviet ground forces from Afghanistan)

In August 1988 the USSR announced to the world their finalised plans for their withdrawal of ground forces from Afghanistan, aiming to gradually withdraw forces over the period of nine months, with the last Soviet forces leaving in May 1989. The plans did not however include withdrawal of the USSR’s Spetsnaz special forces from Afghanistan, nor its air forces or military advisors, they also included provisions for a “volunteer force” of Soviet troops to be provided to Najibullah’s government to protect vital infrastructure. The plan, whilst positively received in Western media, was less so within the USSR and Afghanistan, during a meeting of the Politburo Second General Secretary Eduard Shevardnadze, supported by Prime Minister Nikolai Ryzhkov said that withdrawal of ground forces would leave Afghanistan in a “deplorable situation” and spoke of the need to not only keep Spetsnaz in Afghanistan, but to increase their presence. this suggestion was immediately challenged by Minister for Foreign Affairs Mikhail Gorbachev, who implored the Politburo not to waste any more Soviet life on a “backward puppet state” and spoke of the damage it would do to US-Soviet relations to dampen the scale of withdrawal now. After a heavy debate, General Secretary Romanov personally intervened to calm the two factions down. In the end, the plan was accepted by the Politburo unanimously with no further additions. General Secretary of the PDPA Mohammad Najibullah was also unhappy with the withdrawal, telling Soviet General Valentin Varennikov openly that he would do everything in his power to slow Soviet withdrawal.

In the aftermath of the Black Sea Bumping Incident the USSR delivered a formal protest to the UN, claiming the USA was deliberately provoking the USSR in an act of needless aggression. Soviet media released photos of the size disparity between the ships, demonstrating the bravery and dedication of the Soviet sailors in defending the Union’s territorial integrity, despite their ultimate failure. A demonstration occurred outside the US embassy, led by Nina Andreeva denouncing US Imperialism and aggression. The US responded by claiming they had the right to innocent passage under maritime law, and that the incident was the result of Soviet aggression and paranoia. In 1989 the two powers issued a joint statement recognising the right of the other to innocent passage in their respective territorial seas.

(A Times Square billboard welcomes General Secretary Romanov to New York)

Shortly after Reagan’s departure General Secretary Romanov decided to accept his invitation to New York. On December 7th, 1988, the Soviet leader, alongside Minister for Foreign Affairs Mikhail Gorbachev arrived in New York to cheering crowds, with the electronic billboard in Times Square flashing a hammer and sickle, with the message “WELCOME GENERAL SECRETARY ROMANOV!”. In a building under construction an American and Soviet flag hung side-by-side, with a caption “Owners and workers of One Broadway Place welcome Mr. Romanov and wish the world peace and prosperity!” Though not all of his reception was positive, Romanov’s reputation in the West had been severely tarnished by his Neostalinist position, and his antisemitic rant in 1986. A skywriter painted the sky above Broadway with the words “HOLODOMOR – 5 MILLION DEAD” and another rode his bicycle along all over the city, playing Paul Revere and shouting “The Russians are coming! The Russians are coming!” nevertheless he was still warmly received as a reformer and a proponent of détente, many saw Romanov as a necessary stepping stone towards a liberal USSR and indeed many believed Gorbachev, who accompanied Romanov on the trip as the real attraction. Many US companies sought to tie themselves to Romanov’s visit, with the company behind Monopoly announcing a new Russian-language version with places like Tchaikovsky Street and Gorky Park. Ford announced its intention to build a new production facility in Leningrad (subject to Soviet approval) and General Electric announced it had entered into negotiations with several Soviet state enterprises on the topic of joint ventures. One man said to the New York Times “He’s (Gorbachev) going to learn all our tricks of capitalism and become the Donald Trump-ski of the Soviet Union.” After his tour through the city Romanov gave a short speech at the UN General Assembly, proclaiming a new era of understanding between the USA and the USSR, and spoke of the successes and future potential of Soviet-American cooperation. After his speech, Romanov made the journey to Governor’s Island by ferry to meet President Ronald Reagan and Vice President George Bush. However, he did not speak to either of the men for any significant duration before his visit was abruptly interrupted by rapidly developing Spitak Earthquake. Romanov was recalled to Moscow before any diplomatic proceedings could take place. In the end Romanov’s visit did not achieve anything of note, however it did demonstrate the willingness and support of the US population for détente and helped improve public opinion of Romanov and the USSR.

(Devastation in Spitak in the aftermath of the earthquake)

The 1988 Armenian Earthquake, also known as the Spitak or Leninakan Earthquake, occurred on December 7th of that year. At 11:41 local time, a twenty second violent tremor occurred felt as far away as Turkey and Iran. With a magnitude of 6.8 and a MSK intensity of Devastating, It was one of the worst natural disasters in Soviet history. Over 25,000 people died in the earthquake with anywhere from 13,000 to 130,000 injured. In the aftermath of the disaster, the Armenian city of Leninakan was left utterly destroyed, with over 80% of housing failing to stand against the Earthquake, the destruction of the earthquake was further exacerbated by the poor construction quality of the Brezhnev-era buildings of the locality, with Premier Nikolai Ryzhkov claiming that during construction sand was often used as a substitute for stolen concrete mix. Units of the Soviet Armed Forces and Soviet Border Troops arrived in the region in the first hours after the tremor to provide aid. A team of ninety-eight highly qualified doctors headed by the Minister of Health Yevgeniy Chazov flew to Armenia from Moscow. In the first few days 50,000 tents and 200 field kitchens were deployed in the worst-hit areas of Armenia. General Secretary Romanov was immediately recalled to Moscow in the wake of the disaster to coordinate a central government response.

The Soviet Government chose not to make any official statement on Nina Andreeva’s essay. Instead allowing it to freely circulate amongst the intellectual and political bodies of the USSR. Conservative and Neoleftist newspapers such as “Soviet Russia” praised the article, and it soon became required reading for political unions and reading groups of all opinions across the USSR. Mass demonstrations occurred in Leningrad, Stalingrad, and other Soviet cities both for and against the essay. An article in Pravda described the letter as “Nostalgia, backward-looking patriotism, the work of blind die-hard dogmatists.” The Soviet society is rapidly becoming more divided, with new political unions and mass-movements being formed every day. The essay, and the debate surrounding it, has brought new questions to the limelight of Soviet politics, with ideas previously thought unthinkable being openly discussed. The primacy of the Party, the role of the Soviets, and even the legacy of Lenin are all fair game for aspiring politicians and thinkers. Reports from the KGB surrounding reformist bodies are becoming increasingly concerning, though the people’s faith in socialism is still unshaken.

Though the USSR had espoused economic liberalisation and cooperation as one of its key points of reform over the past decade, the promised reforms at the Moscow summit were much more restrictive than the mass opening-up as expected in the West. In November 1988, the USSR formalised and announced its plans for the opening of the Soviet market sector to foreign companies. All foreign companies looking to establish operations within the USSR however, had to abide by the following regulations:

- Companies would not be allowed to operate within “reserved areas.” This primarily included military affairs, however Soviet factories would often produce military and civilian goods simultaneously and so this blocked off a significant portion of the economy and had wider security implications for other non-military civilian industry.
- Companies would be required to participate within the planned economy, whilst the majority of their goods would be sold in the market sector, they would be required to produce a very small proportion of their products for state quotas
- Companies will be required to have CPSU representatives on their boards of directors

Obviously there was immediate backlash from Western corporations against these regulations, especially the requirement for them to produce to quota. There were also concerns about the viability of doing business in a country if the CPSU was to have total supervision over their business practices. Many companies were quick to cancel their potential expansion into the USSR in protest to these regulations, however major Western conglomerates were not dissuaded, seeing the lucrative new markets as worth the extra expenses. Service-based industries, such as IBM and McDonalds were especially quick to set up in the USSR, having far less security and industrial concerns then manufacturing firms. The first McDonalds restaurant in the USSR is set to open in January 1990 and the first IBM office in August 1990. There is also the issue of the massive strain which is set to be put on the KGB and Bureaucracy in the effort to regulate and control these new foreign companies. It seems near inevitable for the grip of Soviet control to loosen, but it remains to be seen how much, if it all.

On 15th November 1988 in Algiers, Chairman of the PLO Yasser Arafat issued the Declaration of Palestinian Independence, and subsequently was declared President of Palestine. Despite this declaration the PLO still did not exercise control over any claimed Palestinian territory, thus it was effectively a government-in-exile. The declaration notably referenced Palestine as the “land of three monotheistic faiths,” recognising the Jewish historical connection to the land for the first time, however it affirmed Palestine as an Arab state and part of the “Arab nation,” with Jerusalem as its capital. In response to the declaration, the UN General Assembly adopted Resolution 43/177, acknowledging the PLO as the State of Palestine. The assembly also adopted Resolution 43/176, which called on Israel to end its occupation of Palestinian territories and to dismantle Israeli settlements in the region. Israel and the United States rejected both of the resolutions, though they both passed with large majorities.

(A truck full of protesters in Yangon, Burma 1988)

The 8888 Uprising was a series of protests and riots against the Burmese government, peaking in August 1988. Since 1962 Burma had been ruled under the Burma Socialist Programme Party under a one-party state, during the BSPP’s rule the country adopted a pro-soviet foreign policy, fostering militarism, isolating itself from the West, and fashioning the economy in the style of Soviet central planning. These reforms were widely regarded as an abject failure. During the BSPP’s tenure the black market was estimated to account for up to 80% of the national economy, inflation skyrocketed and by 1988 foreign debt had ballooned to USD$4.9B, 75% of national GDP. Despite the BSPP’s claims of being a socialist party, an American study conducted in 1981 found that “There is little evidence that Burma either is now or is in the process of becoming a socialist society […] The leadership, although demonstrating social concern, lacks the ability and will to construct socialism.”

In 1985, in an effort to combat black market activity, the Burmese government declared notes of 20, 50 and 100 Kyats (Burmese currency) invalid without any warning. The public was given a limited time to exchange their bills and only 25% of the invalid currency was exchanged. A week later the government announced the distribution of new 25, 35, and 75 Kyat bills to replace the old 20, 50, and 100 bills. However only two years later, in 1987, the government again withdrew these bills from circulation, without warning, in order to combat black market activity, making up to 80% of circulated tender instantly invalid. Burmese citizens were furious, and riots and protests occurred across the country. In the city of Mandalay, government buildings and state enterprises were burned down and in November there were reports of sporadic bombings.

In March 1988, students from the Rangoon Institute of Technology were arguing with other youths over music in a tea shop. A drunk young man would not replay a tape that the RIT students were enjoying, a drunken brawl followed in which the son of a BSPP official was injured and arrested. In the ensuing protests, a student was shot and killed. This aggravated pro-democracy and student movements, who began to organise resistance against the police and the one-party state. In the following months riots intensified and spread across the country, culminating in the resignation of Burma’s Prime Minister – Ne Win in July 1988, who promised a transition to multiparty democracy.

Protests reached their peak in August 1988, when protesters and the military began to confront each other directly. The military was ordered that “Guns were not to shoot upwards” meaning that they had been told to fire directly into the protesters. On the 10th August soldiers fired upon the Rangoon General Hospital, where injured protesters had gathered, killing nurses and doctors tending to the wounded. In the violence of the August protests, anywhere from 3,000 to 10,000 people were killed and many more were injured.

During the September party conference, in the face of overwhelming pressure the BSPP voted on the subject of holding multiparty elections, 968 out of 1080 delegates voted in favour of multi-party government. The BSPP announced they would hold an election, but anti-government organisations rejected this, demanding the BSPP immediately resign from government, the BSPP refused and so protests resumed. By mid-September negotiations had broken down and the situation in the country had become increasingly lawless, with the army deliberately provoking protesters into violent confrontation. On the 18th of September 1988, General Saw Maung led a military coup, repealing the 1974 constitution and establishing the State Law and Order Restoration Council (SLORC). The SLORC announced to the public via state radio that they had taken power in the interest of the people, to “halt the deteriorating conditions on all sides all over the country.” Burmese military forces went throughout Burmese cities, indiscriminately firing on protesters.

(An image widely circulated amongst Western media, of a young women dressed scantily in front of a statue of Lenin)

On the 12th July 1988 ‘Moscow Beauty 1988’ was held at the Luzhniki Palace of Sports. Sponsored by a West German fashion brand, it was the first beauty pageant to ever be held in the USSR, although officially it was called a “beauty contest” as beauty pageants had been banned in the USSR since 1959. Previously in 1987 the Moscow Komsomolets newspaper ran a contest for its most ‘beautiful female reader’ which saw great success. The editors of the paper took the idea to officials of the Moscow Komsomol, who saw great promise in holding a more official contest. Burda Modern (the West German fashion brand) saw great opportunity in the publicity and historical significance of such a contest, and thus agreed to sponsor the event. Though Burda attempted to place Western standards on the contest, the organisers refused, and instead allowed girls of all body types to compete. The event’s organisers, putting a socialist spin on the matter, stated the simple difference between Western and Soviet beauty contests: “Any ordinary person, or anyone who feels beautiful, can come in and present herself.”

In a surprise turn, thousands of teenagers from across the Union signed up for the contest, Local newspapers reported of miles-long queues outside the Luzhniki stadium. In total, the organisers accepted over 2,500 candidates, of which they whittled down to 36 finalists over the course of several months. The final of the competition was held at the Luzhniki Sports Palace, where three exhibitions took place – in swimwear, national costume, and evening dress. A wide range of clothing was seen, as against common practice contestants were allowed to wear clothing they owned rather than having it provided uniformly. Western brands and designers still made appearances however, which popularised such amongst the youth. After a series of scandals, where it turned out that many of the finalists were either married or unregistered, a winner was declared; Maria Kalinina was declared the first winner of the Moscow Beauty contest. Maria was offered a role as a model for Burda Modern, however it awaits to be seen whether the Soviet government will approve her emigration.

Conservative media viciously attacked the contest, deriding the women who took part as ‘prostitutes’ and of a poor moral fibre. They accused the Moscow Komsomol of betraying socialist ideals and corrupting the youth. Furthermore, they accused Maria herself of betraying the Soviet Union, suggesting that she was selling her body to the West for material gain, and also claimed that the contest itself was illegal. The contest and its media coverage also reignited the debate around emigration from the USSR, a conversation which had been dormant for quite a few years.

(Michael Dukakis riding a tank in a photo-op gone wrong.)

The 1988 US Presidential Election was held on Tuesday 8th November of that year, George H. W Bush, Republican nominee and incumbent Vice President of the United States, defeated the Democratic nominee Michael Dukakis, Governor of Massachusetts. Bush won the election by a landslide, with 426 electoral votes to his opponent's 111, a crushing victory in line with the two Republican landslides of 1980 and 1984. Bush based his campaign off the successes of the Reagan administration, citing American's rebounding economy, reduction in crime and successes in Détente as products of Republican policies. Dukakis was regularly attacked by both the media and Bush personally as a weak Massachusetts elitist. Dukakis made multiple attempts to mend his public image, however these attempts regularly backfired; the Dukakis campaign staged a photo op of Dukakis riding in an M1 Abrams tank. This photo op became a PR disaster however, after the Bush campaign used the footage in an attack ad, running rolling text detailing Dukakis's vetoes of military-related bills over the footage.

 

[panpiotr]

1. United States - $5,850,600M
2. USSR - $3,190,500M
3. Japan - $3,130,068M
4. West Germany - $1,360,393M
5. France - $1,040,179M
6. United Kingdom - $1,020,476M
7. Italy - $950,283
8. Canada - $570,225M
9. China - $495,140M
10. Brazil - $445,434M
11. Spain - $414,000M
12. India - $395,000M
13. Iran - $390,000M
14. Australia - $310,362M
15. Netherlands - $260,532M

 

[Altlov]

(An Afghan village left in ruins by bombing during Operation Typhoon)

Operation Typhoon was the penultimate military operation of Soviet troops during the Soviet-Afghan war. Carried out from January 23rd to January 26th, 1989, its aim was to “cause as much damage possible to the opposition forces in the central and northern provinces of the country. A combined arms force of units from the 108th and 201st motorized rifle divisions and other units of the Soviet 40th Army were deployed to the Afghan provinces of Parwan, Baghlan and Kunduz, with the aim of stabilising the regions before the withdrawal of the majority of Soviet ground forces in February. The Soviet air forces flew over 1,000 sorties against the Mujahideen targets alongside hundreds of artillery strikes against a woefully underprepared foe. The Mujahideen had come to an informal agreement with the USSR, that they would not attack withdrawing Soviet troops, and withdrawing Soviet troops would not strike Mujahideen targets. Soviet military officials heavily advised against the operation, believing it to be dishonest and without reason. According to the memoirs of General Valery Vostrotin:

“They say that Gorbachev implored [Romanov] not to carry out the operation, perhaps Najibullah had persuaded him? In any case, the decision was made by Romanov, although the military command, including the army commander, division and regiment commanders were against this operation. We were given the task of destroying Ahmad Shah’s group just before leaving. But it’s simply dishonest if we had an agreement. We simply knew their work schedule, the locations of their posts and their nightly deployment locations. And then, thirty minutes before they crawl out of their holes and start drinking tea, launch crazy artillery and air strikes on all these points. We simply vilely destroyed them.”

It is impossible to derive just how effective Operation Typhoon was in eliminating Mujahideen forces in the North. Few Soviet soldiers died during the operation as Mujahideen retaliation was severely limited, most strikes were carried out indirectly and indiscriminately via artillery and aerial bombing. Several dozen Afghan villages were destroyed and over 1,000 Afghan civilians died. According to military advisors stationed in Afghanistan, Afghan women would throw their dead children onto the road in the path of Soviet convoys, screaming at them the whole way. Mujahideen Commander Shah Massoud, who was the operation’s primary target, survived Operation Typhoon and would continue to harass DRA and Soviet forces over the next decade.

(Emperor Hirohito in 1935)

Emperor Hirohito of Japan died on January 7th 1989 at the Imperial Palace after losing his struggle with intestinal cancer. The Emperor had been suffering from digestive problems for years, however during an operation on his pancreas in 1987 it was revealed he was suffering from duodenal cancer. The Emperor underwent treatment for his cancer immediately and it appeared as though he would make a full recovery, however on September 19th 1988 he collapsed in his palace, and his health would slowly deteriorate over the next several months. Finally, on January 7th 1989, 7:55 AM, the Grand Steward of the Imperial Household officially announced the death of Emperor Shōwa and revealed details of his ailing health for the first time. Emperor Hirohito accessed to the throne in 1926, reigning over Japan for 63 years. He also reigned over Japan during the Second World War and was directly responsible for some of the worst crimes committed by the Japanese Empire. Sankō Sakusan, also known as the “Three-Alls policy”, was a Japanese scorched earth policy sanctioned by Hirohito, which directly and indirectly resulted in the deaths of over 3 million Japanese civilians. According to American historian Herbert P. Bix, Sankō Sakusan: "Caused death and suffering on a scale incomparably greater than the totally unplanned orgy of killing in Nanking, which later came to symbolize the war.” Hirohito’s state funeral is set to be held on the 24th February, and is expected to defeat the funeral of Josip Broz Tito for the largest gathering of international leaders in history.

(H.W Bush swearing the Oath of the office of the President of the United States)

The inauguration of George H.W Bush as 41st President of the United States occurred on Friday 20th January 1989 in front of the U.S Capitol in Washington D.C. It was the 51st inauguration and marked the beginning of the H.W Bush Administration, with George H.W Bush as President and Dan Quayle as Vice President. Bush was the first Vice President to be inaugurated as President of the United States since Martin Van Buren in 1837, and the last WWII combat veteran to be President. The Washington Metro set a new single-day record for the inauguration, with 604,089 trips, breaking the record of 565,000 for the Washington for Jesus 1988 rally.


The Polish Round Table Talks began in Warsaw, Poland on the 6th February 1989 between Communist officials and the banned dissident and trade union organisation Solidarity. In 1988, a massive wave of strikes swept Poland. The strikes, which began in isolation as early as Spring 1988 crippled the Polish economy and shocked both the government and Solidarity. The strikes were so severe that they almost forced the Polish government into declaring a state of national emergency, introducing troops to break up strikes. Polish officials attempted to appeal to the USSR for aid, however their efforts were severely hampered by Minister of Foreign Affairs Mikhail Gorbachev and Prime Minister Nikolai Ryzhkov, who downplayed the situation in Poland to Romanov at every opportunity. Both were heavily against any action by the USSR against Solidarity, believing that negotiations between Solidarity and the Government to in the best interests of Poland and the USSR. Nonetheless, without Soviet aid the Polish government was left to deal with the strikes alone, and it was becoming increasingly evident that negotiations were inevitable. In September, a secret meeting was held between Solidarity leader Lech Wałęsa and General Czesław Kiszczak. During the meeting Kiszczak promised Wałęsa that he would appeal to the Government on the subject of holding negotiations and even the legislation of Solidarity. In exchange, Wałęsa agreed to lift the strikes. The talks will talk place over several months and will be divided into three sectors – Political reform, Union reform and Economic and Social reform. Already a wide range of demands have been placed before the government, some even as radical as multiparty elections, however the Polish government is reluctant to agree to anything without Soviet approval.

The Soviet Government chose to relax it’s travel policy, allowing for more official exchanges between Soviet and Foreign organisations, especially amongst cultural and scientific bodies. Previously, travelling to Western countries was an exceedingly difficult affair. Travel to the West could only occur as part of a tour group and members of the group were supervised at all times. These restrictions have finally been lifted, and individual travel to the West is now a possibility, though it still remains closed off to the average Soviet citizen. Travel to most Western countries, with the exception of France and Italy, can only be approved on a case-by-case basis. And with the Soviet ruble being practically worthless in the West very few Soviet citizens find Western vacations worth the cost. Soviet vacation companies are already making new deals with foreign travel agencies and foreign Governments to incentivise inter-bloc travel, with new resorts in China becoming an exciting prospect for Soviet workers.

(A group of British aid workers search for survivors in the rubble)

The USSR allowed foreign NGOs to aid Soviet relief efforts in Armenia. Romanov set aside SOV₽5 Billion in funding for Soviet relief, in what would one of the largest disaster relief campaigns in Soviet history, exceeding even the cost of the Chernobyl incident. The relief effort was augmented by the largest West-East cooperation since World War 2, with Europe providing cargo aircraft loaded with medical supplies, food rations, medical personnel, mobile equipment, and even state-of-the-art thermal imaging equipment to locate trapped survivors. Japan sent US$9 million in financial aid, Italy built a prefabricated village to house refugees, America provided over 25,000lbs of medical equipment and more. The response was not limited to governments however, Western philanthropists provided crucial donations to the relief effort. Armand Hammer became well-known in the USSR for his donation of 2,300lbs of medical aid as well as US$1 million in financial aid. By July 1989 over US$500 million in aid had been provided by over 113 countries, Western planners and architects were invited to join in the rebuilding planning and the relief effort as a whole became a symbol of inter-bloc cooperation.

The Soviet Union denounced the actions of the Burmese Military government, announcing it’s support for the BSPP. Behind the scenes however the USSR had no plans for a restoration of BSPP rule, cooperating with India to train and fund supporters of the Burmese Communist Party and other anti-government movements. However, despite public and international pressure the military regime seems unlikely to fall anywhere in the near future. After the international community rallied against the SLORC the People’s Republic of China, seeing an opportunity to solidify it’s influence in the region, began sending both military and civil aid packages to the new government. In July 1989, the BCP headquarters in Panghsang was stormed by mutineers, and the senior leadership of the party was forced to flee into India, seeking refuge and aid from the USSR. The United States, although hostile to the military regime of Myanmar has condemned our actions as unnecessarily provocative.

(Maria Kalinina in the 2006 move "Stay Alive")

In a court ruling, it was found that the Moscow Beauty Contest was not illegal, and it was publicly declared in TASS as in line with socialist ideals. Maria Kalinina was allowed to emigrate to the USA, where she attended acting school, starring in several Hollywood productions. An article in Pravda was published, praising the braveness of the young women who participated in the contest and stressing the importance of bodily autonomy in the struggle for international women’s liberation. Conservative publications grumbled over the outcome of the court ruling, and protested the resolutions of Pravda and TASS, however they remained mainly quiet. Another Moscow Beauty Contest is to be held next year, and other organisations have begun to organise their own celebrations of “bodily liberation.” An all-Union Komsomol Beauty contest is set to take place in 1990.

The USSR opted to loosen restrictions on foreign businesses within the USSR.
After intense negotiation with foreign business interests, it was decided that Special Economic Zones (SEZs) would be set up in Odessa, Vladivostok, Kaliningrad, and Sevastopol. Leningrad was initially to join these SEZs however after intense opposition from it’s New-Left dominated bodies it was dropped from the list. In these SEZs companies would be exempt from many of the more radical demands of Soviet law, such as participation in the planned economy, as well as receiving many benefits such as reduced taxes and tariffs. The requirement for party members on boards of directors was also removed nationwide, however companies were still required to allow their workers to participate in the Soviet system. Tariffs were also strengthened for foreign companies operating outside the SEZs, but only on select industries such as IT. Foreign companies were relatively satisfied by these changes, and the first manufacturing firms are beginning to appear not only in SEZs but inside industrially rich areas of the Union such as the Donbass and Stalingrad, however these non-SEZ expansions are limited to raw resource extraction and heavy industry. The debates in managing and regulating foreign businesses also brought many issues left unaddressed by previous economic reforms to the forefront, such as the merged civilian-military sector, the overbearance of Gosplan, and more. However, none of these issues were resolved effectively, with far-left and far-right elements crashing once again in their battle between markets and planning. With the radical left even wishing for an expansion of military-civilian cooperation, something the Reformist and Liberal wings considered poison to the USSR economic prospects.

In another round of political reform, the CPSU put forward new legislation on the right to assembly. Formalising an official process for political organisations to organise protests and other demonstrations. Political bodies will now be required to notify local party bodies at least two weeks in advance of their planned activities, demonstrations will still be subject to laws on anti-Soviet propaganda, with violations resulting in heavy fines and even jail time depending on the severity of the offence. Both Liberal and Radical-left publications lamented the new regulations, accusing the legislation of reinforcing dogmatism, however dissent does not leave the printing press and the majority of the population remains happy.

 

[Altlov]

(The body of Emperor Shōwa is carried to its tomb)

The State Funeral of Emperor Shōwa (Hirohito) was held on the 24th February 1989. It put an end to a monumental period in Japanese history – the Shōwa Era – which was marked by both Japan’s ascent and decline as a world power. At the beginning of his reign, Shōwa presided over a militaristic and authoritarian Japanese Empire, emboldened by its conquest of Russian and German colonies in Asia. A decade after his accession Japan would invade China, using the staged Mukden Incident as justification for its actions, an act that Shōwa sponsored personally. The Japanese government, and subsequently Emperor Shōwa himself, made every effort to portray the invasion of China as an ‘Incident’ rather than an invasion as to not have international laws regulate Japan’s military conduct. Shōwa personally issued orders to utilise chemical weapons multiple times during the conflict and also issued a decree authorising the expansion of the infamous Unit 731, whose brutality is often compared to, or even claimed to exceed, the German SS units. In the aftermath of the Second World War and Japan’s defeat, Emperor Shōwa was forced by US occupation forces to publicly declare his humanity, denouncing his own divinity, the basis of Imperial rule in Japan since 660 BC, that the Imperial house was descended from the sun goddess Amaterasu, and that the Emperor was her incarnation. In the post-war period, Emperor Shōwa was reduced to little more than a figurehead. He often made appearances at public events and performed in the roles of a constitutional monarch; however, he held no real power.


At 9:35 AM a black hearse carrying the body of Emperor Shōwa left the Imperial Palace, accompanied by a sixty car procession, for the two-mile drive to Shinjuku Gyoen Garden, where all Japanese Emperors had been interned since Emperor Taishō. Over 800,000 spectators lined the route of the procession, and 32,000 special police officers were mobilised for the event. Upon arrival to Shinjuku Gyoen Garden, the Emperor was interned in his coffin, and the funeral rites were conducted. After the rites were complete, the state funeral began. A minute of silence was held across Japan, after which a eulogy was delivered, and foreign delegations were allowed to pay their respects at the altar. Both US President George H.W Bush and Soviet General Secretary Romanov attended the state funeral of Emperor Shōwa. The attendance of General Secretary Romanov was a shock to the Western world, the USSR and Japan, while growing closer over the past decade, were still greatly at odds with each other, especially over the disputed Kuril Islands. General Secretary Romanov was the only head of state from a socialist nation to attend the funeral and many nations of the Eastern Bloc, such as Romania, refused outright to send delegates. Japanese-Soviet relations warmed considerably after the event; however, the Japanese government maintained their position that no official cooperation with the USSR could take place until the issue of the Kuril Islands was firmly resolved.

The Eurovision Song Contest 1989 was held on the 6th May 1989 in the Palais de Beaulieu, Lausanne, Switzerland. Organised by the European Broadcasting Union (EBU) and the Swiss Broadcasting Corporation (SRG SSR). The winner of the contest was Yugoslavia, with their hit song “Rock Me” composed by Yugoslavian songwriter Rajko Dujmić, written by Stevo Cvikić and performed by Yugoslavian band Riva. This was Yugoslavia’s first contest victory in their twenty-five years competing in the competition, and it brought international attention to Yugoslav artists and the developing rock music scene in the country. “Rock Me” was also popularised by the contest victory, and it quickly became a hit in the Eastern Bloc. The popularity of the music as well as a rapidly developing interest in western music within the USSR led to renewed interest within the USSR in Eurovision, as well as the now defunct Intervision, a communist alternative held sporadically in the Eastern Bloc.

The Letter of the Six was an open letter addressed to Nicolae Ceaușescu signed by six former high-ranking members of the Romanian Communist Party in March 1989. These six were: Gheorghe Apostol, Alexandru Bârlădeanu, Silviu Brucan, Corneliu Mănescu, Constantin Pîrvulescu and Grigore Răceanu. The six politicians had met in early 1988 in a Bucharest park to discuss a united initiative against Romanian communist leader Nicolae Ceaușescu. They continued to meet in secret, in parks and public places to avoid surveillance by the Romanian secret police – the Securitate. In his memoirs, Silviu Brucan claimed that he had come up with the initiative, and alongside Apostol began conspiring against Ceaușescu. Their plan was to write an open letter to Ceaușescu, denouncing his leadership and calling for his resignation. Despite this initial plan, it became quickly apparent to the six that they would not be able to gather enough signatures to threaten Ceaușescu, and Bârlădeanu later claimed that Brucan acted alone, that the other five signatories had pulled out their support months before, and that they did not want Brucan to gather support from western nations. Regardless, Brucan visited the embassy of the United States, and secured permission from the Romanian government to visit the USA in June 1988. The US Department of State was enthusiastic about the idea and advised him to publish it after returning to Romania. After receiving support from the US government, Brucan then travelled to the United Kingdom, giving talks at Oxford and the Royal Military Academy Sandhurst, as well as having meetings at the British Foreign Office to discuss British support for his plan. Finally, Brucan travelled to Moscow to meet Minister of Foreign Affairs Mikhail Gorbachev, in an hour-long meeting, where Brucan received assurances that should Brucan and his co-conspirators succeed in rallying the Romanian Communist Party against Ceaușescu, the USSR would not intervene. Upon his return from Moscow, Brucan was arrested by the Securitate at the border, however he was let go. The Letter of the Six was broadcasted on Radio Free Europe, BBC Radio, and the Voice of America. Addressed to Ceaușescu, it was a left-wing critique of his policies and his government and compared Romania’s economic situation to Africa. Immediately after it’s publication, all six of the letter’s signatories were arrested by the Securitate and were denounced as foreign agents.

(Protesters gather on Rustaveli Avenue, demanding the restoration of the Georgian Democratic Republic)

The April 9th Tragedy, or the April 9th Massacre, refers to the police handling of a protest-turned-riot in Tbilisi, Georgia, 1989. In the previous years, the various independence and nationalist groups found across the USSR had emerged from the shadows and became an established political force, thanks to the political reforms of General Secretary Romanov. 1988 especially saw a surge in anti-Soviet political activity, as new reforms allowed for the creation of recognised political organisations outside of the CPSU, as well as formalised processes for them to organise demonstrations. One of the major Georgian nationalist organisations – the Georgian Unity League (GUL) took advantage of new demonstration reforms to organise a protest in the early days of April, however they could not come to an agreement with local authorities on the duration of the protest, as local authorities refused to allow them to protest for more than a week, nor to protest along central streets, fearing disruption to city infrastructure. Regardless, the GUL went ahead with its plans to protest. On the morning of April 4th, thousands of Georgians gathered on Rustaveli Avenue, the man thoroughfare of Tbilisi, to protest against “Soviet occupation”. Despite the demonstration’s illegal nature, authorities did not disperse the protesters, fearing igniting a riot. By April 9th, the protests had grown to seven-thousand strong and were becoming more tense by the hour, despite the best efforts of the authorities to contain the demonstration without using force the situation had become untenable. On the morning of April 9th, at 3:45AM, local militsiya accompanied by contingents of the Soviet Armed Forces, established a cordon around the area of demonstration with orders to disperse the protesters by any means necessary. It would later be claimed that protesters had attacked first with rocks and metal chains, however accounts vary. The government forces, allegedly in response to this aggression, attacked the protesters with batons and in the case of the military, spades. One of the victims, a sixteen year old girl, tried to run away from the advancing police and military, but was chased down and beaten to death. Her body was dragged from the scene from her mother, who was also seriously wounded. The attack was recorded on video by locals from the balcony of a nearby building and was widely spread in the aftermath of the incident. CS gas was also used against fleeing protesters, which in severe causes caused permanent paralysis or even death from respiratory problems. The stampede of escaping protesters following the attack killed a further nineteen people, autopsies conducted later concluded that, with the exception of one, all had died by suffocation compounded by the use of CS gas. The sheer brutality of the protest’s suppression, as well as the cruelty and malice displayed by members of the Soviet Armed Forces in pursuing protesters shocked the world.


The United Front of Burmese Peoples (UFBP) was a political alliance founded between the Burmese Communist Party and the National Democratic Front on May 4th 1989. The National Democratic Front (NDF) was a splinter group from the socialist National Democratic United Front (NDUF), a merger of the communist BCP and the ethnic interest Karen National Union (KNU). The KNU and the BCP were originally enemies, as the BCP regarded the KNU as ethnic reactionaries aimed at destabilising Burma for bourgeois interests, however, overtime the KNU slowly shifted towards Maoist ideology, isolating it from it’s former allies. In 1959 a military alliance was formed between the two in the form of the NDUF, which later came to include other parties as well as the KNU and BCP, such as the New Mon State Party (NMSP). The NDUF lasted until 1976, when KNU broke away from the BCP to form the aforementioned National Democratic Front (NDF). The NDUF had been plagued with infighting from its conception, especially on the issue of ethnic autonomies for Burma’s various peoples, with the BCP wishing to establish a unitary Burmese state, and the KNU wishing to implement federalism. In the wake of the 8888 uprising, with Soviet support secured, the BCP again reached out to its former comrades in the NDF to form a united front against the ruling military council. The establishment of the UFBP also included the formation of a common armed wing, as the forces of the NDF and other ethnic resistance groups were folded into the communist People’s Liberation Army (PLA). Shipments of weapons from the USSR have already arrived in UFBP forward bases in India, and it seems a new armed campaign will begin in the near future.

 

[Altlov]

(A now-famous image of a Chinese man attempting to block a tank convoy leaving Tiananmen Square on June 5th 1989. Despite popular claim, the man was not run over by the tanks, rather he was pulled away by unidentified figures, either Chinese police or concerned bystanders.)

The Tiananmen Square Protests, also known as the June 4th Incident or the Tiananmen Square Massacre were a series of student-led demonstrations that occurred from late April to early June 1989, culminating in martial law and the deployment of troops to quell the protests. According to the Chinese government, in the aftermath of military action up to 300 protesters were killed, in addition to 23 members of the PLA and People’s Armed Police, a heavily disputed figure. Amnesty International put the death toll at 700-1,000, whilst some Western diplomats in China claimed as many as 10,000 civilians had died.

Protests began in China as early as April 15th, in the wake of the death of Hu Yaobang. Hu Yaobang was General Secretary of the Chinese Communist Party from 1982-1987, where he gained the reputation of a radical reformer. At one point when asked which of Mao Zedong’s theories were desirable for a reformed China, he replied: “I think, none.” Hu’s liberal tendencies were too much for the Party however and in 1987 Hu was ousted by a clique of conservative reformers, led by Deng Xiaoping, who was appointed as the new General Secretary. Hu was widely popular amongst the liberal and reformist wings of the Chinese students, and his forced resignation was apparent to all, when Hu Yaobang suddenly died of a heart attack in April 1989 many suspected that he had been assassinated by the Chinese government. Immediately after his death Chinese students began organising public eulogies and putting up posters praising Hu’s policies, these gatherings however rapidly grew into political dissent, with eulogies taking the form of discussion groups and posters beginning to cover broader issues such as corruption, freedom of the press and more. Over the coming days gatherings began to form around Tiananmen Square public places to mourn Hu Yaobang and honour his legacy. By April 17th over 4,000 students had gathered outside Tiananmen Square and their mourning rapidly grew into a protest, in the following hours they drafted a list of demands to the Government, “the Seven Demands”, these were:

1.Affirm Hu Yaobang's views on democracy and freedom as correct.
2. Admit that the campaigns against spiritual pollution and bourgeois liberalization had been wrong. 3. Publish information on the income of state leaders and their family members.
4. Allow privately run newspapers and stop press censorship.
5. Increase funding for education and raise intellectuals' pay.
6. End restrictions on demonstrations in Beijing. Provide objective coverage of students in official media.

The Chinese police forces responded to the incident, however they did not attempt to break the gathering, instead they established a cordon around the Square and waited for the protesters to leave of their own accord. By April 20th most had, with only 200 students remaining, who were quickly dispersed by Chinese police using batons, the situation appeared resolved, however in truth it had only began. Hu Yaobang’s state funeral took place on April 22nd, which took place on Tiananmen Square in the Great Hall of the People, was attended by over 100,000 Chinese students who disobeyed orders that the Square was closed and gathered outside the Hall. The previous day these students had organised into the Beijing Student’s Autonomous Federation (Also known as “The Union”) led by three students, most notable of them being Zhou Yongjun. Zhou broke through the police barrier around the Great Hall and demanded that Premier Li Peng leave the Great Hall and address the masses of students that had gathered to protest the Government, however he was met with no response. Elsewhere in China, riots had already broken out in Xi’an and Changsha, despite pleas from his advisors to stay and address the protests, General Secretary Zhao Ziyang left for a scheduled visit to North Korea, this left Premier Li Peng as the acting executive in Beijing. Li Peng immediately took a hardline stance against the protests, having the official state newspaper issuing a front-page editorial titled "It is necessary to take a clear-cut stand against disturbances.” The article addressed the protests as being an anti-communist and anti-government revolt and invoked language similar to that of the Cultural Revolution, this enraged students, who quickly gave up any illusions of peacefully convincing the government.

(Maoist hardliners assemble on Tiananmen Square, they would frequently fight with the pro-democracy reformers that initially led the protest, and the two would often clash physically over which group got to use the few megaphones they had.)

Over the following months the situation would drastically escalate, with lower PLA and party officials even taking part in the demonstrations. By mid-May over a million people had gathered in Beijing and similar demonstrations were occurring in cities across the country. By this point the government had completely lost control, and on the 17th May during a Politburo meeting government officials seriously discussed the topic of martial law. The hardliners, spearheaded by Deng Xiaoping, insisted that "There is no way to back down now without the situation spiralling out of control” […] "the decision is to move troops into Beijing to declare martial law.” Zhao Ziyang refused to commit to any action however, saying he could not bring himself to declare martial law and that the situation was now ultimately in Deng’s hands. Yang Shangkun, Vice Chairmen of the Central Military Commission, used his authority to mobilise the military and send forces to secure the capital. Two days later martial law was declared across China, protesters initially resisted the entry of troops, attacking them with stones and other projectiles, however they were quickly beaten back. At the same time the protest was beginning to lose coordination, whilst it had initially been led by pro-democracy reformers, it had by now swelled to encompass almost every sector of anti-government politics, including Hardline Maoists, Orthodox Marxists, Nationalists and more. Tiananmen Square itself was overcrowded and was facing serious hygiene problems, as well as fighting over resources. Leaders of the protest, fearing the impending arrival of the Military, attempted to withdraw from the Square and re-group at the University, however they were resisted by hardliners who wanted to hold the Square. By June 2nd the Military had firmly established control over the country and had already dispersed riots in other cities, however they held off on assaulting the demonstrators at Tiananmen Square. The protesters, enraged by the government’s actions and agitated by the worsening conditions at the square suspected that a military assault was imminent, and that the military had already infiltrated the protest area as pedestrians, which was confirmed when protesters were found with military equipment and maps. Student leaders gave emergency orders to set up roadblocks and erect barricades to halt the military’s advance. The protesters also engaged in several skirmishes with military forces awaiting orders to storm the Square, seizing hundreds of rifles and machine guns in the process, Military vehicles bringing arms and supplies into the capital were also ambushed by protesters. Student leaders attempted to stop these attacks, fearing they would provoke the Government into taking violent action against the now-armed protesters, however many though otherwise, Chai Ling – a pro-democracy figure who pushed for attacks on the military– stated: "What we actually are hoping for is bloodshed, the moment when the government is ready to brazenly butcher the people. Only when the Square is awash with blood will the people of China open their eyes." Many troops were set upon by protesters, some of which were beaten to death, at an intersection outside the Square the corpses of soldiers were stripped naked and hung from lampposts.

(The remains of a burnt APC on Tiananmen Square)

No matter what the opinions of the student leaders were on the attacks on the military however, they succeeded in provoking the government to action. Mere hours after the first reports of attacks on soldiers, Deng Xiaoping gave the order that the Square was to be seized by “all possible methods.” On June 3rd at 8PM, the 38th Army, led by Commander Zhang Meiyuan, began to advance towards the Square from the South. At 9PM they approached, and attempted to break through, a barricade set up by student protesters. Rather than immediately resorting to military force, initially riot police armed with rubber bullets and tear gas attempted to break through, however they were quickly forced back by a barrage of rocks, bricks, and bottles. After an hour of failed attempts, riot police units were pulled back, and the military was brought in. Officers pleaded the protesters to disperse using megaphones, and when that failed, they tried to force them back using stun grenades, all measures failed. Finally, at 10:30PM, the military opened fire with live ammunition. APCs smashed through the hastily constructed barricades, killing some protesters in the process. The protesters, shocked that the military was using live ammunition, immediately dispersed. Over the following hours military forces advanced from all sides on the Square, accounts of the violence that followed greatly vary, with US embassy staff claiming they saw Chinese tanks and APCs run over protesters and fire shots into nearby apartment buildings, with others claiming that no violence occurred at all outside of the initial skirmishes. On the early morning of June 4th, the first PLA APC arrived at the Square, it was attacked by protesters with Molotov cocktails and immobilised with traffic dividers, before being covered with petrol-doused blankets and set alight, soldiers attempting to escape from the burning wreckage were killed. Some students attempted to restrain the crowds, providing protection to the soldiers, however they were quickly overwhelmed, their fates vary according to source. According to Larry Wortzel, a US military intelligence officer at the US Embassy, the demonstrators attacked the APCs and other military units with “clearly rehearsed and practiced swarming tactics” and that the burning of the first APC “appeared to have sparked the shooting that followed.” At 1:30PM troops had consolidated control over the entrances to the Square, and an announcement was given to the protesters with loudspeakers:

“A severe counterrevolutionary riot has broken out in the capital tonight. Rioters have savagely attacked soldiers of the PLA, have stolen their weapons and burned their vehicles, have erected roadblocks, and have kidnapped officers and soldiers [...] Citizens and students must evacuate the Square immediately so that martial law troops can successfully carry out their mission. We cannot guarantee the safety of violators, who will be solely responsible for any consequences.”

After the announcement most of the protesters began to leave, and by 2AM there were only a few thousand demonstrators left, most of them loyal to Chai Ling. By this point the leaders of the protest had also lost faith, with every one of them save for Chai Ling wishing to negotiate with the troops. A student leader – Hou Deijan - addressed the remaining protesters by megaphone, urging them to surrender their rifles and leave with him to surrender to government troops. At 3:45AM, Hou Deijan met with Ji Xinguo, a regimental political commissar, and requested that the army give time for the protesters to evacuate and open up a path to allow them to leave orderly. Xinguo relayed this request to Martial Law Headquarters, who agreed to the student’s request. Military officers called for an evacuation and announced on loudspeakers: "Students, we appreciate that you will leave the Square voluntarily. Students, please leave in the southeastern direction." At 5AM, after giving time for the cooperating students to leave, the PLA turned on spotlights onto the Square and began to advance onto the remaining demonstrators, led by Chai Ling, the demonstrators fiercely resisted the PLA’s assault, killing several soldiers, but were ultimately all arrested or killed. Chai Ling managed to escape in the chaos, fleeing Beijing and ultimately escaping to France.

In the following days, the PLA began to reassert control over other parts of the city and arrested the few protesters who had been outside the Square during their assault, one of these protesters was the now-famous “Tank Man”, an unidentified Chinese Man who blocked a column of Type-59 PLA tanks as they were leaving Tiananmen Square, the incident was filmed and widely dispersed among Western media. As the tanks came to a stop in front of the man the lead tank attempted to drive around him, however the man stepped into its path again, after repeated attempts to drive around him the lead tank simply stopped, which the man took advantage of to climb atop the tank, and call into the ports of the tank. The tank commander briefly emerged from his hatch to converse with the man, and after a short conversation the man leapt off the tank and began walking away, after which the tanks restarted their engines. However, at that point the man ran back into the way of the tanks and obstructed their path once more, after this the man was pulled away by two men, who were either Chinese police or concerned bystanders depending on the source. In April 1998 Time magazine included “The Unknown Rebel” (The Tank Man) as one of the 100 most influential people in the 20th century.

The Soviet government refused to acknowledge accusations of police brutality in the April 9th Incident in Tbilisi, instead blaming it on the excessive actions of certain individuals. Immediately after the events of April 9th the KGB was ordered to root through the rank and file of the Militsiya and Military forces present on the night, identifying any individuals who could be held reponsbile for excessive violence, manipulative tactics or otherwise. In the end 36 men were convicted, alongside one woman, were found responsible for gross misconduct in carrying out their duties on April 9th. In addition, Colonel Igor Rodionov, a Russian-born military officer, and Commander of the Transcaucasian Military District was also held liable for his poor handling of the situation. He was dismissed from his post and demoted to the rank of Private, a traditional punishment in the Soviet Armed Forces for officers who commit egregious breaches of conduct or otherwise shame the Red Army. Political leaders of the Georgian Unity League (GUL) were also arrested for anti-Soviet propaganda, inciting a riot, breach of peace, manslaughter, and many other crimes. Examples were made of both government and dissenter figures.

The following year, an investigation would officially be held on the conduct of the Militsiya on April 9th, 1989. It found that despite the best efforts of the Soviet Militsiya, excesses were not only present on that terrible night in Tbilisi but were even commonplace in the handling of riots and other civil disturbances in the USSR. The usage of military forces in handling riots, who more often than not treated rioters as an opposing military force to be destroyed then fellow, if misguided, comrades. To remedy this terrible error, the investigative commission recommended a list of reforms to be made to Soviet policing, these being:

1) To immediately end the practice of deploying military forces to deal with civil disturbances except in the most severe of cases, drawing on the example of Tiananmen Square.

2) To organise new specialist classes within Militsiya units on the appropriate handling of aggressive crowds, aiming to minimise violence as much as possible.

3) To investigate and implement new non-violent means of crowd control such as the usage of mobile barriers to push back and redirect crowds of people, water cannons, cavalry and more.

4) To avoid the use of tear gas in crowded areas, which in the April 9th Tragedy resulted in tear gas being used with enough frequency in a enclosed space to cause asphyxiation and trampling.

5) The mass introduction of CCTV systems, as has begun in the West, to better monitor and predict demonstrations, as well as the conduct of Militsiya.

6) To increase the use of loudspeakers to demoralise protesters and to conduct negotiations with protest leaders.


The USSR resolved not to apply to the Eurovision Song Contest 1990, instead deciding to revive the defunct Intervision, to be held exclusively amongst socialist countries from across the world. The contest is to be held in Moscow in August 1990, and is expected to be attended by more than 15 nations: including Yugoslavia, China, Cuba, Vietnam, and even some western nations such as Canada, Sweden, and Belgium. Already several bands have been pre-selected for the USSR’s act, with newly famous rock bands such as Kino, Zemlyane becoming fast favourites.


The 1989 Greek legislative election was held on June 18th of that year, and saw the victory of the socialist PASOK party, forming a coalition with the left-wing political alliance Synaspismos. PASOK had been the ruling party of Greece since 1981. In their campaign for the 1981 election, they had presented themselves as the candidate for neutrality, promising to withdraw from NATO and the EEC, however they were forced to shy away from these promises by outside influence as well as popular opposition at home. Throughout the 1980s the PASOK maintained their popularity, delivering on several key reforms such as the secularisation of marriage, granting of state pensions to resistance fighters and the creation of a universal healthcare system. Nonetheless by 1988 the party and its leaders had been wracked by corruption scandals, as well as impending economic downturn. Nonetheless, with support from the Soviet Union in the form of financial payments, as well as KGB interference within the election process, the PASOK managed to come out as the foremost party in the 1989 election, with 43% of the popular vote to its rival party’s – New Democracy – 40%. Although PASOK did not receive enough votes to form a majority government, it had good relations with the left-wing political alliance – Synaspismos, a merger of the Pro-Soviet Greek Communist Party (KKE) and the Eurocommunist Greek Left, and the two formed a coalition government, the first Greek government to ever include the Communist Party. The new government, further pushed to action by the inclusion of the communists, immediately resolved to withdraw from both NATO and the EEC. A referendum on continued EEC membership is to be held in December 1989, and the country is to officially withdraw from NATO in June 1990, although NATO forces have already begun leaving the country in what is a serious victory for the Eastern Bloc. Western governments have already denounced the actions of the Greek Republic, with Margaret Thatcher stating:

“The withdrawal from NATO and the EEC not only jeopardizes the security of the Greek people but also undermines the principles of freedom and democracy that originated in the very same country. It is a grave misstep from a people withered by socialism, that will cast a shadow over the proud history of Greece.”

Elsewhere in Europe, legislative elections were held in Ireland on June 15th which saw the communist Worker’s Party seize 5 seats from Labour in a shock display, becoming the third largest party in the Dáil. The Labour Party had been plagued with infighting since November last year, when their leader, Dick Spring suddenly and unexpectedly died of an unknown illness. The Worker’s Party was also propelled by government cuts to healthcare and other social services. Although the Worker’s Party did not come even close to forming a government, nor being included in a Government coalition thanks to their radical views, it’s victory in the 1989 election firmly established itself as the Party of the working classes and marked the beginning of the end for the Labour Party, which failed to provide any significant opposition to the government in an absence of party unity.

The USSR decided to quietly support the Romanian government in their actions against dissenters in the party. Although the USSR supported the Letter of the Six and gave assurances to Brucan, the letter proved to be a colossal failure, gathering no support from within a party cowed by the Romanian Securitate. The USSR, not wishing to openly confront Ceaușescu diplomatically or otherwise, was forced to abandon Brucan and his allies and instead to bide it’s time for another chance to topple Ceaușescu, although with the situation in Romania becoming increasingly severe, it seems it will not have to wait long.

On May June 14th the digitalisation of Soviet banking began, as the first VISA and MasterCard cards were issued to Soviet citizens by Sberbank, the USSR’s sole consumer bank. The introduction of the new cards will constitute a key phase of the ‘SovCard’ program, which aims to fully digitalise the Soviet banking system by the year 1996. SovCard will be the first, and only, VISA card to be distributed within the USSR, as part of a larger plan to replace traditional checkbooks and paper currency with digitalised accounts. In June Sberbank issued SovCards to 5,000 Soviet citizens across the USSR, who will be able to withdraw up to 250 rubles from their local branches every week. Debit cards have been accepted in the USSR since 1974, but only for foreign tourists as part of an official agreement with Intourist, the USSR’s official foreign tourism agency. As part of the SovCard plan however new VISA payment systems are to be introduced in stores across the USSR, and Sberbank is to cooperate with Finnish cooperative bank Okobank to see the SovCard accepted internationally. VISA and Sberbank issued a joint statement, saying that in the next 6 months users of the SovCard will be able to make payments in Moscow stores and restaurants digitally, with new point-of-sale terminals to be introduced across the city.

 

[Altlov]

Comrades i have very unfortunate news.

When i accepted @panpiotr's offer to continue this TL i had only just started college, had plenty of free time and ample financial support which meant my work hours didn't get in the way of writing. Over the past few months this has turned on it's head, i've been overloaded with schoolwork, exams are just around the corner, my living costs have increased and the price of my commute has tripled. I also lost a good friend of mine in December, which has affected my motivation to work severely, after coming home from work i barely feel like cooking, nevermind writing. I'm truly sorry to say this, but i don't think i can continue making updates to this story weekly anymore, and i'm putting it on an indefinite hiatus. This doesn't mean i'm abandoning it, i still have plenty of plans for this TL and i want to see it through, but i want to do it when i'm in a better fianancial and mental state, right now i want to focus on my studies, and hopefully i'll be able to return to writing after my exams, but right now i need to stop. Thank you for understanding, and i really am sorry, i haven't been happy with the pace of my updates since the beginning and this feels like an additional failure.

Until i see you again : )

Altlov