A True October Surprise (A Wikibox TL)

love the UK update


just one thing though, I cant see how Maudling could be tory leader, as the poulson scandal will inevitably blow up


Willie Whitelaw would be the obvious choice to lead the tories to victory in '75, or maybe Edward du Cann if you want an unorthodox choice
 
love the UK update


just one thing though, I cant see how Maudling could be tory leader, as the poulson scandal will inevitably blow up


Willie Whitelaw would be the obvious choice to lead the tories to victory in '75, or maybe Edward du Cann if you want an unorthodox choice

The Poulson scandal is only rumbling as of 1975. Just wait until it breaks.
 
The Poulson scandal is only rumbling as of 1975. Just wait until it breaks.

I can see, or think I can see, where your going, but its implausible

the Poulson scandal broke because he became bankrupt, so had to reveal all of his financial dealings in bankruptcy hearings. This was in 1972. That's not going to be butterflied away by a few years just because Humphrey wins in the US.

much more plausible to have Maudling become tory leader in 1970 after heath, then be forced to resign in 1972 over the poulson scandal. Then have Whitelaw (or du Cann) succeed him as leader.
 
I can see, or think I can see, where your going, but its implausible

the Poulson scandal broke because he became bankrupt, so had to reveal all of his financial dealings in bankruptcy hearings. This was in 1972. That's not going to be butterflied away by a few years just because Humphrey wins in the US.

much more plausible to have Maudling become tory leader in 1970 after heath, then be forced to resign in 1972 over the poulson scandal. Then have Whitelaw (or du Cann) succeed him as leader.

Fine. Changed.
 
Part 8: United Kingdom general election, 1979
...Whitelaw's term in office was, like his predecessors', a difficult one. Intransigent trade unions had called for intermittent strikes following the government's first budget, which slashed domestic spending in an effort to curb inflation and the deficit. Despite the union leaders eventually conceding in 1977, the government had lost quite a bit of political capital and caused alarm among backbenchers elected in marginal constituencies or former Liberal strongholds.

Northern Ireland, having enjoyed a spell of calm in the middle of the decade, fell back into chaotic violence after the Provisional IRA bombed a police station and Orange Order lodge in (London)Derry following the suspicious death of an outspoken Republican in police custody, allegedly by an officer with ties to the Ulster Defence Force.

By the time Whitelaw called for new elections, the political scene had again changed. Labour had elected Michael Foot to replace Callaghan and a combination of the ascendance of the left-wing of the party and Foot's own inability to translate dissatisfaction with the direction Britain was going into gains at the polls led to a half-dozen moderate Labour MPs to join with several former Liberals to create the centrist Democratic Party in 1978. The Democrats, targeting former Liberal safeholds as well as marginal constituencies from both parties, did not do nearly as well as the newspapers had predicted, but combined with the nationalist parties' rebounds in Scotland and Wales as well as Northern Ireland's seats being held by NI-only parties, led to a near-tie between the Conservatives and Labour in the Commons.

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Whitelaw, following his return to office, attempted to solidify his new government by forming a coalition with the Democrats and the Ulster Unionists. But Democratic leader David Steel's insistence on implementing electoral reform in a hypothetical government led to negotiations going nowhere and the Conservatives ruling as a minority for a few months before Whitelaw called for a new election in January 1980.
 
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Part 9: Canadian federal election, 1979
...By 1979, Pierre Trudeau and his government had become deeply unpopular. Ballooning budget deficits, steady rate of inflation and lackluster employment numbers became the albatross around the neck of the Liberals, who had been in charge for the last 16 years, 11 of them under Trudeau. The prime minister himself had lost a great deal of popularity and the poor economic conditions alongside the continuing drama with Quebec and its increasing independentist sentiment, characterized by the victory of the Parti Québécois in Quebec's 1977 provincial election.

The Progressive Conservatives had done an about-face after Stanfield had resigned in the wake of the 1974 defeat, selecting right-wing Albertan Jack Horner to be their new leader in a crowded leadership race. Horner was a perfect foil to Trudeau: an English-speaking, Albertan farmer compared to the French-speaking Quebecois professor. The election looked like it would be extremely polarizing and indeed it was: the PCs won the popular vote by only 35,000 votes out of 11.5 million cast.

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Horner won a workable majority, and the New Democratic Party returned with a vengeance, more than doubling their caucus as a result of Liberal disaffection and swing voters. The Social Credit Party gained seats, but effectively ran as a single-vote party on the issue of independentism in Quebec. The party would dissolve between elections as a result of vicious infighting between those who approved of the independentist change and those who didn't, with a majority of their MPs choosing to sit as independents.
 
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Part 10: Papal conclave, 1978
...After a fifteen-year papacy, Paul VI died after a heart attack, having been plagued by ill health for much of the last year of his life. The College of Cardinals, upon meeting in August, attempted to find another papal nominee who could walk the same line that the late holy father had: allowing the Church to modernize while at the same time staying faithful enough to the traditional roots of Catholic thought. A compromise candidate was sought to balance the needs of the liberal and conservative factions of the College of Cardinals, and in the end, the college chose Prefect of the Congregation of Bishops Sebastiano Baggio as the new pope.

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Baggio would take the name Pius XIII, and become one of the most popular popes in recent memory. Pius XIII would largely eschew formulating new dogma and interpreting Vatican doctrine and instead shift the church's focus to increasing attention to the developing world, greater emphasis on good deeds and charity and in keeping the church relevant as the 21st century loomed ever closer.
 
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Part 11: United States presidential election, 1980
During Bush's term, it was widely assumed that President Muskie, with his remaining appeal across the disparate Democratic factions, would run again in 1980. However, the former president made it clear following the 1978 midterms that he would not run. Speculation briefly turned to former Vice President Byrd, but Byrd's previous membership in the Ku Klux Klan and his past votes against civil rights legislation ended any serious discussion of him running and Byrd ruled himself out only a month after Muskie did.

The Democratic nomination thus was open for the first time since 1960. Candidates across the political spectrum, from South Dakota Senator George McGovern (representing the progressive, dovish of the party) to New York Congresswoman Shirley Chisholm to Minnesota Senator Walter Mondale (President Humphrey's political protege and political heir apparent) to Alabama Governor George Wallace (in his final presidential bid) crowded in for the chance to correct what they regarded as an aberration from perpetual Democratic control of the White House.

Since the chaotic 1968 convention, the party had drastically refined how it chose its presidential nominee to allow the nominee to be chosen by primary voters instead of party elites like it had in the past. Primaries and caucuses with delegates awarded on a proportional basis had replaced the patchwork that allowed Humphrey to win the nomination in 1968 without running in a single primary. While the 1972 and 1976 primaries had technically been under this system, it was never really paid attention to since Humphrey and then Muskie had such an overwhelming lock on the nomination that such primaries were a formality.

But 1980 showed that, outside of McGovern (who had been on the committee that was in charge of reshaping the nominating process to be more small-d democratic), the presidential candidates had very little idea of how the system worked on their own end, with missteps by contenders like Mondale (who wrote off contending in primaries in the old Confederacy) and Florida Senator Reubin Askew (whose campaign quickly fell apart once it became apparent that Askew's name had not been entered into enough primaries following the South Carolina primary to mathematically be able to win the nomination) causing the primary campaign to become a slow-moving train-wreck for party leaders.

McGovern, as the only primary candidate with a detailed understanding of the new process, was able to take advantage of the fractured primary landscape and quickly poach formerly pledged delegates to withdrawn candidates to be the only nominee able to get the nomination. Reluctantly, the other candidates withdrew in the name of party unity and McGovern became the nominee. He chose Askew as his running mate, hoping to appeal to offset his image as a liberal dove with a southern moderate on the ticket.

McGovern, for all the "Humphrey Democrats" disliked him, came out swinging in the general election. He hammered Bush on the president's push to create an international stabilization force for Iran, playing on the public's post-Vietnam skittishness to becoming involved militarily abroad, with the DNC printing bumper stickers saying "'Khuzestan' is Arabic for 'Vietnam'". The president also was hit with questions surrounding his cabinet, after Secretary Nixon was implicated in a scandal surrounding the discrepancies between the high payment he received for speeches and the income he reported for such on his tax returns.

But Bush quickly struck back, saying McGovern would be the "peacenik-in-chief" if elected and played up his foreign policy successes, especially in China and the economic recovery that had begun under his watch. He was doubtlessly helped by organized labor choosing, for the first time since before the Great Depression, to largely sit out the presidential election campaign and not aid the Democratic nominee.

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Bush won more electoral votes than his first election in 1976 despite his margin of victory narrowing, with the overwhelming Democratic turnout in the northeast (where McGovern's anti-war views were especially popular) being largely responsible for the anomalous result. McGovern's campaign also failed spectacularly in translating an increase in the Democratic vote from 1976 into electoral votes, notably taking California, Oregon and South Dakota (McGovern's home state) as givens and then watching in shock as Bush won all three after an especially strong push on the west coast by the Republican ticket in October and McGovern lost his senate race (that he was running for in addition to the presidency) to conservative Congressman James Abdnor.
 
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Very good. I don't know why but Bush kind of looks funny in the picture, like he's not sure if he should be smiling or not. Or maybe faking a laugh?
 
The Democratic nomination thus was open for the first time since 1960. Candidates across the political spectrum, from South Dakota Senator George Wallace (representing the progressive, dovish of the party).



I think you mean George McGovern instead of George Wallace. :p
 
Very good. I don't know why but Bush kind of looks funny in the picture, like he's not sure if he should be smiling or not. Or maybe faking a laugh?

He's watching Secretary Nixon's reaction to Secretary of Commerce Reagan's criticism of the current foreign policy direction ("too much equivocation when action against the Soviets is what is needed!") and the watching the former slowly get full of more and more jowly rage.

I think you mean George McGovern instead of George Wallace. :p

Er, right. Fixed.
 
He's watching Secretary Nixon's reaction to Secretary of Commerce Reagan's criticism of the current foreign policy direction ("too much equivocation when action against the Soviets is what is needed!") and the watching the former slowly get full of more and more jowly rage.



Er, right. Fixed.

Can we have a cabinet list please?
 
Can we have a cabinet list please?

Interestingly we seem to have two former Presidential nominees in Bush's cabinet.

Can we also get Johnson's opinion on Humphrey's term in office, and maybe a little coverage on him? I imagine with HHH succeeding him, Johnson is a little less nihilistic and suicidal toward the end of his life.
 
Interestingly we seem to have two former Presidential nominees in Bush's cabinet.

Can we also get Johnson's opinion on Humphrey's term in office, and maybe a little coverage on him? I imagine with HHH succeeding him, Johnson is a little less nihilistic and suicidal toward the end of his life.

No, he would be like that no matter who was in The White House. If RFK was alive and in The White House, I bet Johnson's behavior would be more nihilistic and suicidal.
 
Can we have a cabinet list please?

I'm not going to do cabinet lists of the effectively two (Muskie didn't change really any of Humphrey's cabinet around in his fourteen months as POTUS other than adding Byrd as VP) post-POD administrations because quite honestly who Bush has running the Department of Agriculture is kind of irrelevant to the TL as a whole.

Interestingly we seem to have two former Presidential nominees in Bush's cabinet.

That was more of a joke than anything.

Can we also get Johnson's opinion on Humphrey's term in office, and maybe a little coverage on him? I imagine with HHH succeeding him, Johnson is a little less nihilistic and suicidal toward the end of his life.

No, he would be like that no matter who was in The White House. If RFK was alive and in The White House, I bet Johnson's behavior would be more nihilistic and suicidal.

^ Pretty much. Johnson's post-presidency followed OTL pretty closely (as almost all of the stressors that caused him to burn out IOTL are pre-POD), and he died at the same time as OTL.

Johnson's opinion of Humphrey's presidency (that he lived through) was mixed: he liked that Humphrey kept and expanded on his (Johnson's) own programs and put his buddy Thornberry on the SC but disliked that Humphrey broke with him on Vietnam and that the New Left radicals could grow to grudgingly respect Humphrey following the withdrawal from Vietnam and yet still spit at Johnson's name when Johnson felt he had done much more for them (with his anti-poverty, civil rights and other welfare programs) than Humphrey had.
 

zookeeper

Banned
Very good. I don't know why but Bush kind of looks funny in the picture, like he's not sure if he should be smiling or not. Or maybe faking a laugh?

Bush has the am just as surprised am here as you are to see me look.
what happens to Walter Mondale here?
 
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