You know I'm surprised more people don't use Pallister in stuff. Also it's weird seeing that red bar and the word Liberal under Tom Mulcair's name, but in a good way I suppose.
Magnificent work.
Magnificent work.
A True October Surprise (A Wikibox TL)
- Thread starter lord caedus
- Start date
Interlude: Senate of Canada
The Senate of Canada has become, following the constitutional patriation, an increasingly important part of the legislative process. Following patriation, half of all seats would be appointed by the provincial premiers (although technically more seats are appointed by the federal government, owing to the prime minister being the one to advise the governor-general on whom to appoint to represent each territory), giving provinces a voice, muted as it may be, directly towards federal legislation.
Infobox depicts the Senate composition as of January 20, 2017
The change in the appointment of senators would also allow groups that would normally never have had senators under the old system of de facto prime ministerial patronage to be represented- the Union du Québéc soon became the first party to have more senators than MPs following its wipeout in the 1996 elections. The New Democratic Party, which found itself able to appoint senators as a result of its control over western provinces like Manitoba, Saskatchewan and British Columbia, faced an internal battle over whether to appoint senators and renege on the party's long-time position on Senate abolition or to leave the seats empty for years at a time and leave the provinces underrepresented in the upper chamber. The party's solution was a compromise: it allowed its provincial wings to appoint members of the NDP as "Independent New Democrats"- technically party members but who did not take marching orders from the party leadership.
While government ministers since the MacEachan ministry have grumbled that the changes and resulting diversity in Senate composition have made it more difficult to pass legislation, in truth the Senate is still subservient to the House of Commons even compared to the British House of Lords, but has in the past decade-and-a-half, become more assertive in forcing governments of the day to revise legislation or even rejecting it altogether...
Infobox depicts the Senate composition as of January 20, 2017
The change in the appointment of senators would also allow groups that would normally never have had senators under the old system of de facto prime ministerial patronage to be represented- the Union du Québéc soon became the first party to have more senators than MPs following its wipeout in the 1996 elections. The New Democratic Party, which found itself able to appoint senators as a result of its control over western provinces like Manitoba, Saskatchewan and British Columbia, faced an internal battle over whether to appoint senators and renege on the party's long-time position on Senate abolition or to leave the seats empty for years at a time and leave the provinces underrepresented in the upper chamber. The party's solution was a compromise: it allowed its provincial wings to appoint members of the NDP as "Independent New Democrats"- technically party members but who did not take marching orders from the party leadership.
While government ministers since the MacEachan ministry have grumbled that the changes and resulting diversity in Senate composition have made it more difficult to pass legislation, in truth the Senate is still subservient to the House of Commons even compared to the British House of Lords, but has in the past decade-and-a-half, become more assertive in forcing governments of the day to revise legislation or even rejecting it altogether...
So I'm guessing in this TL the First Ministers' Conferences are actually meaningful.
Thanks. Pallister does seem like one of those people who is underused in Canadian political ATLs.
Just think, if Mulcair had stayed in provincial politics, that picture+bar+party name combination could belong in an alternate 2014 Quebec election infobox.
Somewhat more than OTL but they're still largely about the provinces asking the federal government for more money, with the federal government now having a "maybe, if you decide to appoint more senators open to our line of thinking" counteroffer.
Can we at least agree he has the greatest facial hair of any Liberal PM thus far?
I can't even seen the first picture, it's one of those links that has too many characters and links to nothing.
Anyways, Alexander Mackenzie looks like he glued a porcupine onto his chin. At least Muclair looks like he grooms his facial hair instead of allow varmint to nest there.
Prime Minister Mulcair rejoices in your internal conflict. It strengthens him.
Thanks.
Part 43: Soviet Union legislative elections, 2014
By the time of the 32nd Party Congress in 2011, Alexander Rutskoy had led the Soviet Union for 12 years, the longest tenure of any Soviet leader since Leonid Brezhnev. The loss of Soviet prestige following the Bern Accords had been somewhat offset by the success of quashing ethnic conflicts in the Caucasus and the easing of the dire economic situation somewhat as a result of reduced military spending throughout most of the post-Bern period. Despite the resumption of power by hardliners following Gorbachev's ouster, the success in the Caucasus and the small improvement in the overall Soviet economy during the Rutskoy years, the General Secretary's placement at the top of the Soviet hierarchy was not viewed as stable by Kremlinologists, who believed that the party might be looking at a more collective leadership in the Chinese model and seek to replace Rutskoy with a younger man.
These predictions proved incorrect as Rutskoy presided over his third party congress as General Secretary and saw the sidelining of several possible replacements, including Rutskoy's own popular Minister of Defense Alexander Lebed, who was moved instead to run the Siberian krai of Krasnoyarsk. It seems that instead Rutskoy has consolidated his popularity among the conservative/hard-line faction that controls a majority of the Politburo and is seemingly secure at least for the near future.
The results of the 2014 legislative elections were, like all elections in communist nations, predetermined. The CPSU won roughly 70% of seats in both houses of the Supreme Soviet and "independents" were given the remainder. Many of the Communist members of the rubber stamp legislature were present for the 33rd Party Congress in 2016, where Rutskoy again presided as General Secretary. Despite being the last party congress before the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution, journalists who covered the event noted less celebration of the Marxist-Leninist system than had been present at previous party congresses and more focus on "restoring the honor of the Soviet Union"...
These predictions proved incorrect as Rutskoy presided over his third party congress as General Secretary and saw the sidelining of several possible replacements, including Rutskoy's own popular Minister of Defense Alexander Lebed, who was moved instead to run the Siberian krai of Krasnoyarsk. It seems that instead Rutskoy has consolidated his popularity among the conservative/hard-line faction that controls a majority of the Politburo and is seemingly secure at least for the near future.
The results of the 2014 legislative elections were, like all elections in communist nations, predetermined. The CPSU won roughly 70% of seats in both houses of the Supreme Soviet and "independents" were given the remainder. Many of the Communist members of the rubber stamp legislature were present for the 33rd Party Congress in 2016, where Rutskoy again presided as General Secretary. Despite being the last party congress before the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution, journalists who covered the event noted less celebration of the Marxist-Leninist system than had been present at previous party congresses and more focus on "restoring the honor of the Soviet Union"...
Thanks, but "bubble universe"? I've posted elections from 7 countries that are not the main focus of the TL (UK, Canada, Mexico, Vatican City, Iran, Yugoslavia, USSR).
Afghanistan, Pakistan, India, France and Hong Kong would be appreciated.
For the post-2010 wrap-up we're currently in, I considered making an Indian infobox but decided on another country that has only been tangentially covered ITTL since it relates more to the focus of the TL.
I've previously mentioned that I did make a French election box for the 1990s update but wasn't satisfied with it so I made the Yugoslav one instead. Maybe I'll post it sometime after I finish the TL as a kind of "look what was left on the cutting room floor" type deal.
Pakistan left the TL's focus in the 1980s following Kahuta and are overshadowed by their neighbors (India & Iran) anyways. Afghanistan is basically as notable as it was pre-1979 IOTL meaning "not at all". Finally, HK is not even a country- like OTL it's part of the PRC following a transfer from the UK.
Just out of curiosity, what is Rutskoy's OTL boss, Boris Yeltsin, up to ITTL?
But seriously, Yeltsin never really climbed up the ladder like he did ITTL (owing to Grishin being in charge of the party instead of Gorbachev from the mid-80s to early-90s) and retired from politics a pretty obscure functionary except to those Kremlinologists who specialize in Russian SFSR politics. He died roughly around the same time as IOTL.
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Part 44: United Kingdom (2010-2014)
The Conservatives would be faced with a precarious situation throughout the entire 2010-2014 parliament. Never having a majority of more than three seats, the Hague ministry was often forced to resort to three-line whips on important legislation, especially related to Europe, or on the support of conservative Northern Ireland unionist parties. Hague's second term in office, in contrast to his first, would not see many many more drastic changes made to the status quo, although the government did introduce legislation that modified funding given to the devolved governments of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland to be based more on fiscal necessity than by population alone. This had the effect of reducing money to all three regions- something that resulted in the near-wipeout of the Scottish and Welsh Conservatives in those assembly's elections in 2013 and made Hague unpopular in the non-English part of the United Kingdom.
Labour had replaced Jon Cruddas with Scottish MP Jim Murphy. Murphy, unlike Cruddas, was more of an establishment figure and despite his biting criticisms of the funding reform and Hague's close relationship with US President Riley (especially as the American president's reputation began falling in Europe owing to the lobbyist scandals), he remained unable to mobilize non-English voters for a massive Labour wave that party strategists hoped would give them a victory in the general election.
Murphy's attempt was aided somewhat by the retirement of Democratic leader Malcolm Bruce in favor of Simon Hughes. Hughes became the first openly gay major party leader in British history, but this was marred by him having entered parliament in one of the nastiest by-elections in UK history that, ironically, spread homophobic innuendo about the Labour candidate and while he was facing an ethics investigation (that ended up being unfounded).
In 2014, owing to two party members resigning their seats, the Conservatives fell below the nominative threshold for a majority but still had an effective majority owing to Sinn Féin's abstentionist policy that had their seven MPs refuse to take their seats. Hague took this opportunity to call for a new election, hoping to keep the majority through a general election campaign instead of hoping on two by-election victories.
The results led to the second hung parliament in 13 years. The only chance for a coalition, between the Conservatives and Democrats, was seemingly doomed from the outset. The Democrats, remembering how they had lost over a third of their parliamentary group the last time they had propped up an incumbent prime minister who had lost his majority, were disinclined to enter into another coalition. As a result, the negotiations went nowhere and Hague began his parliament with a supply-and-confidence deal with the Democrats that would last until January 2015, long enough to give each party time to prepare for new general elections...
Labour had replaced Jon Cruddas with Scottish MP Jim Murphy. Murphy, unlike Cruddas, was more of an establishment figure and despite his biting criticisms of the funding reform and Hague's close relationship with US President Riley (especially as the American president's reputation began falling in Europe owing to the lobbyist scandals), he remained unable to mobilize non-English voters for a massive Labour wave that party strategists hoped would give them a victory in the general election.
Murphy's attempt was aided somewhat by the retirement of Democratic leader Malcolm Bruce in favor of Simon Hughes. Hughes became the first openly gay major party leader in British history, but this was marred by him having entered parliament in one of the nastiest by-elections in UK history that, ironically, spread homophobic innuendo about the Labour candidate and while he was facing an ethics investigation (that ended up being unfounded).
In 2014, owing to two party members resigning their seats, the Conservatives fell below the nominative threshold for a majority but still had an effective majority owing to Sinn Féin's abstentionist policy that had their seven MPs refuse to take their seats. Hague took this opportunity to call for a new election, hoping to keep the majority through a general election campaign instead of hoping on two by-election victories.
The results led to the second hung parliament in 13 years. The only chance for a coalition, between the Conservatives and Democrats, was seemingly doomed from the outset. The Democrats, remembering how they had lost over a third of their parliamentary group the last time they had propped up an incumbent prime minister who had lost his majority, were disinclined to enter into another coalition. As a result, the negotiations went nowhere and Hague began his parliament with a supply-and-confidence deal with the Democrats that would last until January 2015, long enough to give each party time to prepare for new general elections...
Part 45: Democratic Republic of the Congo general election, 2014
...Following the end of the Congo War, the various factions had agreed to a new constitution to replace the one left behind by the Mobutu regime that had never been replaced due to the fighting. The new Congolese constitution was modeled after that of South Africa, with an executive president elected by parliament and with strong protections for human rights. The UN's monitoring of the first elections in 2004 had resulted in the first indisputably free and fair elections in the renamed Democratic Republic of the Congo since the country's independence.
Laurent-Désiré Kabila, the man elected as a result of the 2004 elections, had been a rebel leader and one of the first warlords who agreed to cooperate with MINUSTAC. Despite Western wariness and reports about Kabila's pre-MINUSTAC wartime activities, the political energy needed for continued international support of the young democratic institutions was gone as the governments of the MINUSTAC countries regarded their job as finished and their obligation to the Congolese over.
The threshold for entry into the National Assembly, which would choose the president, mirrored South Africa's at 5%. This was meant to force parties to work together (something that was important as a few early parties were formed directly from former guerrilla bands), encourage consensus and yet make it so that a president would be unable to be chosen without input from other parties, with the hope that the result would be a stronger, more unified DRC. What happened post-2004 however, was Kabila consolidating many parties into his Allliance for the Presidential Majority (APM- Alliance pour la majorité présidentielle) using either persuasion, promises of patronage, or threats. As a result, the following election in 2009 only saw three parties elected to the National Assembly, down from six in the previous parliament, and the APM winning nearly 70% of all seats.
Foreign disentanglement from the Congo coincided with the APM becoming increasingly brazen in their efforts to guard power. The opposition Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS- Union pour la Démocratie et le Progrès Social) recruited former provisional president Étienne Tshisekedi to come out of retirement, with the longtime critic of both Mobutu and Kabila decrying the APM's anti-democratic tactics. The only other opposition party elected in 2009 was the National Restoration group led by Léon Kengo, who like Tshisekedi had served in the Mobutu regime, but unlike him, led a force of Mobutists who wanted to turn back the clock to before the war.
Not all of the APM members were happy about the turn the government was making, using official power to mete out favors and "correct" the results of the war. Vital Kamerhe, a former minister, resigned in protest and formed the Union for the Congolese Nation (UNC- Union pour la nation congolaise) as a broad anti-corruption alliance against the AMP. Tshisekedi attempted to bring the UNC into the UDPS but Kamerhe refused, although he did admit that the UNC would likely push for a change of government if they held the balance of power.
Despite the opposition parties loudly criticizing the government's anemic progress on recovering from the war, the lack of water and power for many Congolese homes and attacking the government as riddled with corruption, voters seemingly approved of President Kabila's government enough to give him a third and final term.
In reality, almost as soon as polls closed, reports of vote irregularities began appearing and reports of pre-marked ballots for AMP parties being counted and vote boxes from precincts that the UDPS and UNC were expected to do well in disappearing. Foreign and UN monitors quickly agreed with the assessment of undemocratic practices and irregularities and the results, which conveniently saw the AMP retain a slim majority, were appealed to the Supreme Court. The Court, despite the evidence, certified the results as valid- either due to corruption, threats or the members of that body who owed their position there due to Kabila.
Despite Kabila returning for a third term, many Congolese believe that the APM lost the elections and that he is no longer the legitimate president. Despite the Congo War-era rhetoric of bringing stability and democracy to the Congo, former MINUSTAC members like the United States and United Kingdom don't seem to care all that much that they only accomplished oneo of those goals...
Laurent-Désiré Kabila, the man elected as a result of the 2004 elections, had been a rebel leader and one of the first warlords who agreed to cooperate with MINUSTAC. Despite Western wariness and reports about Kabila's pre-MINUSTAC wartime activities, the political energy needed for continued international support of the young democratic institutions was gone as the governments of the MINUSTAC countries regarded their job as finished and their obligation to the Congolese over.
The threshold for entry into the National Assembly, which would choose the president, mirrored South Africa's at 5%. This was meant to force parties to work together (something that was important as a few early parties were formed directly from former guerrilla bands), encourage consensus and yet make it so that a president would be unable to be chosen without input from other parties, with the hope that the result would be a stronger, more unified DRC. What happened post-2004 however, was Kabila consolidating many parties into his Allliance for the Presidential Majority (APM- Alliance pour la majorité présidentielle) using either persuasion, promises of patronage, or threats. As a result, the following election in 2009 only saw three parties elected to the National Assembly, down from six in the previous parliament, and the APM winning nearly 70% of all seats.
Foreign disentanglement from the Congo coincided with the APM becoming increasingly brazen in their efforts to guard power. The opposition Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS- Union pour la Démocratie et le Progrès Social) recruited former provisional president Étienne Tshisekedi to come out of retirement, with the longtime critic of both Mobutu and Kabila decrying the APM's anti-democratic tactics. The only other opposition party elected in 2009 was the National Restoration group led by Léon Kengo, who like Tshisekedi had served in the Mobutu regime, but unlike him, led a force of Mobutists who wanted to turn back the clock to before the war.
Not all of the APM members were happy about the turn the government was making, using official power to mete out favors and "correct" the results of the war. Vital Kamerhe, a former minister, resigned in protest and formed the Union for the Congolese Nation (UNC- Union pour la nation congolaise) as a broad anti-corruption alliance against the AMP. Tshisekedi attempted to bring the UNC into the UDPS but Kamerhe refused, although he did admit that the UNC would likely push for a change of government if they held the balance of power.
Despite the opposition parties loudly criticizing the government's anemic progress on recovering from the war, the lack of water and power for many Congolese homes and attacking the government as riddled with corruption, voters seemingly approved of President Kabila's government enough to give him a third and final term.
In reality, almost as soon as polls closed, reports of vote irregularities began appearing and reports of pre-marked ballots for AMP parties being counted and vote boxes from precincts that the UDPS and UNC were expected to do well in disappearing. Foreign and UN monitors quickly agreed with the assessment of undemocratic practices and irregularities and the results, which conveniently saw the AMP retain a slim majority, were appealed to the Supreme Court. The Court, despite the evidence, certified the results as valid- either due to corruption, threats or the members of that body who owed their position there due to Kabila.
Despite Kabila returning for a third term, many Congolese believe that the APM lost the elections and that he is no longer the legitimate president. Despite the Congo War-era rhetoric of bringing stability and democracy to the Congo, former MINUSTAC members like the United States and United Kingdom don't seem to care all that much that they only accomplished oneo of those goals...
Part 46: United Kingdom (after 2014)
...The second general election in less than a year was fought entirely on the record of the Hague government and the question of who could govern a "truly united kingdom", with both Labour and the Democrats pointing to the abysmal showings the Conservatives had outside of England. Hague's failure to give the Conservatives another majority had immeasurably shaken his previously unassailable position as Tory leader and as soon as the results of the previous election were known, whispers began about a potential leadership challenge by members of the cabinet.
The prime minister's bids to shore up support were nothing short of disastrous. Poorly prepared PR stunts led to embarrassing photos of Hague being taken by the gathered press, which of course were run by the opposition in attack ads. The PR bids were seen as signs that Hague had become desperate and overstayed his welcome. Labour began rising in the polls as Labour soon going after Democratic votes after a leaked Democratic memo appeared to signal that the centrist party would not look into coalition negotiations with either Labour or the Conservatives- even if it meant a third general election in as many years.
As a result, Labour won a comfortable majority of over 40 seats and Murphy entered 10 Downing Street as the new prime minister. Hague announced his retirement and would soon be replaced by former Home Secretary David Cameron. The Democrats, despite losing votes, picked up two more seats on the downturn of the Conservative fortunes. Hughes lost his own seat in the Labour wave and would end up being replaced by Susan Kramer, who became the first female leader of a major British party.
An increase in the vote share of regional parties and new parties like John Redwood's National Party and the Green Party has led political observers to wonder if Murphy's Labour majority will soon become the exception instead of the rule in British politics in the future. For now, however, the Labour Party's rule over Britain for now looks safe. Prime Minister Murphy has made waves with his stated intention of making the House of Lords into an elected body and pushing for Britain to keep its role as an "active participant in global affairs" and keeping military spending high despite moves to cut the deficit elsewhere. Only time will tell if the young prime minister (who has not even turned 50) will continue to lead Britain long into the future or if he is doomed to a premature retirement...
The prime minister's bids to shore up support were nothing short of disastrous. Poorly prepared PR stunts led to embarrassing photos of Hague being taken by the gathered press, which of course were run by the opposition in attack ads. The PR bids were seen as signs that Hague had become desperate and overstayed his welcome. Labour began rising in the polls as Labour soon going after Democratic votes after a leaked Democratic memo appeared to signal that the centrist party would not look into coalition negotiations with either Labour or the Conservatives- even if it meant a third general election in as many years.
As a result, Labour won a comfortable majority of over 40 seats and Murphy entered 10 Downing Street as the new prime minister. Hague announced his retirement and would soon be replaced by former Home Secretary David Cameron. The Democrats, despite losing votes, picked up two more seats on the downturn of the Conservative fortunes. Hughes lost his own seat in the Labour wave and would end up being replaced by Susan Kramer, who became the first female leader of a major British party.
An increase in the vote share of regional parties and new parties like John Redwood's National Party and the Green Party has led political observers to wonder if Murphy's Labour majority will soon become the exception instead of the rule in British politics in the future. For now, however, the Labour Party's rule over Britain for now looks safe. Prime Minister Murphy has made waves with his stated intention of making the House of Lords into an elected body and pushing for Britain to keep its role as an "active participant in global affairs" and keeping military spending high despite moves to cut the deficit elsewhere. Only time will tell if the young prime minister (who has not even turned 50) will continue to lead Britain long into the future or if he is doomed to a premature retirement...
so for UK PMs weve got
1964 - 1973: Harold Wilson (Labour)
1973 - 1975: James Callaghan (Labour)
1975 - 1986: Willie Whitelaw (Tory)
1986 - 1991: Michael Heseltine (Tory)
1991 - 2000: Neil Kinnock (Labour)
2000 - 2006: Gordon Brown (Labour)
2006 - 2015: William Hague (Tory)
2015 - present: Jim Murphy (Labour)
I am satisfied.
1964 - 1973: Harold Wilson (Labour)
1973 - 1975: James Callaghan (Labour)
1975 - 1986: Willie Whitelaw (Tory)
1986 - 1991: Michael Heseltine (Tory)
1991 - 2000: Neil Kinnock (Labour)
2000 - 2006: Gordon Brown (Labour)
2006 - 2015: William Hague (Tory)
2015 - present: Jim Murphy (Labour)
I am satisfied.
Every single Labour PM after Harold Wilson was elected to a non-English seat and excluding Callaghan, weren't English.