dcharles

Banned
Dever died from cancer in 1929 if I'm correct, and if I could butterfly a road accident if really needed, I refrain from butterflying cancers and go wild on 'natural' causes.
Ritchie might have a shot, and I'd need to study his case under the light of TTL 1920s political landscape. As of now, it looks like he could have to compete with Garner, likely still the Dems leader in the House after 1930.
I don't know much of Donahey, but he doesn't seem to have enough traction to be a relevant candidate, unlike Ritchie could be.
All in all, Smith still got the northeastern establishment and liberals as a whole on his side without FDR. And as a precedent for being nominated thrice (and losing), I can still William Jennings Bryan

I get you. Smith was just a really weak candidate IOTL. His Catholicism and his outspoken opposition to Prohibition were crippling liabilities he was never able to overcome. Especially in a climate where the solid South is going to be the bulk of Democratic electoral votes, having the favor of Northeastern liberals is less important. The ideal candidate is a)conservative enough in matters of race and Prohibition to appeal to Southerners, b)not actually a Southerner and c)urbane enough to appeal to big city interests. That's why I was looking at the Governors of Ohio and Maryland, fwiw.

I think that lightning striking three times in the same spot and redounding to the benefit of Al Smith is unlikely, but in the big scheme of things, it doesn't much matter for the purposes of your timeline. Big changes on the US scene don't start to happen until Long get in power anyway.


I know less of Mississipi, but it neighboring Louisiana and knowing of Long's considerable influence and charisma (as he did in Arkansas for Caraway), I'd figure he would still give a hard time for the entrenched establishment, as he did in Louisiana, enough perhaps to take a razor edge victory.

In this time period, Arkansas is less repressive than Mississippi by a whole order of magnitude. There's much more actual competition in Arkansas politics than there was in Mississippi, and the elite in Arkansas were not nearly as strong as they were in Mississippi. Mississippi wasn't a democracy in the modern sense of the word. It was an authoritarian oligarchy that allowed decisions to be ratified by a tiny minority of the electorate from time to time. For example: there were a little over a million adults in Mississippi in 1928. 150,000 of them voted. There are about 500,000 white people. That's about a 15% total voter participation rate, and only about 30% of white voters voted. If Long gets the elite on his side, he's going to win in a landslide, but since Long is against everything that the elite stand for, that seems unlikely. If the elite stay true to their history, they will absolutely deliver the state for Smith. It'll be tied up in a little bow and placed under his pillow.

Plus, the big difference is that in TTL 1932 election, it's not like the only alternative was a northerner and Republican (Hoover in our case), we have two Democrats (Long still being registered as such, though he runs as an independent) confronting each other, one being a northerner, catholic and liberal, the other a southerner and a protestant. Plus, it's also a fight of the 'champion of New York financial elites' against the 'champion of the people', as it may sound (in Long's propaganda). In my mind, that makes big ingredients for shaking up the hold of the establishment over the region, no matter how strong it may look.

Leaving aside the fact that Smith is more conservative than Long, it's not a question of public opinion.

It's a question of elite decision-making.
 
I definitely need to focus soon my review of US 1920s political landscape to Deep South.
As of the turnout you mentionned, I was believing so far understood the turnout in the general election never mattered that much as the real election was played in the primary all over the South. And speaking of Mississippi gubernatorial primaries in late 20s and 30s, I see the numbers are more around 300,000.
Wouldn't an election with Long be more competitive, as he is pactical purpose another Democrat, just as in a primary? Could the state democratic machine be surprised by a sudden high turnout in favor of Long (who only runs on his own, with progressive backing in the north, beginning in July after the Democratic convention and his 'walkout')?

I get you. Smith was just a really weak candidate IOTL. His Catholicism and his outspoken opposition to Prohibition were crippling liabilities he was never able to overcome. Especially in a climate where the solid South is going to be the bulk of Democratic electoral votes, having the favor of Northeastern liberals is less important. The ideal candidate is a)conservative enough in matters of race and Prohibition to appeal to Southerners, b)not actually a Southerner and c)urbane enough to appeal to big city interests. That's why I was looking at the Governors of Ohio and Maryland, fwiw.

I think that lightning striking three times in the same spot and redounding to the benefit of Al Smith is unlikely, but in the big scheme of things, it doesn't much matter for the purposes of your timeline. Big changes on the US scene don't start to happen until Long get in power anyway.
IOTL, Smith was. But ITTL, he is somewhat stronger.
IOTL, he only won the nomination once and his only run ended badly.
But TTL, he first presidential campaign, that would have been handicapped by smith's flaws of OTL 1928, happens to coincide with the still influential KKK waging a virulent campaign against him (though Oscar Underwood and his TTL successful push for an anti KKK platform would have be a big factor in it), but also a stronger La Follette run that spoils in Smith's favor several states in the North. So, on this election, there will be much of a backstabbing myth to deflect the blame from Smith's lacking to KKK attacks; even if that's a myth, that would shield somewhat Smith.
1928 would see Smith improving his campaigning with the addition of James Farley on his team.

Then, in the context of the Great Depression, the general feeling (before Long's independent run that happens after the convention) is that this is gonna be a Democratic landslide.
Repeal of prohibition is gaining traction, regardless of Smith, and you got Farley behind the scenes to help his image in South (Smith would also have learned after 1924 losses in the South to better handle southern sensibilities).
That's for the context of the convention in 1932.

After, without serious polling to keep track of Long's inroads into the electorate, he may either be seriously underestimated by the national democratic establishment or even discarded as a threat and ignored, perhaps a bit of both. And suprise, Long spoils them in a number of state that go unexpectedly Hoover and else ...
That's also to say why Long may cause big surprises in the South if he succeeds in getting increased turnout in his favor.


Anyway, your remarks justify to say the 1932 convention would be a very close matter, and be decided in backroom deals in which Smith has much chances (or connections should I say).
 

dcharles

Banned
I definitely need to focus soon my review of US 1920s political landscape to Deep South.
As of the turnout you mentionned, I was believing so far understood the turnout in the general election never mattered that much as the real election was played in the primary all over the South. And speaking of Mississippi gubernatorial primaries in late 20s and 30s, I see the numbers are more around 300,000.
Wouldn't an election with Long be more competitive, as he is pactical purpose another Democrat, just as in a primary? Could the state democratic machine be surprised by a sudden high turnout in favor of Long (who only runs on his own, with progressive backing in the north, beginning in July after the Democratic convention and his 'walkout')?

My own opinion is that Mississippi is not the kind of place Long will flip, not on his first go around. Long is too racially progressive--he has to be. He won't be able to attract a national following and spout the kind of racist rhetoric that Mississippians in the 1930s would have needed to hear to feel comfortable peeling off from the National Democratic Party. Mississippi's powers that be are too reactionary and he is too left wing for this to be a needle that he could thread.

That's not to say that he won't do it eventually. Long's experience with the New Orleans Old Regulars is instructive, I think. The TL;DR version is that Long felt in his soul that New Orleans should love him, but he always struggled electorally in Orleans Parish. He realized it was because of the influence of a group of machine conservatives called the Old Regulars. He made it his mission to destroy them, and Huey being Huey, he did destroy them. Eventually New Orleans loved him like he always thought they should, but it took a while. I think something similar would happen in Mississippi. They would love him eventually, but he would have to get the power to break the reactionary elements in the Democratic Party first.

WRT the voting, I thought this was interesting: "In Mississippi, the number of voters participating in the Democratic Primary increased by 71 percent once women were enfranchised. That year more than 100,000 new voters cast ballots in the August primary...observers credited Whitfield's victory to the votes of women." --The Weight of their Votes: Southern Women and Political leverage in the 1920s

Even with the increase, the winners of elections still usually won less than 50 percent of the vote.


IOTL, Smith was. But ITTL, he is somewhat stronger.
IOTL, he only won the nomination once and his only run ended badly.
But TTL, he first presidential campaign, that would have been handicapped by smith's flaws of OTL 1928, happens to coincide with the still influential KKK waging a virulent campaign against him (though Oscar Underwood and his TTL successful push for an anti KKK platform would have be a big factor in it), but also a stronger La Follette run that spoils in Smith's favor several states in the North. So, on this election, there will be much of a backstabbing myth to deflect the blame from Smith's lacking to KKK attacks; even if that's a myth, that would shield somewhat Smith.
1928 would see Smith improving his campaigning with the addition of James Farley on his team.

That makes sense.
 
About making inroads in other states, I've often considered that Long would also rely on local allies/partners, such as Murray in Oklahoma. In Mississippi, while digging a little, I found that Martin Conner had been elected governor in 1932 with seemingly, some intervention by Huey Long.
Along the element of surprise Long's independent run may have, how much could Conner help Long against local machine or be willing to do?
 
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Long is too racially progressive--he has to be. He won't be able to attract a national following and spout the kind of racist rhetoric that Mississippians in the 1930s would have needed to hear to feel comfortable peeling off from the National Democratic Party.
Here, Long's strategy will probably be avoiding talking of that whenever possible, dismissing it as a non-issue, or leaving it up to local proxies if needed to anchor his credentials in more racist segments of the population.
That's also part of why Long won't do as well as La Follette in the north even if he got popular former Minnesota governor Floyd Olson as running mate.
 

dcharles

Banned
Here, Long's strategy will probably be avoiding talking of that whenever possible, dismissing it as a non-issue, or leaving it up to local proxies if needed to anchor his credentials in more racist segments of the population.
That's also part of why Long won't do as well as La Follette in the north even if he got popular former Minnesota governor Floyd Olson as running mate.

A national politician can't really avoid it. Since this is 1930 and not 1950, it isn't the salient issue, but someone is going to ask Huey Long if he supports an anti-lynching bill, and he's going to have to come up with some sort of answer. I should honestly think that it could be a watershed moment in his career--akin to Obama's race speech and Kennedy's Catholic speech. By supporting a bill, he might even be able to deflect charges of opportunism and lawlessness.

In Mississippi, while digging a little, I found that Martin Conner had been elected governor in 1932 with seemingly, some intervention by Huey Long.

That's true, but it wasn't like the Caraway race. Conner was a very conservative, run of the mill Mississippi politician. Huey wasn't his ideological soulmate or even a good friend. Huey was trying to beat Theodore Bilbo (outgoing Mississippi governor) in a pissing contest, and Bilbo backed the other guy, White, who was a rich planter-industrialist conservative.
 
A national politician can't really avoid it. Since this is 1930 and not 1950, it isn't the salient issue, but someone is going to ask Huey Long if he supports an anti-lynching bill, and he's going to have to come up with some sort of answer. I should honestly think that it could be a watershed moment in his career--akin to Obama's race speech and Kennedy's Catholic speech. By supporting a bill, he might even be able to deflect charges of opportunism and lawlessness.
Well, as I look into Long, he looked a pretty skilled topic changer, but I guess it's unavoidable as this is his Achilles' hill.
However, I think this will come more as an attack than as a questionning on platform.
Long will avoid the thing, Smith has as much interest to avoid the issue if he doesn't want to lose votes in South (it could be through lowered turnout), and Hoover has a big interest in keeping Long high as it keeps Republicans from collapsing thanks to spoiler effect in many states.
So, it would perhaps come as an attack by proxies of the kind "n***** lover" or else example of verbal violence that existed in the time.


That's true, but it wasn't like the Caraway race. Conner was a very conservative, run of the mill Mississippi politician. Huey wasn't his ideological soulmate or even a good friend. Huey was trying to beat Theodore Bilbo (outgoing Mississippi governor) in a pissing contest, and Bilbo backed the other guy, White, who was a rich planter-industrialist conservative.
Even limited, that means he has at least some influence there. I think I shall come back to this once I conducted a thorough survey of this state to know of the whole thing so I can decide how this will go.
 
Also, I wondering if the racial progressive thing really matters here.
After all, Huey Long wouldn't be really seeking to win, but to spoil the election, in a way the scheme he intended IOTL for 1936, or at least send it through the House where he could be the kingmaker. His primary objective ITTL is for this run to pave way for 1936, and build his powerbase. He wouldn't go alienating southern voters by standing on racial progressive values when, I imagine, the only who care are those the less likely to vote for him, ie moderate/liberal middle and upper classes in northeast and midwest that would anyway go Smith or Hoover.
In line with his 1936 planned run, his objective is to bring down Democratic establishment machines in South and replace with his own men while his progressive allies build up their force, secure and expand their influence in West, Rockies and the Plains, but also amidst the blue collar and lower middle classe voters of the Rust Belt.
 

dcharles

Banned
Also, I wondering if the racial progressive thing really matters here.
After all, Huey Long wouldn't be really seeking to win, but to spoil the election, in a way the scheme he intended IOTL for 1936, or at least send it through the House where he could be the kingmaker. His primary objective ITTL is for this run to pave way for 1936, and build his powerbase. He wouldn't go alienating southern voters by standing on racial progressive values when, I imagine, the only who care are those the less likely to vote for him, ie moderate/liberal middle and upper classes in northeast and midwest that would anyway go Smith or Hoover.
In line with his 1936 planned run, his objective is to bring down Democratic establishment machines in South and replace with his own men while his progressive allies build up their force, secure and expand their influence in West, Rockies and the Plains, but also amidst the blue collar and lower middle class voters of the Rust Belt.

Even if he's not seeking to win, he is still seeking to make himself a national figure. The big reason that Southerners weren't thought of as acceptable candidates for the Presidency back then was because people thought they were so preoccupied with hurting black people that they couldn't be relied upon to enforce the laws. This is why anti-lynching bills were an issue that came up again and again--it was a way to distill that fear into one salient question.

If you want Huey to win, then he has to make himself look more statesmanlike. (Without losing his quintessential Huey-ness.) Maybe that's a metamorphosis that happens between '32 and '36, but it needs to happen.

There have only been two movements in US political history that put the reactionary control of Southern politics in jeopardy, and that was the Populist movement and the Civil Rights Movement. The Civil Rights movement birthed the modern day Southern-centric GOP, and the Populists birthed Jim Crow. The Populists had substantial white support and were racially progressive, so there's some precedent for a Southern left-wing biracial coalition, but it's also clearly a volatile idea. Though it was ultimately unsuccessful, it remains the closest thing to a template for what Huey wanted to do.
 
If you want Huey to win, then he has to make himself look more statesmanlike. (Without losing his quintessential Huey-ness.) Maybe that's a metamorphosis that happens between '32 and '36, but it needs to happen.
That's something I planned, but for a much later time, when the topic of civil rights would come back at the forefront and the perennity, the cohesion of the party he helped creating would need. Some time more around the 1950s.
In 1932, that's not yet a necessity, and in 1936, he going to win in a landslide after desillusion over Smith.
By 1940, after the previous elections and the coup attempt, he would have broken enough the power of the Democratic machine to ensure the competitiveness of his now formally separate party at national level for a couple elections, and at state level in the South. Long Democrats would formally leave the party and rattach to the Progressive party, while at state level, in the South, you would have local chapters with some name as "Democratic-Progressive Party of Georgia" or else.

On another note, I understand FDR somewhat minored the South's share of New Deal money because it was considered South was solid enough for the Democratic party that there wasn't need to develop the electoral base here. I see an opportunity with Long to go the opposed way, to secure more "progressive" loyalties through increased federal spending in what was still one of the poorest regions of the US. How would you consider the potential consequences of that policy?
 
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On the last thing, I'm seeing much potential for Long using federal money in infrastructure projects, in a way not unlike FDR's, to secure loyalties, develop his electoral base and undermine if not destroy Democratic establishment machines' power as he did in Louisiana. In fact, we could look at Louisiana as the playbook of his program in the South.
 
There a request for help on sources I already posted on another forum specifically, but that I will also make here for those who follow this thread.

I'm looking for intel on the Share Our Wealth clubs membership created to support the namesake populist platform of Huey Long. I'm specifically looking for details on the geographical repartition of the membership of these clubs when at their apex, while Long was still alive.
Here's the only numbers I've found :
The campaign was a great success and by 1935 there was 27,000 clubs with a membership of 4,684,000 and a mailing list of over 7,500,000.
from http://spartacus-educational.com/USAsharewealth.htm .

I'm looking for other sources to corroborate and expand so I can make more accurate predictions of a Huey Long presidential run in the electoral college, to judge his actual reach geographically for a TL I'm researching.
 
Republican-Democratic opposition organization up to 1940
So, I've finally fixed the order of the events for the coup.
We would have the impeachment trial and acquittal of Long early in 1938, mid 1938 at the latest, followed before long by the coup attempt. There, I've not put the exact time of the year it will happen, that will depend on how much time the Republican and Democratic held Congress will take before deciding to start impeachment proceedings, but it will happen before the midterms elections.

One part of the reaction to the coup attempt will be Long and his administration taking the pretext of the coup attempt to purge the civil service in order to pack it with progressives.

In the midterms, we would witness a Progressive coalition landslide with GOP and the Democratic suffering from the backlash against the coup attempt. They would capture a majority in the House, probably a comfortable one, and in the Senate, a plurality if not a short majority.

Concerning the Supreme Court, I see the main consequence of Long's radicalism and especially the reaction to the crackdown on coup plotters would be to dissuade Justices from retiring to try baring Long from packing the court with radical nominees. The Justices would be shielded from any abusive impeachment proceeding since the progressives would still be far from reaching the 2/3 majority in the Senate.
But it wouldn't be immune to deaths, and if I stick to the OTL court (I've not reviewed in detail, but except for Stone, the circumstances for the nomination of Harding and Hoover would not change much), there would be 2 nominations by Long in his first term, the first upon Cardozo's death in 1938, and the second after Butler's death in 1939.
Into Long's likely second term, there would be Brandeis and Devanter in 1941, and with Sutherland in 1942, Long would have a majority if he doesn't pack the court through Congress.
But I doubt Long would refrain from pushing for a packing bill through Congress, though if passing, it would be watered down by the moderate elements of his coalition in the Congress. But I think that as it happened IOTL with FDR, there could be a switch.
Though Long's agenda is radical, the Justices could rightly expect it to be only partially implemented or watered down because of internal progressive dealings (the progressive coalition backing Long is still very fractured with the moderate La Follette faction playing a big moderating role, that faction being the most likely to expand in the 1938 midterms through the middle class and urban electorate of Midwest, Northeast and West Coast), and play time to anticipate a comeback by Republicans and Democrats in 1940.

In the lead up to the elections of 1940, we could well have the Republicans and the Democrats making an alliance, putting up a united front against the now formally established Progressive Party (provisional working name).
There would surely have been some punctual alliances in the 1938 elections, but with the chaos surrounding the coup attempt and its fallout, nothing more would have been achieved. But, it would pave the way for a reconquest strategy with systematic fusion tickets and electoral alliances so to avoid spoiled races and improve the chances of recovering seats if not only avoiding further losses. That would be for congressional level.
At the presidential level, I would see the Democrats repeating their strategy of 1872, eventually endorsing if not nominating the Republican ticket. That would of course be preceded by agreements over cabinet positions.
As Republican nominee, I think of Thomas Dewey as the most promising challenger against Long, due to his liberalism and reputation of integrity to contrast with Long's authoritarian and corrupt habits. But I strongly doubt it would be enough to prevent a second term for Long, given the momentum he would have in 1940. Still, that could be strong challenge and stop the bleeding for both Republicans and Democrats.
As VP nominee, I would think of a southern Republican to anchor Republican numbers among the Democratic and conservative voters, and the most obvious choice here for me is Brazilla Carroll Reece from Tennessee 1st congressional district.
dcbefd514544917.jpg
220px-B._Carroll_Reece.jpg
 
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Ideas for Huey Long Supreme Court nominees
I have not much knowledge in the law figures of that era, but would you have ideas for potential persons Long could appoint to the Supreme Court.

For instance, I just fell on that man, Vito Marcantonio, initially Republican, friend of La Guardia who ended up in the far left, IOTL elected to the House numerous times through the 1930s and 1940s. He has a law practice background and is young, so likely to stay a long time (even though he died in 1954 IOTL); a matter of records, Marcantonio would only be around 36 years old at the time of Cardozo's death, while the youngest Justice ever appointed was Joseph Story, 32 years old, in 1811.
220px-Vito_Marcantonio_%28New_York_Congressman%29_2.jpg
 
It's a bit hard to evaluate what potential developments could be for the absence of a Polish-Soviet war as we know it.



IOTL, they occupied Vilnius for a short time after the withdrawal of German forces, only to be chased by Soviet forces and their local allies, and waged war upon the republic of Western Ukraine (Galicia) to keep Lwow. They eventually retook Vilnius and crushed the republic of Western Ukraine.
Given that Allies would be pressuring for more compromise between a still allied Russia and Poland, I guess we could still have the border roughly following the Curzon line of 1919 (the one including Lwow/Lviv), plus the region of Vilnius which according to the German census of 1916 had a Polish majority.

Curzon_line-fr.jpg





Very, very interesting thread you have going here. However the Curzon Line of 1919 did not go east of Lwow/Lvov/Lviv. In 1919 there were two options for the Curzon Line (an A line and a B line). The line that you say is the 1919 line is the B line. The A line (which in the area around Lvov is incorrectly shown as the 1940 Soviet line) was also drawn up in 1919 by a Polish emigre to Britain who was a member of the British delegation at Versailles (Lewis Namier was his Anglicized name).

659px-Curzon_line_en.svg.png
 
Thanks for the correction.
I guess the Poles would still want to push eastward anyway. Lviv was a major stake of the Polish-Ukrainian war.

The bolsheviks were ultimately destroyed during the winter 1918-1919 after their defeat in the Kazan-Sviyazhsk campaign (August/September 1918) and the following advance on Moscow (October/November). That removes a pretext for Polish expansion eastwards and make Entente powers at Versailles more pressing newly independent Poland towards a peace settlement; since Poles are de facto controlling both Lvov and Vilnius regions without Soviets counterattacking, they would be in position to have these aknowledged for inclusion within the borders to negotiate at Versailles.
 

inek

Banned
hello
new user here so while it may be a tad bit late
Turkish victory against Armenian forces OTL was thanks to former Ottoman army left over from the WWI commanded by Karabekir
the Turkish victory was complete, by treaty Turks had the right to station troops in Armenian land etc
this was soon revised with the new soviet government though.
your idea of a greater armenia/georgia is in fact the opposite: Turks gave away Batum for the soviet help. (treaty of moscow 1921)

OTL soviet help was mostly used in the western front against the greeks, as the southern front was mostly dealt with by local militia

Soviets also provided a large force to Enver(or so the Turks believed) to cross to Turkey and that kept the entire eastern army stuck where it was for the Turks until the end

so with Enver off to wherever, those troops can be sent west. I believe they can offset any Greek advantage as they are well-trained, well-equipped and experienced.
With less Enverite meddling I can see Mustafa Kemal being more comfortable dealing with the front, instead of the parliament. Does that give him an additional six months of life due to reduced stress? :D
 

BigBlueBox

Banned
Thanks for the correction.
I guess the Poles would still want to push eastward anyway. Lviv was a major stake of the Polish-Ukrainian war.

The bolsheviks were ultimately destroyed during the winter 1918-1919 after their defeat in the Kazan-Sviyazhsk campaign (August/September 1918) and the following advance on Moscow (October/November). That removes a pretext for Polish expansion eastwards and make Entente powers at Versailles more pressing newly independent Poland towards a peace settlement; since Poles are de facto controlling both Lvov and Vilnius regions without Soviets counterattacking, they would be in position to have these aknowledged for inclusion within the borders to negotiate at Versailles.
Looking at the map posted by @Chris S, I think the Poles would probably try and grab Brest too considering how close it is. And with much less territory in the east, Poland is probably going to be a more homogenous and more stable country. The 1926 coup would never happen.
 
Turkish Independence War without Soviet Russia - part 2
hello
new user here so while it may be a tad bit late
Turkish victory against Armenian forces OTL was thanks to former Ottoman army left over from the WWI commanded by Karabekir
the Turkish victory was complete, by treaty Turks had the right to station troops in Armenian land etc
this was soon revised with the new soviet government though.
your idea of a greater armenia/georgia is in fact the opposite: Turks gave away Batum for the soviet help. (treaty of moscow 1921)

OTL soviet help was mostly used in the western front against the greeks, as the southern front was mostly dealt with by local militia

Soviets also provided a large force to Enver(or so the Turks believed) to cross to Turkey and that kept the entire eastern army stuck where it was for the Turks until the end

so with Enver off to wherever, those troops can be sent west. I believe they can offset any Greek advantage as they are well-trained, well-equipped and experienced.
With less Enverite meddling I can see Mustafa Kemal being more comfortable dealing with the front, instead of the parliament. Does that give him an additional six months of life due to reduced stress? :D
It's a conflict that I have worked the draft several times, but I have managed to clear my plan.
My difficulty was to ponder the importance of Soviet influence, and the more I saw into it, the later I had to reconsider their absence being significant on the events, not enough to prevent an offensive into Armenia.
But the new assumptions I'm working under is that the Turks under Karabekir and Kemal would refrain from launching a major offensive into Armenia because of the presence of a Russian regime that is somewhat allied to Armenia ITTL, instead of Turkey IOTL.
Regarding the independences of the Caucasus republic, Russia would likely aknowledge that of Armenia and Georgia, but not Azerbaijan; in fact, I think Russia would probably still invade Azerbaijan at some point in 1920, essentially in order to retake possession of the Baku oil fields. While the Nationalists would be wary of potential Russian meddling in favor of Armenia, the invasion of Azerbaijan would confirm their fear.
Plus, Armenia would be the recipient to some extra war material that ended up IOTL to the Whites, including clothing, rifles, ammunitions, and possibly a few British Mark V tanks.
mk5drozd.jpg

This situation would prevent Nationalists from stripping too much forces from that area. But since they had about 3:1 numerical advantage, I guess there could be still some room for sparing some troops for other fronts.
But another difference from OTL is that without having to intervene in the Russian civil war, the Entente powers have also some troops to spare, notably France which sent troops to South Russia. ITTL, these troops would eventually be sent in Cilicia to impose French authority over the contested Syrian Mandate northern borders, especially in the aftermath of massacres committed by Turks against local Armenian communities that would receive a larger echo in France since the government would be willing to send in troops. This too will prevent Turks from diverting too much forces to the Greek front.
Of course, I would still to look into the effect in the Turkish Order of Battle of keeping an important forces on the Armenian border into 1921, to see what forces won't be able to end up on the Greek front like they did IOTL and possibly result in the capture of Ankara in the fall of 1921.

So far, I'm not sure the capture of Ankara by the Greeks alone would be enough to compell the Nationalists to peace. That's also why I also wonder about which moment I will have the Armenians launching an offensive of their own into Turkey.
The reason the Turks wouldn't have launched one would be about the same the Armenians would do it, namely Russian support (plus British and possibly American) and more equipment.
The minimal objective of the Armenians is to get a port of their own on the Black sea to avoid being dependent on Georgia, so the target is Trabzon. Secondary, though largely played by the propaganda, would be the enforcement of the Wilsonian borders.
The first part would be diversion raids into the region of Lake Van in order to draw Turkish troops away from Sarikamish during a winter. Then, into the spring, an lightning offensive along the railroad to Erzurum (built by Russians during their ww1 occupation of the area) supported by the Mark V tanks. From Erzurum, the Armenian army divided in two parts. The first go towards Bayburt and then through the Pontic passes to Trabzon, while the second force, likely the strongest one, advances towards Erzincan, to control the important road hub there is here and cover the rear of the Trabzon force.
armenian-offensive-1921-jpg.347196

The only thing I'm still unsure of is whether I make it happening in early 1921 or in early 1922 after the Greek capture of Ankara.
The latter scenario would have the Turkish capital moved to Sivas, with the Turks enacting a hardline stance, hoping to draw Greeks into overextending their lines and eventually catching them isolated. Here, the Armenian offensive would come unexpected and break Turkish resistance for good.
In early 1921, the conditions would be less favorable with stronger and less demoralized Turkish forces opposing them.

As for the postwar settlement, I've still not definite plans. I don't think we're still going to get Sèvres, as I expect the determined resistance of Turks could impress enough Entente powers to renegotiate and sign a treaty that is, without being as favorable as Lausanne, would be less harsh than Sèvres.
The main feature of this treaty would be the establishment of some early version of "On country, two systems" with the Ottoman Sultanate retaining control over the Straits area that are to be neutral and under international protection, and the remainder of Turkey, minus territorial concessions to Greek Asia minor, French Syria and Armenia, under a Republican regime, the whole theoretically united under the rule of the Ottoman Caliph (caliph for the whole of Turkey, but only Sultan in the Straits area).
I doubt this legal fiction would last long, but it would be an interesting geopolitical feature.

Due to the political fallout over the war and the "defeat" of Nationalists, I expect the Turkish Republic to become a much more authoritarian regime than it was IOTL. In this context, the Sultanate would become a refuge for many political and intellectual figures, potentially redeeming the reputation of the Ottoman Sultanate, still a constitutional monarchy with what looks the closest to a democracy in Turkey.
It may relevant to note, for the cultural development of such a Sultanate, that the Sultan would be Abdulmejid II, a renown painter and collector of butterflies, a great patron of arts.
220px-Portrait_Caliph_Abdulmecid_II.jpg


As for Enver, I think he would still be around, but being persona non grata by the Turkish Nationalists and Kemal, he would still probably end up supporting the Basmachi insurgency in Russian Turkestan, though this time, he wouldn't have been invited by Russia. It's also probable that he ends up the same way as IOTL as his behaviour wouldn't change, perhaps at a different time, but in a not much different context.

PS: I have planned on these development with help and important suggestions from @Nassirisimo .
 
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Looking at the map posted by @Chris S, I think the Poles would probably try and grab Brest too considering how close it is. And with much less territory in the east, Poland is probably going to be a more homogenous and more stable country. The 1926 coup would never happen.
Since I have not searched much this subject, I can't say for sure.
The international context could be more friendly without Soviets, but Germany has been out of a three way civil war, and Pilsudski remains Pilsudski. That is to say I understand foreign events had an influence on the coup, but the underlying political reasons for it to happen are still present. It just means the coup could still happen, albeit in different circumstances, for different pretexts, at a different time. I will have to come back to this once I manage to fix my plan for the German civil war, which will be the defining event for German political landscape and Germany foreign relations, notably with Poland.
 
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