For the Nation, For the People: 1848 and Beyond

Mid 1849, in Northern Italy

The same day the Austrian army achieves a significant victory at Novara, a revolt breaks out further east in Brescia. With the bulk of Austrian forces engaged on the front, it falls to the other scattered forces in the area to restore order. On the third day, a small force arrives from Mantua to restore order, but is repulsed and driven back under heavy losses, including General Laval Nugent. By this time word had reached the city of the Piedmontese defeat at Novara, though local officials convinced the townspeople it is a false rumor spread by the Austrians to entice them to surrender.

After another week, a more significant force under General Julius Jacob von Haynau approaches the city after marching from Padua. Haynau threatens to burn the city to the ground if the city's leaders do not submit, which they furiously decline to do. Haynau commences a devastating bombardment of the city that brings the city to its knees after only two days. The leaders of the revolt are arrested and executed, troops are allowed to loot the town, and several notable landmarks are destroyed. The incident will ultimately go down infamously, as an example of mistreatment during Austrian administration in northern Italy.

Meanwhile, in the aftermath of his army's defeat, King Charles Albert had immediately pressed for peace once more, unwilling to see the Austrian army put his capital under siege. Radetzky's terms are harsh - Austrian garrisons are to be placed in Alessandria, Novara, and Genoa, and their surrounding jurisdictions placed under general Austrian occupation. The king is prepared to agree, his will to fight completely lost. His generals agree that continuing the war would be unwise, but are not convinced that the terms of the peace cannot be renegotiated more favorably. The Piedmontese government, on the other hand, is furious that the king is giving in so easily and there is outrage in Turin.

Responding to the tension, the King's son and heir apparent, Victor Emmanuel II, rushes to his father's war council to try and convince the king to renegotiate. Instead, the disgruntled generals quietly approach the Duke of Savoy and encourage him to take the necessary actions on his own, rather than ask his father for approval first. In the middle of the night at a farm just north of Novara, Radetzky meets Victor Emmanuel to discuss new terms. Radetzky has strict orders from the emperor to ensure the imposed peace is harsh enough to discourage the Piedmontese from meddling again any time soon, and the Field Marshal himself at first is not inclined to give in to any new demands.

From the outset Victor Emmanuel tries to distance himself from his father and the liberal government he has allowed to grow in power, and points out that it very well might take Austrian support to ensure he can successfully hold the throne if the liberals try to make a power grab. He promises he will do his best to curb the reach of the liberal government, and also that Piedmont-Sardinia will stay out of revolts and movements elsewhere in the Italian peninsula, including the Venetian and Roman republics. In turn, Austria will take only an indemnity from the kingdom and support Victor Emmanuel's accession to the throne, but will not enter his territory any further unless the government were to collapse. Neither party is overjoyed at the terms but both can live with them, and the armistice is concluded to be ratified officially by both parties in an expedient manner.

Upon his return to his father's camp, Victor Emmanuel relays the news of the new peace offer to the generals and to the ministers back in Turin, both of whom seem much relieved that the Duke has negotiated a better settlement. The liberals are not pleased that their new soon-to-be-king has granted tacit acquiescence to the destruction of the republican cause in Italy, but the moderates and conservatives alike agree that their kingdom is now not in a position to be the savior of all of Italy. Charles Albert agrees to abdicate quite willingly, indeed seeing this new option as in some way saving his honor rather than being humiliated by the terms he had originally agreed upon. The king would eventually take to exile in Portugal and die quietly a few years later.

With a peace concluded, the Piedmontese return to Turin where Victor Emmanuel can begin to take control of his government, while Radetzky moves the bulk of his forces away from the Piedmontese front to march on the revolutionaries of Tuscany. Posturing and bluster from both sides in the ensuing weeks almost results in a breakdown altogether of the peace, as Radetzky insists on keeping Austrian troops on Piedmontese territory until the agreement is formally signed, while Victor Emmanuel boasts that 50,000 Piedmontese troops will march once more into Austrian Lombardy. In the end, outside diplomatic channels convince both sides to back down.

The regime change and end to the conflict between Austria and Piedmont-Sardinia also means the Venetians have lost their chance to take any offensive. Austrian attentions will now be fully focused on the city's republic, and that makes Mazzini and his supporters exceedingly nervous, even as Manin continues to espouse confidence in the defenders of the city. At a solemn meeting of the city's assembly in April, Manin urges those gathered to support him in fighting on, hardened by the defeat at Novara and emboldened by the callous Austrian assault on Brescia. Mazzini's camp continues to make no headway in eroding Manin's dictatorial grip on the city, and plans are hastily formed to evacuate Mazzini from the city when such a measure becomes necessary.

It is into this climate of fear and uncertainty mixed with defiance that Haynau marches his forces, placed in charge of all Austrian operations against the city as a reward for his effective handling of the Brescia revolt until Radetzky's forces return from Tuscany. Though Austrian positions had already been regarrisoned in the weeks leading up to the renewal of the Piedmont war, no concerted offensive actions had been taken, nor had any sorties been launched from the city. That is about to change, as Haynau is determined to take the Venetian forward position at Marghera, where such a humiliating defeat had been inflicted months earlier.

A siege and bombardment of the fort begins in the last days of April, as the Austrians with far superior numbers are able to fan out and penetrate weak points from a multitude of directions. By mid-May the remaining Venetian defenders retreat back across the lagoon into the city proper; any other small remaining Venetian garrisons on the mainland will follow suit soon after as the Austrian army moves to begin bombardment of the city itself, aided by the small Austrian navy that now sits unopposed in the northern Adriatic, the Piedmontese navy having been compelled to withdraw as part of their peace deal.

With their control of the mainland slipping away and the city's resources increasingly limited and cut off, the mood in Venice begins to change significantly, especially as more and more news from elsewhere in Italy filters in, little of it positive for the republican cause.

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Author's Note: This update covers the northern theatre of Italy, part two later this week will cover events in Tuscany and Rome and such. As before, the butterflies here aren't doing too much yet, the one major difference from OTL is that it is Victor Emmanuel's impetus to get a better peace and 'force' his father to abdicate, whereas iOTL Charles Albert was himself an advocate of his own abdication (though this is all a bit muddled in the sources I am looking at, so perhaps I haven't written it too differently from OTL after all).

Methinks Mazzini being trapped in Venice spells bad news for the Italian nationalist movement...

Fun Fact: The siege of Venice saw the first air attack in human history. The Austrians dropped bombs from unmanned hot air balloons designed by Franz von Uchatius.

Balloons were used for reconnaissance before that though.
 
2) L-N, already plotting how to turn his landslide electoral victory into personal power, opts to side with the republicans and provokes a standoff with Austrian (or Neapolitan) troops over Rome or refuses to intervene altogether. The former will piss off conservatives and catholics but likely make him more popular in the press and with the socialists, who he can easily knock out of the picture later in some iTTL version of his 1851 coup. The international implications might be quite fascinating. The latter would concede that the balance of power in Italy will shift to Austria but, depending on how bloody the Austrians are in taking the city, could be used as fuel for L-N to lambast Austria in the international order and play the behind-the-scenes agitator for the remnants of Italian nationalism or even for Piedmont-Sardinia to try and build up again for future wars.

This looks like the better option. The more interesting option, anyway.
 
Mid 1849, in Italy, cont. (part 2)

Radetzky's entry into Tuscany prompts panic among the Florentine citizenry, who had already begun to grow weary of their provisional government during its brief history. Rural unrest was especially strong, and the Austrian army is greeted with begrudging acceptance much more often than open hostility. Montanelli finds himself pushed from power by Guerrazzi, who institutes a dictatorship in a last-ditch attempt to restore control of Florence before the approaching Austrian army arrives. His reign lasts only 15 days before he too is ousted. Both men would eventually manage to flee to France, where they lobbied the French government on behalf of Italian republicans and nationalists.

Under Austrian occupation and returned to the control of moderate- and conservative-leaning ministers, Florence issues a formal request in May for Grand Duke Leopold to return; he would do so late in the summer. In the meantime, Austrian troops would continue to filter down into Tuscany from Lombardy-Venetia, maintaining garrisons in major cities such as Florence, Lucca, and Livorno. Radetzky, at the request of both Tuscan and Austrian authorities, will not remove troops until peace and order are formally re-established.

To the south in Rome, the provisional government there suddenly finds itself devoid of allies and surrounded by conservative forces. The provisional government is clearing suffering from a triumvirate made up of only two men; with Austria closing in on Venice, Mazzini is likely trapped and will be unable to take up leadership in Rome during this critical time. The two other men, Saffi and Armellini, are more concerned with drafting a perfecting a constitution, so that at the very least the legacy of the republic can live on, even if she is defeated.

The first military challenge for the republic comes in the north at Bologna, where a secondary Austrian force appears in early May to retake the city in the name of the Pope. The republican commander there, Pietro Roselli, acquits himself well and manages to hold the Austrians off for over two weeks, prompting praise from the civilian authorities in Rome. Roselli also holds great legitimacy among the former Papal troops who stayed behind and now fight alongside republican partisans, being a military man himself. Though Roselli manages to find a degree of success, Rome's enemies have coalesced around her and Roselli is recalled to Rome to defend the city.

A much more significant Austrian force out of Tuscany is reported to be on its way, while another force sent by the Bourbon King of the Two Sicilies has laid siege to Terracina. The Bourbon King Ferdinand II has the express support of the Pope and is no longer distracted by the Sicilian uprising, since that conflict had come to a bloody end in late April. When Roselli reaches Rome yet another force appears at the Roman port of Civitavecchia, though Roselli and the Roman people alike are overjoyed when they learn this new force is French, and that they have come to support the republicans.

Both the Pope and his Roman adversaries had been making increasingly desperate overtures to the newly-elected Prince-President of France, Louis Napoleon Bonaparte, since his election in December. Though he won the election by a landslide, Louis Napoleon had quickly realized that France was still very much divided, having come under immense pressure from French Catholics to intercede on the Pope's behalf. However, public opinion and the press clearly favored solidarity with the Roman republic, and Louis Napoleon himself was no great lover of the Pope.

The conservatives are shocked when, in response to popular sentiments, an expeditionary force under general Charles Oudinot is formed in Marseille and Toulon to sail to Rome and protect the city from Austrian attack. Some 8,000 French troops meet Roselli at Civitavecchia and follow him back to Rome, several days march ahead of Radetzky's Austrian troops.

All this happens as France is preparing for its first parliamentary elections since the republic had been formed anew; the results reveal the deep rifts in French society that Louis Napoleon's boldness has exposed. Returns are strong for the Parti d'Ordre, so-called because its coalition of legitimists, Bonapartists, and monarchists promised a restoration of order. On the other hand, returns for the socialists are strong as well, especially in the rural southeast, while the moderates are all but shut out of power. The Prince-President now faces the unsavory task of working with a government to be mostly led by a faction he has alienated significantly in the Parti d'Ordre.

Moreover, Louis-Napoleon's decision is equally as bold in the grand scheme of the powers of Europe. Austria and France had traditionally been rivals of relative equality in Italian affairs, but the capitulation of Piedmont-Sardinia and widespread Austrian occupation of northern Italy threatens that. There is also the threat that both Austria and the Two Sicilies pose to republicanism on the Italian peninsula as a whole; both are conservative monarchies, and neither has proven supportive of republican governments of any kind. Even more importantly, it provides a chance for Louis-Napoleon to test the young new Austrian emperor; he can't afford a war with France, nor is he likely interested in one, but to what extent he is willing to tussle with France through more indirect means is another question entirely.

In any case, the arrival of French troops in Rome brings guarded enthusiasm to the republicans, who are glad to see a friendly foreign power but remain concerned by the multiplying foreign armies all around them. They must ensure a constitution is finished quickly, fearing that their days left in power are numbered. Both Austrian and Bourbon troops are brought to a grinding halt by the news a French force has arrived to defend Rome, and both commanders inform their respective rulers of the situation to request further orders. Hesitation abounds as neither Radetzky nor his Bourbon counterpart wish to provoke a wider war.

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Author's Note: Wow, 20,000 words and counting! Strange to think I've been at this over a month already. Here's to 20,000 more!
 
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I'm still working on the next update, in which I'm going to try and do an alt-style post. We'll see that how goes. In the meantime, I've been thinking about a butterfly I'd like to see in Italy, however I don't know how plausible it is.

Between Austrian territory and Tuscany are several small duchies ruled by cadet branches - one Habsburg and one Bourbon. Both dukes fled during the mess of 1848 and, with Austrian support, were reinstated in 1849. The duke of Modena was a Habsburg, and retreated to his family's Austrian estates upon the fall of Modena to Piedmontese troops in 1859. The duke of Parma was a Bourbon and fled to England until Austrian troops could reinstate him.

My question is - how plausible would it be for Austria to annex one or both duchies outright? In the interests of 'keeping the peace', 'advancing Austrian interests', etc., with promises to the dukes they could live in peace at court, would they accept? Would the great powers be upset by such a move?

Thoughts anyone?
 
Author's Note: After further reading, apparently Austrian annexation of the Free City of Cracow in 1846 caused something of a 'diplomatic uproar', so perhaps trying to grab Italian duchies too would not be seen very favorably. Anyways, here's a shot at an alt-style 'interlude' update. There are a couple of spoiler-y info nuggets in here, and I hope you all enjoy!
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Interlude I: Warsaw, Russian Poland - May, 1849 - and its effects

"As the spasm of revolution continued to grip the European continent in 1849, Tsar Nicholas I of Russia found himself the unquestioned leader of the conservative-minded and absolutists monarchs of Europe, and indeed the only one relatively untouched by civil unrest. Prussia faced chaos in its Posen province and the Rhineland territories, Austria very nearly faced dissolution - Russia faced little if any real revolt of its own.

Nevertheless, there remained significant concern among the highest circles in Russia that the spreading revolts would cross into western Russian territories, especially Bessarabia and Podolia. Tsar Nicholas was amenable to arranging for a joint plan of attack with Austrian forces, though he was equally prepared to launch an assault of his own. Thus it was that the Russian forces in Wallachia and Moldavia, having pacified uprisings there, were diverted to Transylvania in March and April of 1849..."


excerpted from Robert Morgan's Revolutionary Twilight: the Conservative Reaction to 1848 in Europe, New York, 1973.
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"The meeting of two great European monarchs in Russian Warsaw in April 1849 was nothing short of extraordinary. On the one hand, the handsome young Franz Joseph, headstrong and impetuous but still impetuous. One the other, Nicholas, now past fifty years old, cemented in his world-views and his self-appointed position as 'Gendarme of Europe'. Yet the men had much in common as well: both nearly always dressed in official military uniforms and regalia, yet for all their ceremony were poor strategists themselves. Both were turning their foreign policy gaze towards southwards to the ever-weakening Ottoman Empire, and in the European realm as a whole despised the 'republican experiment'.

The structure of the meeting was carefully orchestrated; the Austrian emperor kneeled before the tsar in a symbolic gesture of obeisance before formally requesting the assistance of Russian troops. Nicholas, visibly moved by the emperor's actions, presented his general Ivan Paskievich, the namiestnik of Poland, whom the tsar promised will lead a massive Russian force into Hungary as the savior of Austrian sovereignty. A great military parade through the city was organized in celebration, and Russian troops would depart less than a week later..."


excerpted from Mikhail Simakov's Prelude to Winter: Russia's European Role before the Eastern War, 1815-1853, Saint Petersburg, 1997.
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"Unquestionably, Franz Joseph's summit with Tsar Nicholas demonstrated the weakness that would come to define the years of the emperor's reign. The blustery young Austrian was said to be furious when learned that Russian troops were already engaged with Hungarian and Romanian rebels in Transylvania, colored by a distinct paranoia that the tsar was intent on annexing Austrian lands in recompense for his snubbing in 1815 and again in 1846. [1]

At the same time, Franz Joseph was hardly in a position to demand the Russians withdraw. The impotence of his general Windisch-Grätz in dealing with the Hungarian capital had turned the spring campaign into a headache of epic proportions. Despite his subsequent dismissal, Windisch-Grätz's forces in the western theater were driven back again and again, while Austrian troops pushed out of Transylvania were beset with fresh rebellion in Galicia and Bukovina. The emperor had little choice but to accept Russian aid, and to ask for still more Russian reinforcements for the campaign in central Hungary as well.

Nicholas then ordered a great military parade to be held in Warsaw in honor of Russia's formal commitment, which the emperor begrudgingly accepted to stay and attend. The scale and opulence of this show of Russian strength was enough to dismay even the most radical of nationalists in Russian Poland, who had been driven far underground since the pacification of the region after the Uprising of 1831. The emperor too, could not help but to admire the pomp of the occasion, and took back with him to Vienna a quite admirable perception of the Russian army, even as he grew less and less enamored with the tsar himself. He would attempt to emulate such events in the following years, but was never satisfied his forces could ever live up to their Russian counterparts..."


excerpted from Karl Scheider's The Last Emperor: The Reign of Franz Joseph, 1848-1853, Munich, 1965.
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"When our government found that Russian intervention was a settled matter, the ministerial council fixed upon the following system of defence: Dembinsky, having achieved a victory over Gen. Windischgrätz near Pesth, was to pull his forces back once more across the Danube. A line of defense was to be established along a line from Vác through Gyöngyös to the left bank of the Theiss. It was additionally resolved to form an army of reserve; any new Honvéd units or troops coming up from the south would be arranged in a fortified camp at Szolnok. If the main army were repulsed and pursued these were to operate in the rear..."

"This body [Dembinski's army] was joined by troops newly raised in the months of April and May, 1849, and by the Polish legion, for the purpose of guarding against a new invasion from Gallicia.* Dembinsky resigned in May, however, because the government would not approve his plan of an irruption into Gallicia. His successor, Gen. Guyon, was not long able to hold out against the Russians, and by the end of June was obliged to give up his position, and, constantly harassed by the Cossacks, to move down towards Pesth, in order to if possible protect the capital. On reaching Szolnok, he was joined by the reserve of 14,000 men, and, after the evacuation of Pesth in the middle of July, by the troops who had been in that city, to the number of 4,000...

*The number of Poles who took part in our revolution is very generally estimated too high. I am the more desirous to correct this error, because many individuals, and even the Austrian and Russian governments themselves, excuse the Russian intervention on the ground that our struggle for independence was a Magyar-Polish revolution. The truth is, that there were at the most not more than between two and three thousand Poles in our service."


excerpted from Johann Pragay's The Hungarian Revolution: Outlines of the Prominent Circumstances Attending the Hungarian Struggle for Freedom, London and New York, 1850. [2]

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[1] This is in reference to the Polish-Saxon crisis at the Congress of Vienna in 1815, and Austrian annexation of the Free City/Republic of Cracow in 1846.

[2] This is an OTL source that I have been using throughout my research in writing TTL, and these excerpts have been altered only slightly to fit more closely the changes that have resulted as a cause of the different course of events iTTL.
 
Quality writing! :D
Would there be a map on TTL Europe available?

Thank you!

There haven't been any major territorial changes yet, other than what's shown on the map in post #57 in southern Germany. I'll probably do a bigger map once the revolutions have reached more of a conclusion, but more on that later...
 
Author's note: We now return to your regularly scheduled formatting...
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Mid 1849, in Serbia

The aftermath of the supposed Russian-Austrian rift at Warsaw was also directly felt in Serbia. It was clear to Garašanin that the European powers were no longer interested in working together under the vague notions of harmony that were produced by the Congress of Vienna; he had found the perfect storm, so to speak, that he was looking for.

The key puzzle piece to fall into place was Montenegro. Prince-Bishop Petar, growing more and more sickly, had already begun to plan for his death or abdication by selecting a nephew, Danilo, to groom as his successor. Though both are proponents of closer ties with Serbia, they are also fully aware that the existence of Montenegro as an independent nation is almost entirely based upon its religious and political ties with Russia, which must be handled delicately. Already after his initial meetings with Matija Ban, Petar had sent word to Russian authorities in Belgrade that he wished to change the terms of the Montenegrin union, though he had not been specific in his altered vision. To Danilo, however, he is quite clear: his nephew should renounce the 'bishop' portion of his title when he takes power, secularizing the nation's rule and ending the formal connection to Russian religious authorities.

This would leave Danilo free to move closer into Serbia's orbit, and perhaps even to retain his princely title if he will support the elevation of the Serbia rulers to 'king', as in older times. In reality this arrangement would probably suit both parties better, as the fiercely autonomous Montenegrin chieftains are less likely to support and fight for a foreign king, even a Serbian one, than their own prince, especially when sometimes even that is difficult to achieve. As word of the revolt in Bosnia spreads south, Ban returns from Croatia to ask for Petar's military support in seizing territory in Herzegovina to link up the two nations' realm; this is easily agreed to by both Petar and Danilo.

Bands of Montenegrin soldiers begin crossing the mountains into Herzegovina, where an increasingly independent Ottoman general, Ali Pasha Rizvanbegović, had been steadily increasing his personal power since suppressing a revolt in 1833. At that time the borders of Montenegro fluctuated greatly because they had never been defined officially by either side, which made 'cross-border' incursions and raids quite frequent. Attempting to encourage his subjects to remain loyal, Ali Pasha chalks up the Montenegrin presence to a particularly strong raiding year, in accordance with the unrest in Bosnia. An ambush of Ali Pasha's troops near Nikšić in early May is decisive in shifting control in the region to the Montenegrins; at the same time Serbs continue to rack up successes in Bosnia proper as well.

At first the rebellion was viewed internationally as only a minor internal issue, as the Ottomans had been slow to organize any sort of military expedition to relieve the besieged soldiers already in the provinces, and both Austrian and Russian officials were sending mixed messages of support and also rejection with alarming variance. The entry of the Montenegrins into the conflict seemed only to paralyze the parties further.

Russia suspected that Austria was tacitly supporting the rebels in order to bring them into the Habsburg sphere and to grab a large swath of Ottoman territory as a zone of influence, in response to Russia's growing influence in Ottoman Wallachia and Moldavia. Austria in turn feared that Russia had encouraged Serb rebels to disengage from the Hungarian revolt to focus on the weaker enemy first, before then returning to Habsburg Slav lands as a part of Russia's intervention in Hungary and demanding territorial concessions. Both positions were exceedingly paranoid and a direct result of the diplomatic discord between the two empires. In addition, neither party was interested in shifting support back to Ottoman authority, with the chance now to begin the inevitable disintegration that will allow both to carve up the Balkan territories.

Increasingly publicized Montenegrin victories against attempted Ottoman invasions via Albania brought the issue to the attention of Britain and France. Both were inclined to support Ottoman rule as a counterweight to Austria and Russia, but the uniquely unresolved status of Montenegro and the shifting power balance among the powers provided that these western powers too were not concerned enough about the 'Eastern Question', or rather more precisely, how Montenegro fit into the 'Eastern Question', to act. Thus it was that the Serbs and Montenegrins were virtually left alone in their rebellion, which in reality was exactly what they needed for success.

By mid-summer Danilo and his brother Mirko are the unquestioned leaders of the Montenegrin war effort, Petar having gone to Belgrade with Ban to negotiate the details of a Serb-Montenegrin union and also to talk to the Russians. By the time word that he wished for his successors to renounce the sacred ties with Russia reached the tsar's ears, the split was all but a fact anyway. Petar vaguely promised that Danilo would go to Russia after the war to seek formal approval from the tsar (he never would), and that future successors would still submit an official request of approval for their princely position to the tsar (documents or other such missives would also never be sent). Petar enshrined Russia and Serbia equally as holding a 'special status' among Montengrins, as the two great protectors of Slavdom.

Meanwhile, the negotiations between Petar, Garašanin, and Prince Aleksandar are quite cordial. Among the details hashed out, the Montenegrin Princes would accept the suzerainty of Serbia but retain high degrees of autonomy within their domain, especially in dealing with the clans and their chieftains. Nevertheless Montenegrins would be expected to support Serbia militarily and to embark on a path of closer trading ties. Montenegro would expand into Herzegovina in the vicinity of Nikšić, while Serbia would take Bosnia proper and the area around Mostar. Belgrade would be the joint capital and host a united assembly, the details of which were left unsettled, but a small Montengrin body would remain in Cetinje to continue their role in ceremonially voting to approve the princes.
 
Since we're on the subject, here below is a rough map of the current situation in the Balkans, in the summer months of 1849.

Key:

Lavender - Austrian lands
Aqua - Austrian-administered military frontier
Orange - Croatian territories de facto under Jelačić
Brown - Principality of Serbia
Dark Red - territories de facto controlled by Serbs
Green - Prince-Bishopric (soon to be Principality) of Montenegro
Dark Green - territories de facto under Montenegrin control
Red - Ottoman lands
Salmon - Hungary

Next update to come hopefully in a day or two.

Share your thoughts and speculations! :D

serbia1849.png
 
Not bad at all.

Strange that the rebellion seems to have achieved only minor success in Herzegovina, with its overwhelmingly Christian population and rugged terrain.
Though it isn't yet clear what the next step in Garashanin's plan is...it doesn't seem to involve any kind of an international conference, since the lack of genuine foreign attention is treated as a good thing.

I am now slightly confused about the Hungarian situation.
Dembinsky has been sent off to guard between the Danube and Tisza? But he hasn't actually crossed the Danube at any point?
It seems the Austrians were thoroughly devastated near Pest, but did they even manage to retreat? Is the Komarom-Lake Balaton line completely safe for now?
And Damjanics has been recalled early from Vojvodina to Transylvania and didn't participate near Komarom?
 
Not bad at all.

Thank you!

Strange that the rebellion seems to have achieved only minor success in Herzegovina, with its overwhelmingly Christian population and rugged terrain.
Though it isn't yet clear what the next step in Garashanin's plan is...it doesn't seem to involve any kind of an international conference, since the lack of genuine foreign attention is treated as a good thing.

I was under the impression that Herzegovina had less of a Christian population than Bosnia, but I could very well be mistaken. Either way, the Ottomans have slightly better odds in Bosnia because they can hold some of the population centers (excepting Banyaluka which is more predominately Serb and closer to the Serbian border anyway). Also the Montenegrins are content with taking what they have (the dark green) and perhaps taking more of the part of Bosnia that stretches southeast, so they haven't made any huge inroads in trying to control the area further west and closer to Mostar yet.

I am now slightly confused about the Hungarian situation.
Dembinsky has been sent off to guard between the Danube and Tisza? But he hasn't actually crossed the Danube at any point?
It seems the Austrians were thoroughly devastated near Pest, but did they even manage to retreat? Is the Komarom-Lake Balaton line completely safe for now?
And Damjanics has been recalled early from Vojvodina to Transylvania and didn't participate near Komarom?

My bad. So the excerpt from the interlude skipped ahead a little bit, maybe if I fill in the middle it will make more sense.

Dembinski was originally supposed to stay behind the Tisza, operating under the worst-case assumption that Komárom would fall and that it would be easier to defend the country from the center (this of course meant giving up the capital, but this is what they decided iOTL as well). When the forces at Komárom hold, and Guyon sweeps south having defeated the Austrian army near Kassa/Eperjes, Kossuth realizes that waiting back near the Tisza gives way too much ground to the Austrian army, and orders him to move well to the west.

With a much larger combined force and a better general (if only marginally, Dembinski wasn't great but Windisch-Grätz was quite deplorable even iOTL it seems), they can defeat the Austrians rather significantly near Pest. The Austrians retreat yet again but before Dembinski can pursue, they learn the Russian armies have begun entering the country from multiple directions. Dembinski must move to counter the new Russian threat, while dealing with what's of the Austrian army is left to the hands of the forces in Komárom. Windisch-Grätz is recalled for his series of failures and that flank (Komárom-Balaton) for Hungary is relatively safer, though not completely so. The Hungarians are much more concerned about Russian armies than the Austrian ones, having defeated the Austrians now several times on multiple fields of battle.

Hope that helps!
 
Dembinski was originally supposed to stay behind the Tisza, operating under the worst-case assumption that Komárom would fall and that it would be easier to defend the country from the center (this of course meant giving up the capital, but this is what they decided iOTL as well). When the forces at Komárom hold, and Guyon sweeps south having defeated the Austrian army near Kassa/Eperjes, Kossuth realizes that waiting back near the Tisza gives way too much ground to the Austrian army, and orders him to move well to the west.

With a much larger combined force and a better general (if only marginally, Dembinski wasn't great but Windisch-Grätz was quite deplorable even iOTL it seems), they can defeat the Austrians rather significantly near Pest. The Austrians retreat yet again but before Dembinski can pursue, they learn the Russian armies have begun entering the country from multiple directions. Dembinski must move to counter the new Russian threat, while dealing with what's of the Austrian army is left to the hands of the forces in Komárom. Windisch-Grätz is recalled for his series of failures and that flank (Komárom-Balaton) for Hungary is relatively safer, though not completely so. The Hungarians are much more concerned about Russian armies than the Austrian ones, having defeated the Austrians now several times on multiple fields of battle.

I see. Thanks for the clarification. I thought Dembinski stayed near Pest (as in, east of the Danube) the whole time but if he went further west then it makes sense he had to cross it back again on his way.
 
Mid 1849, Germany, cont. (part 3)

Despite the volatile situation in other parts of the country, in Prussia proper, the conservatives promulgate a new royal constitution that solidifies most powers of state as belonging to the monarch. Some small concessions are made, such as the requirement for the existence of a legislative assembly, but its powers will be concentrated in the so called "First Chamber", modeled on the British House of Lords, and in any case will not meet until the country is deemed "safe" by the king. Additional provisions protect basic rights and freedoms, but liberals and dissenters, especially radically-leaning ones, fear they will be targeted in the name of public safety. An exodus of intellectuals to Saxony and other havens of liberal-minded politicians continues, but it is in Saxony in particular where the next domino will fall.

Frederick Augustus II's repressive actions had been widely unpopular and largely ineffective; attempt after attempt to pin down and arrest alleged radical ringleaders had come up empty, and the citizenry seemed on the verge of open revolt more and more each passing day. The reappearance of the Frankfurt radicals in Württemberg and the emergence of the Baden-Palatinate republic inspires riots in the Saxon capital Dresden. The municipal guards side with the radicals, forcing the Frederick Augustus to become the latest king to flee his capital for the safety of a more defensible place in the first week of May. Royal Saxon troops and reinforcements from Prussia fight protestors and tear down barricades, and are like so many before them surprised by the tenaciousness of their adversaries.

Nevertheless, the "May Days," as they will come to be known, are a bloody but relatively quick affair, that in many ways aid in the radicalization of the Saxon petty bourgeoisie, and later that of other German states as well. The biggest complaint of that social strata had been the willingness of radicals to use violent and destructive methods to achieve their goals. The callousness and brutality of the Saxon and Prussian troops in Dresden is quite horrifying to them, and they will fill the Saxon legislative assembly in the rebellion's aftermath, clamoring for many of the same rights and protections the radicals had been denied in the first place. Even though his control had been temporarily restored, it was clear the tide of public opinion had shifted against the monarchy.

Part of what dooms the Saxon radicals is that geography is heavily working against their uprising. Despite the influx of Prussian liberals and patriots from other Saxon cities like Chemnitz and Zwickau, Dresden is quite isolated, separated from the Baden republicans by the heart of Bavaria and bordered to the north by Prussian lands with significant and organized military presence.

At the same time, Prussian troops also succeed in finally gaining the upper hand in Berg and the Mark, starting the arduous process of subduing Dortmund and other nearby cities and towns. Retribution is swift and severe; the military is put in control and all but shuts down the region entirely, however the wider damage has already been done. Many radicals and workers had begun moving south towards the republican havens in Baden and the Palatinate, and those who stayed behind have proven the Prussian army has something to fear.

Despite the restored control in the northern reaches of the Rhine province, the southern areas along the French border and near the Palatinate have declared solidarity with von Struve, von Römer, and Reichard, the leaders of the various provisional governments. Von Römer is the only one of the three who has not taken the title President, but as the architect of the Stuttgart coup has been looked upon as the movement's local leader. The movement in the Grand Duchy of Hesse is less organized and more amorphous, but nevertheless continues to spread across the Rhine into Starkenburg and the regional capital Darmstadt.

As Prussian forces reorganize to begin sweeping south, German representatives leave the drawn-out meeting in London with Denmark over Schleswig-Holstein. British and Russian officials had been urging the two sides to settle the issue for months, but neither side seemed willing to budge and had threatened to walk out and resume the war multiple times. Though Prussia is interested in gaining some lost prestige by acting boldly to defend the interests of the Duke of Augustenborg, the German claimant to the two duchies, Russia is adamantly opposed to separating any territory from the Danish crown, and makes threats to that effect throughout the conference. With Prussia still struggling through internal issues and the all-German parliament no longer demanding he take action, Frederick William signals to his negotiators to drop the issue and prepare a formal treaty to recognize the Danish claim and settle the issue for the time being.

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Author's Note: The "May Days" is iOTL's May Uprising, with pretty much the same period and effects, though the radicalization bit is an effect added iTTL. On Holstein, Prussia submitted to the wishes of the Frankfurt parliament iOTL and resumed the war in Jan. 1849 - this never happens iTTL.

How long can the "republican experiment" last? We shall see...

Map to follow.
 
A couple of months - a couple of areas of progress. The key is the same as the previous Germany map, but I'll go ahead and repost it here for convenience.

Gray = Prussian territory
Green = Bavarian territory
Yellow = Grand Duchy of Hesse (Hesse-Darmstadt)
Pink = Free City of Frankfurt (under Prussian occupation)
Purple = Baden provisional government and allies
Blue = Kingdom of Württemberg (sliding towards Baden's sphere, king de facto out of power)
Red X's = major demonstrations, protests, or skirmishes (not including ones with deposed Baden government)

Next up...the Roman Republic endures?

revs18492.png
 
Author's Note: Meant to have this up earlier but it's been the week from hell. Glad to be able to finally set aside some time to write and get a new update up.
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Mid 1849, Italy, cont. (part 3)

In Venice

Meanwhile to the east, the attack on Marghera had further isolated Venice from outside aid and forced its citizens to ration supplies and food to outlast the siege, a problem only compounded by the the tightening of the blockade at sea due to the loss of Piedmontese naval support. The ensuing famine caused by the lack of food and some rotting due to lack of proper storage is then exacerbated by the outbreak of disease, particularly cholera. Mazzini himself, despite his access to much better foodstuffs than the average Venetian citizen, falls ill in July and spends the remainder of the siege weak and bedridden, though this ends up being a measure of salvation in disguise.

Bombardment continues at a steady pace into August, as additional troops continue to augment the strength of the attacking forces. Von Heynau understands that even in their weakened and isolated state, the Venetians hold a great strategic advantage and that taking the city will be logistically challenging. Nevertheless, he endeavors to try as a preliminary force is sent across the causeway on August 5th. They are repelled, but not without significant effort by the Venetians. Subsequent attacks continue to soften the defenses until a concerted assault is launched during the night of August 13th-14th that succeeds in the Austrian army wresting control of the northernmost Cannaregio district.

At that point Manin attempts to sue for peace, but the Austrians, angered by the stalemate over Rome and led by a general who has little patience for armed resistance, are determined to make an example of the Venetian revolutionary leaders. Venetian citizens, many of them sick and starving, hope to avoid further bloodshed and for the most part capitulate and cooperate with the Austrian forces. Manin, his wife, and other prominent leaders of the assembly and their families are rounded up and imprisoned. Mazzini, too, is captured, but he remains in poor health. Of the military leaders, the hero of Marghera, Pepe, had been killed during the taking of Cannaregio, while Ulloa and Garibaldi are among the incarcerated.

As dictator of Venice and leader of the opposition, Manin is summarily and quite publicly executed some days after full Austrian occupation. Such an action might once have prompted more rioting and discontent, but the defeated Venetians are leaderless and no longer possess the will to fight on. Members of the assembly who had been captured are mainly left in the city's prisons until exile can be arranged for them, while more prominent arrestees such as Mazzini and Garibaldi are taken out of Venice by Austrian authorities so that the emperor and his ministers may decide their fate.

In Rome

In Rome, the stand-off continues between French forces and the two opposing armies. A diplomat named Ferdinand de Lasseps is dispatched to the city to work out a treaty between Oudinot's French forces and the republicans, and to intercede with the Austrians or Papal representatives if need be. The provisions of such an agreement are reached relatively quickly, and forwarded to the Roman and French governments for ratification in early June. It states that the French army will contribute to the defense of Roman territory while also guaranteeing her freedom from foreign invasion. French officials must also abstain from interfering in the Roman government on internal matters. The measure passes with little opposition in the Roman assembly.

As the treaty is turned over to the newly elected French government, however, it is clear the conservative Parti d'Ordre will have enough support to block ratification of the treaty. All the same, Louis-Napoleon is willing to virtually go to war with his own government in order to see his strategy through. Before the assembly votes, the leader of the liberal, leftist Montagne party, Alexandre Ledru-Rollin, gives a speech praising the prince-president's efforts to uphold Italian democracy and following the will of the French people in supporting their cause. He also lays out what he sees as the dire threat to Rome and to French interests in Italy if Austria were to be allowed to take the city and restore the Pope to power. His speech is picked up and mimicked by newspapers across the country, who despite having just settled down again from the rhetoric of the elections to the national assembly, are once again whipped into a frenzy by the defining issue of the new government.

Despite the protestations and the Prince-President's efforts, the outcome was never really in doubt and the treaty is defeated. Parti d'Ordre cabinet ministers demand that French troops be given a new mandate to restore Papal authority or withdraw altogether. The pressure on Louis-Napoleon increases as he continues to drum up support amongst the general populace. He writes to Oudinot to hold his position and keep the peace, and to de Lesseps to renegotiate the treaty to buy him time to calculate a strategy, even if the new treaty has the exact same wording. Thus Louis-Napoleon can point out to his grumbling opponents that an attempt to solve the situation peacefully remains ongoing, and to add further credibility to that point he also writes to the pope, telling him to consider giving up his temporal position of power and find a way to work with the republicans, so that he can return to the city and return to his pontifical duties.

Thus as the summer drags on, rumblings under the surface grow ever louder but little change as yet is brought to the situation on the ground.
 
Author's Note: Okay, I think I'm unintentionally starting to drag this a little bit. Let's get moving again! :D
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Mid 1849, In Hungary

The mobilization of Russian manpower in Hungary on Austria's behalf is seen as quite extraordinary. By far the largest military action on the continent since the end of the Napoleonic period, over 100,000 Russian soldiers divided among several armies now push into Hungary from multiple directions in spring and summer. After the initial 9,000 under Grotenhjelm had moved into Bukovina, 15,000 men under F.S. Panyutin march out of Warsaw to be supplemented by 60,000 more under I.F. Paskievich, while two columns of 27,000 and 30,000 under A.N. Lüders and F.V. Rüdigers march north from Wallachia and east from Moldavia, respectively.

At this point, the disposition of Hungarian forces had little chance to effectively hold off these overwhelming forces. Damjanics and the army in Transylvania number about 30,000, in the central plain under Dembinski and then Guyon are about 55,000, and in the west under Görgei and Klapka just over 20,000, who hold that frontier against the remainder of the Austrian army.

Those Austrian forces, approximately 25,000, and a force of 5,000 under Urban in Bukovina, are the vast majority of the remaining Austrians in Hungary by summer, outside of various and scattered garrisons in some fortresses. There is talk of putting together a new force to ensure Pest would be captured by the Austrian army rather than Russians, but other than these rumors, most military operations being undertaken east of the Tisza (and in reality, east of the Danube) are done by Russian generals.

Upon the meeting of Rüdigers and Lüders in Transylvania just south of Brassó, Grotenhjelm and Urban are dispatched from Bukovina and Galicia to sweep down from the north, trapping Damjanics and the Hungarians on the road between Beszterce and Brassó. The most decisive battle of that theatre occurs near Segesvár, where Damjanics felt he could best prepare his army for a defensive battle on multiple fronts. Though neither force there is at full strength (Damjanics had pushed some of his reserves back to the east and the northern forces did not reach the city in time for the battle), heavy losses on the Hungarian side compelled them to retreat under duress to Marosvásárhely, where a further defeat left Damjanics in a nearly untenable position. Some Hungarian units escape and try to regroup near Cluj, but their commander had already surrendered.

On the northern front, the cities of Eperjes and Kassa had fallen yet again, this time to Panyutin, with relative ease. After the larger Russian force had entered the country, the Vác-Tisza defensive line of the main army is pierced with such ease that Pest was evacuated to save it from potential destruction in a siege, and its garrison joined to the reserve army at Szolnok. That city became the headquarters of the Hungarian army by mid-July, while Kossuth's government had fled even further south behind the front lines to Szeged.

Kossuth also realizes that the revolution is in great danger. The overwhelming manpower of the Russian armies will surely grind down Hungarian resistance before the end of the year. Though they had not been successful in previous months, he nevertheless sends another round of desperate letters to the governments of Britain and France to intervene on their behalf against Austria. His true hope, though, is that one last ploy to save Hungary might succeed. Though Russia is supporting the emperor, Kossuth imagines there is a great deal of mistrust between the two sides, especially if the reports from Warsaw are to be believed. Though the idea had been proposed almost as a joke, Kossuth believes it might be just crazy enough to work.

The Duke of Leuchtenberg, Maximillian of Beauharnais, is a man of interesting pedigree. Related on his mother's side to the Wittelsbach dynasty of Bavaria and on his father's side to the line of Napoleon himself by adoption, the Duke had further enhanced his stature by marrying the daughter of the Russian tsar in 1839. His title had come with some lands in southern Germany, but they were for all practical purposes administered by Bavaria and the Duke himself had lived at Russian court since the marriage. His pedigree also meant he was first cousin to Emperor Franz Joseph, and it is this connection Kossuth sees as key to his idea.

Even though he is of the nobility, Maximillian is young and not nearly as conservative as most of his relatives, and is said to support the idea of constitutional rule. Kossuth writes to the tsar, asking him to consider proposing to Franz-Joseph to install his son-in-law as Duke of Hungary, a title that will still be subordinate to the emperor but will provide a measure of separation between the Emperor and the many minorities of his empire located within the Hungarian realm. Kossuth does not yet envision completely how this arrangement would work, but he hopes planting the idea in the tsar's head will make him seriously consider the idea. He also begins writing to the various Russian generals, informing them that he has entered negotiations with the tsar and has instructed his armies to withdraw for a time, and that he will keep them appraised of Hungarian movements during the period of correspondence.

Guyon complies with the orders to avoid direct confrontation and retreat south and west as needed, but the same cannot be said for Görgei's army. The western force continues to inflict a valiant fight against Austrian force south of Györ and Tatabánya, bringing the general great military acclaim. He grows further and further agitated by his compatriots' apparent refusal to fight, and writes angrily that he must be allowed to transfer to the central army so that he can defend the country. Kossuth sees that Görgei's ambition might derail the delicate and narrow possibility what he has planned will succeed, and continues to equivocate and reply that Görgei should remain focused on the western front, especially when another Austrian force finally does materialize and begin moving eastwards in August.
 
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