For the Nation, For the People: 1848 and Beyond

Early 1849, Galicia and Bukovina, Austrian Empire

The revolutionary tide even manages to reach to the far eastern regions of the Austrian realm. Though then-governor of Galicia Franz Stadion had headed off much popular unrest by abolishing serfdom in the province in April 1848, the area known as Bukovina in the far southeast did not benefit from the decree, despite being attached administratively to the province. In response to this and growing nationalist sentiment, a Ruthenian Council had been created in Lemberg to advocate on behalf of the Ukrainian population.

The demands of this council included extending the abolition to Bukovina, and more radically, the partition of the province into an western, Polish province and an eastern, Ukrainian province that would also incorporate Carpathian territory nominally part of Transylvania. A united Ukrainian-majority province would be a cultural and linguistic center for Habsburg Ukrainians, who considered themselves quite different from Russians or even Ukrainians within the Russian Empire.

The abolition of serfdom was eventually extended to Bukovina in August 1848, though Austrian officials were in no mood to countenance the aggressively nationalist demand for partition while dealing with the problem of Hungary. Nevertheless, nationalism and its inherent ties with social class would come to a head in parliamentary elections that summer; 16 of 25 deputies representing Galicia were peasants, while in Bukovina the number was 7 of 8, of which 5 were Ukrainians. When the unrest in Vienna caused the emperor to temporarily disband the parliament and move it to Kromeriz in Moravia, a Bukovina representative named Lukian Kobylytsia instead led the Ukrainian contingent home, to agitate for the change he felt they would clearly not achieve through governmental bureaucracy.

The creation of the Ruthenian Council was not an isolated incident in Lemberg. The Polish population, acting in solidarity with Poles across the border in Russia, had demanded Austrian support of Polish revolutionaries and created similar committees of nationalists to counterbalance Ukrainian influence. The Poles were also more active around Kraków where they had a majority, though Austrian troops were more active in that area and were able to effectively prevent a widespread revolt from breaking out. A riot in Lemberg in September had caused more Austrian troops to be called into the province to bring order to the city, which was quickly achieved.

In the countryside, however, the anger of the (especially Ukrainian) peasantry was not yet quelled. Kobylytsia's return prompted many peasants to quit working or to seize land of their own since the state would not provide for them, renewing insurrection in the region. An insurgency was formed throughout Bukovina in the Carpathian mountains, occupying many pockets of the countryside and threatening the town of Czernowitz, extremely close to the Russian border.

Indeed in Russia, officials of Tsar Nicholas were understandably concerned with developments in the Austrian territories. Poles in Galicia had already attempted to join in insurrection with the Polish population in the Russian guberniyas across the Vistula. Now it was feared similar nationalism among the Ukrainian and Romanian populations in Bukovina will spark uprisings in the Russian provinces of Podolia and Bessarabia, respectively, if left unchecked. With Austrian troops occupied with the Hungarian revolt, among others, the Tsar preemptively proposes to the new young emperor that Russian troops aid in the restoration of order in the eastern provinces, and a mobilization of troops along the border is ordered even before the Tsar's offer will reach Vienna.

Now it appears only a question of when, not if, Russian troops begin to enter Austrian territory. And when they do, their subjugation of the populace will begin in Bukovina.

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Author's Note: This pretty much wraps up the event cycle of the first three or so months of 1849. I'll now be moving into the spring military campaigns/events, though I'd like to ask the readers in which order they'd like to see them. I'll be returning to each of the theatres of the story in due time of course, but with updates from me coming much more slowly now, I'm sure some areas are of more immediate interest than others.

Where shall I return to first? Comments are always appreciated.
 
Author's note: I've been having the worst writer's block trying to continue the story in a couple of theatres. I hope it's just because I've been busy and so therefore more distracted from this story, and that I'll try again soon and be just fine. In the meantime, we're going to return to the Balkans first, as my brain is (for now) the least blocked in that theatre...
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In Serbia and Bosnia

In April, as Garašanin had expected, an open revolt among the Bosnian Serbs breaks out in the northern part of the territory. Ostensibly they are motivated by the reintroduction of mandatory military recruitment and increased demands on the production of tenant farmers. Though in reality, Serbian influence has infiltrated the province both directly through partisan agents and indirectly via the success in Vojvodina; many among the Bosnian Serbs expect Serbia to readily come to their aid. If the partisans are willing to fight in Habsburg lands, surely they will fight on behalf of fellow Serbs under Ottoman suzerainty?

Though Serbian intervention in Bosnia will not be acceptable to Ottoman authorities, it will certainly be more palatable to other European powers than attempting to take a slice of the Habsburg empire, disintegration or no. If Serbia can demonstrate her strength now, Austria and especially Russia might be more willing to accept such a situation and convince the Ottomans to stand down, especially Garašanin's machinations can play the empires off each other.

There are territorial reasons to support the Bosnian Serbs as well. The Prince-Bishop of Montenegro has expressed personal support for unification with Serbia, which can only be conceivably achieved if the two nations share a border. Only then can the Montenegrin clans be incorporated by the Serbian government, and even that will be an arduous process for more skeptical or independent chieftains mistrustful of a new authority. The westward expansion of Serbia would also conceivably end Ottoman occupation of land adjacent to Austrian lands, which would eliminate the necessity of a military frontier.

To this end, Garašanin is counting on the support of the Croats. When Knićanin and Stratimirović left Vojvodina, they took most of the Serbian volunteers with them and left the remaining Vojvodina Serb forces overextended. Withdrawing from Vojvodina was the only political solution for Serbia to save face, but also created a power vacuum for recently-arrived Croatian lieutenant Todorović to step into. His arrival becomes an integral piece of Garašanin's vision - the Habsburg 'Jugoslavs' are brought closer together, setting the foundation for a united front against Hungarian aggression and even Austrian authorities if necessary, while also fostering a closer relationship with Serbia proper.

Rajačić was quick to appoint Todorović to overall command of Vojvodina forces; whose Croat forces were immediately thrust into placing renewed pressure on the Hungarian garrison at Petrovaradin. Localized Serb partisans were expected to garrison cities taken from the Hungarians and hold the frontier, barring any major Hungarian offensive. Withdrawals were also ordered from towns considered too far north and east to be practically defensible; this order included Serb forces in Temesvár, where Serb occupation was drawing the attention of Hungarian forces in Transylvania and also the ire of local Romanians.

Meanwhile, Jelačić's army melted away almost as soon as he crossed the Drava from Hungary, despite the Ban's protestations that the Croatian cause is far from lost. He meets with Garašanin's envoy Ban, who encourages him to refocus his efforts on gaining de facto control of the Croatian and Slavonian military frontiers, where the Ban remains popular. Though the fortresses and population centers would likely remain outside the Ban's control initially, consolidation of the countryside might provoke Slav mutinies to expel Austrian authorities, and give the Croats a huge bargaining chip against the emperor to leverage for returning the lands to civilian control. Jelačić agrees in principle and hopes his peace with Móga will convince Hungary to turn a blind eye to Croatia for the immediate future, which will give him time to rekindle his nation's spirit and launch his sortie into the frontier.

On the Ottoman side of the border, the Serb revolt breaks out primarily in the sandjak of Banyaluka, a predominately Serb portion of the Bosnia eyalet. Though the town itself has a significant Muslim population, throughout the month of April almost the entirety of the province succumbs to open revolt, while governor Tahir Pasha scrambles to hold on to population centers including Travnik and Sarajevo. By early May, hundreds of Serbian 'volunteers' are flooding into Ottoman Bosnia, while Ban, having gained the support of the Croats, returns to Montenegro to ask the Prince-Bishop to send soldiers into Herzegovina.

The Bosnian revolt is almost immediately traced to Serbia by Ottoman authorities, who demand a denouncement of a revolt from Prince Aleksandar and threaten to send in the army to reoccupy the principality. Garašanin in turn appeals to Russian and Austrian officials to cool down the Porte, though those representatives are concerned by the developments as well. Thus the Serbians use separate meetings with Russian and Austrian officials to gain the upper hand diplomatically.

To the Russians, Serbia must appear to look only to the west for territory. It is well-known that Russia still has designs on Constantinople, and will not tolerate Serbian interference in achieving that goal. At the same time, a stronger Serbia will block Austria from snatching Ottoman territory, so that Russia could conceivably partition Ottoman Europe with a friendly and subordinate Slavic state rather than a greedy German-based empire. Though Russia is now supporting Austrian sovereignty on multiple fronts, it seems their support will only go as far as Austrian borders, not her wider interests.

To Austria, Serbia must appear appropriately prudent and limited in her goals. If the emperor can be convinced that Serbia's actions are an attempt to move closer into the Habsburg sphere, he will be more likely to support Serbia as a new brand of 'buffer state', and also an extension of Austrian influence. Convincing Habsburg authorities that Croats and Serbs within the empire should be brought closer together will be a tougher sell, especially given the nationalist-inspired revolts across the empire. At the same time, Serbia must present itself as the new protector of Balkan Slavs, and that it can be more amenable to Austrian interests than the vast Russian empire.

If it succeeds, this plan will drive a much wider wedge between the two powers that will eventually see them turn their focus and suspicions on each other, rather than on the growing influence of Serbia.

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Author's note: on a slightly different topic, do readers like my style of writing? It's not exactly the most fascinating without particular scenes of dialogue or mimicking ATL sources or history texts, but I feel like providing an overview is sometimes the most clear way to lay out events. I may experiment later on with moving in closer to focus on characters individually in scenes or through 'source material' etc. Anyways, hope you find this update interesting!
 
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Good update.

If you have writer's block, PM Jonathan Edelstein. He seems to be the go-to guy for the 19th century.

I have no problems with your style of writing...
 
The writing style is fine. As for the writer's block, nothing wrong with a small delay until the right storyline can present itself.

Either way, nice update.
 
Author's note: Ignore previous note about timing of events; I realized that in being imprecise about dates I had confused myself and thought I was already at the end of the winter campaign in Hungary - this is decidedly not so. Also this is probably about the pace I am going to be able to update moving forward (2-3 times/week).
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This update has been expanded in scope - please see the below post for its full contents.
 
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Early 1849, Hungary, cont. (part 2)

Following his defeat at Tokaj and Guyon's successful maneuver through the mountains, Schlik and his force are virtually surrounded, though he will not realize the strategic situation until it is much too late. Mészáros, pursuing the Austrians from the south, reaches the Austrians in retreat on Feb. 8th, and in the brief skirmish the newest Honvéd volunteer recruits carry the day and manage to defeat a poorly-planned defense south of Kassa, bringing a great morale boost to the freezing Hungarian army. From the north, Guyon overwhelms the small Austrian garrison left at Eperjes on Feb. 10, wasting no time in continuing the relatively short distance south to Kassa, where he and Mészáros have Schlik trapped.

The Austrians attempt in vain to retreat west, but a combined assault at the village of Miszlóka just outside Kassa leaves them devastated by the Honvéd. Of the 8,000 who had crossed into Hungary just months before, over 1,500 are killed and 3,500 taken prisoner by the end of the brief campaign, the majority of those coming at the aforementioned decisive engagement. Schlik himself is captured, while the broken remaining Austrian troops negotiate a surrender; the two commanders will not release Schlik but will allow their defeated enemies to retreat to Galicia, though most of their arms are confiscated. Mészáros maintains his command of the forces that will remain in Upper Hungary, while Guyon will take his detachment further south to reinforce the main army. He sends messages ahead to inform Kossuth and Görgei of his victory, these arrive on Feb. 14th and 15th, respectively.

Kossuth has remained with the government ministers at Esztergom, greatly heartened by the successful defense of Komárom. General Windisch-Grätz had kept his forces near Ács to regroup for over two weeks following the 4-day battle, communicating with Vienna and debating whether to attempt a renewed assault on the fortress or to bypass it altogether and move on to Buda. Even though the government had left the city, taking the capital would be a symbolic blow to the revolution's cause and likely an easier task than grinding down on the Danubian fortress's defenses. Finally, spurred on by impatient messages from Vienna, the Austrian march recommences on Jan. 30th; Windisch-Grätz moves no more quickly with his new strategy and will not reach Tatabánya until Feb. 9th, where he is still over 50km from Budapest.

In the mean time, Kossuth had urged Dembinski to pull most of his forces forward to the east bank of the Danube near Budapest once the Austrians had begun to move; the previous Tisza strategy would give too much room for Windisch-Grätz to maneuver, and was really only contingent on Görgei being unable to hold Komárom anyway. Windisch-Grätz himself did not realize he would now very likely face much more than a token resistance at Budapest, and is certainly not yet aware that Guyon is sweeping down from the northeast with still more reinforcements. The Austrians were also counting on Görgei to stay put or even retreat via the north, figuring that the Komárom force would not attempt an attack when lacking numerical superiority and without a proper defensible position.

Dembinski centers his command in Gyömrő just to the southeast of Pest, though he commits several Honvéd units to joining Móga across the Danube in Buda. When Kossuth is made aware of Guyon's approach, he recommends the British general ford the Danube north of the capital and then march south to flank the Austrian army, while urging Görgei to organize his force to try and cut off Windisch-Grätz's retreat. Görgei complies, figuring the Austrians will be cut off from Vienna and horribly exposed to attack from multiple directions should they be forced to backtrack.

In Transylvania, by late Jan. Damjanics begins his march towards areas of Saxon settlements; at that point, much of Transylvania had descended into chaos. A Saxon in Cluj had stumbled upon the meeting place of the Hungarian and Romanian negotiators, reporting it to a group of prominent German citizens of the town. They in turn had demanded the negotiations cease immediately or at least to be made privy to any developments. The Romanians were furious; they had assurances the Hungarians would keep the talks quiet and exclude Saxons from any settlement, even if such an agreement seemed very far off. An angry mob attacked several German homes and beat to death one of the Saxon leaders, shooting off a chain of events that would see the scope of violence significantly widened. Saxons, Romanians, and Szeklers alike now fight tooth and nail with little regard for dignity or civility. Massacres become commonplace, and entire villages are torched in violent retribution.

With Hermannstadt and the vicinity in such a situation, Damjanics feels it will be easier to pacify the northern enclave of Saxons, around Beszterce, first, then sweep south through the more friendly Szekler lands before attempting to intervene in the more concentrated areas of strife. Once the talks collapsed Iancu's partisans had also resumed raids in the absence of central authority, and he was now in de-facto control of the belligerent Romanian population from roughly Cluj to Deva to Hermannstadt. Iancu himself favors continuing the talks with Hungary while fighting the Saxons, though concessions of autonomy would be the only basis for an agreement.

Damjanics reaches the vicinity of Beszterce in late February and occupies the town with relatively little resistance; the only organized Austrian forces in the area had been pushed into Bukovina following a raid on Cluj some months earlier. Damjanics, finding the Saxons in the region to be of less trouble than he anticipated, expects little to trouble him as he moves south in the next few weeks. Behind him though, a new threat materializes.

Across the border in Bukovina, Karl von Urban, the displaced commander of Austrian troops in Transylvania, was desperately attempting to hold off Ukrainian insurgents from taking Czernowitz and Suceava, the two largest towns in the province. Outmatched and lacking support from Galicia, Urban decides to turn to the next-closest source of support: Russia. He appeals personally for Russian assistance in putting down the Bukovina revolt, unaware that the Russians were already mobilizing for a larger intervention into the deteriorating Hungarian conflict.

While Tsar Nicholas pursues the official channels of communication to seek Franz Joseph's official approval, he has already signed off on a massive Russian assault on Transylvania, increasingly concerned the Hungarian revolt would spill over anew into his occupied lands. A significant force under Alexander von Lüders will be dispatched from Wallachia to march on Brassó and beyond, while a smaller force more immediately will assist Austrian troops in subjugating Bukovina.

Russian troops cross into Czernowitz on Feb. 27th, some several thousand men under Lieutenant General Magnus von Grotenhjelm. His appearance and a subsequent sortie against the partisans sends them back from the town in disarray and they retreat, though much of the province remains in their hands. Once von Lüders alerts Grotenhjelm that he is entering Hungarian territory, the majority of the Russian force will be diverted there, regardless of whether or not Bukovina is fully pacified.
 
Early 1849, in Austria, cont. (part 2)

Emperor Franz Joseph is quite furious to learn that Windisch-Grätz's campaign has bogged down even before it has truly begun, unable to capture the strategic Komárom fortress. Of a military mind himself, he personally urges the general to move on to the bigger prize of the Hungarian capital, and to deal with the gathering forces behind the Danube with higher priority than one isolated fortification.

Meanwhile, the mess of German politics is something of a mixed bag to Franz Joseph: of course, the madness of the Frankfurt parliament is unquestionably cause for concern, but with trouble on so many fronts, Austria must focus on her own stability first before that of her smaller German brethren. At least the emperor can be thankful that the crisis has proven equally as burdensome in Prussia, beset by unrest and the consequences of the Frankfurt constitution, to prevent his major German rival from making a larger grab at power.

Of course Franz Joseph had denounced the Frankfurt constitution and would never agree to such a proposal, which makes him all the more surprised and furious when he is presented with a constitution for the empire that seems to draw its inspiration from German radicalism. When violence had engulfed Vienna, Ferdinand had invited the Reichstag to move to Kremsier in Moravia, though some delegates had simply left. After the abdication, Schwarzenberg had recommended the body be suspended altogether, though the emperor had countered that it would be useful to keep it open and demonstrate his apparent willingness to listen to compromise and reform, even if he swept any proposed measures under the rug once he gained a better hold on his empire. So the parliament had been left alone, and this is what it now passes on to Vienna.
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Notable excerpts from the Kremsier Constitution Draft, 1849[1]

§ 1. The Empire of Austria is an indivisible and constitutional hereditary monarchy.

§ 2. The territories of the empire for which this constitution shall apply are:[2]
1. The Kingdom of Bohemia
2. The Kingdom of Galicia and Lodomeria including Kraków
3. The Kingdom of Dalmatia
4. The Archduchy of Austria below the Enns
5. The Archduchy of Austria above the Enns, excluding Innviertel
6. The Duchy of Salzburg, including Innviertel
7. The Duchy of Styria
8. The Duchy of Carinthia
9. The Duchy of Carniola
10. The Duchy of Silesia
11. The Margraviate of Moravia
12. The Princely County of Tyrol, including Vorarlberg
13. The Littoral
14. Bukovina

§ 4. The imperial territories are each inseparable organic constituents and stand in full equality towards each other.

§ 7. (partial) All citizens are equal before the law.

The people is the entire body of citizens. All state powers emanate from the people.

All class privileges are abolished.

§ 33. All powers of the government may only be exercised in the manner set out in this Constitution.

§ 36. Each elected participant in the Reichstag has the right to propose laws.

§ 41. The legal rights and powers of the emperor are determined by the Constitution.

§ 43. Following the adoption of this constitution, the emperor and any successor (immediately following his succession) shall swear the following oath to the full assembly of the Reichstag:

"I swear to uphold and keep inviolable the Constitution of the Empire, and to govern in agreement with its laws and principles. So help me God."

[3]
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The presented draft infuriates the emperor and his ministers, and suddenly even Franz Joseph supports stripping this legislative body of any power. Instead, Interior Minister Stadion shrewdly suggests taking the legislation 'for revision' and rewriting it within acceptable parameters, then forcing it back through the Kremsier parliament to support its legitimacy. The emperor agrees and Stadion and Minister of Justice Bach lead the charge in rewriting the constitution, while Austrian troops quietly place the peaceful Moravian town practically under siege on the emperor's orders to prevent such a radical document from getting out, especially until things begin to take a turn for the better and order can be restored.

While all of this is taking place, Franz Joseph begins to receive more troubling news from the far east of his empire. First, the unrest in Galicia and Bukovina has become much more widespread and attracted the attention of Russian officials, enough that Tsar Nicholas I has sent an emissary to Vienna to discuss the possibility of Russian military support for restoration of order. Then, the disastrous news that the Austrian offensive in Upper Hungary has collapsed and Schlik taken prisoner lends further fuel to Russian demands that additional measures be taken to subdue the Hungarian revolutionaries.

Schwarzenberg is inclined to be suspicious of the Russian offer of assistance; despite the close Russian-Austrian relationship, he can't help but to fear Russian 'intervention' will become a pretext for expected support or concessions in the future, especially with the two powers increasingly at odds over the Balkans. Franz Joseph understands the concerns of his confidant, but also is well aware of Nicholas's reputation as arbiter of the status quo. Russia is still friendly to Austria, and is much more partial to her interests in Germany than those of Prussia, which Franz Joseph wishes to continue to exploit once he can return his focus to the German question.

In the meantime, he has one general struggling to secure even one victory in the west, a failed operation in the north, and a growing wave of unrest in the east, not to mention the thousands of Hungarian revolutionaries that stand in the middle. [4] Though both sides are probably more reluctant than they would like to admit in trying to work jointly to end the Hungarian revolt, they both nevertheless would prefer an uneasy alliance with each other than an unstable and dangerously radical Hungary. Franz Joseph informs the delegation he is amenable to a meeting with the tsar, which is proposed to take place in April in Russian Poland. With Schwarzenberg dealing with Russia and Stadion the upstart parliament, the emperor himself broaches the topic of negotiation with Charles Albert of Piedmont-Sardinia, whose forces have just been humiliatingly defeated again by Radetzky at Novara.



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[1] These excerpts are mostly taken from the document as it was created iOTL. That being said, my knowledge of German is limited to about 10 words so I'm relying heavily on google translate and the like. If someone would like to take a critical look at the translation I will be more than happy to edit it.

[2] Note the absence of any mention of Hungary (and associated lands - Croatia, Transylvania, etc. - as iOTL) and N. Italy. It was determined these lands could be added to the constitutional jurisdiction later.

[3] This section will be expanded later and/or if necessary (probable).

[4] Also he is not yet aware the Russians are moving forward without him. Methinks that's going to create a problem...
 
Hi, I've also done a timeline based on the 1848 revolutions, so will be reading this with interest. I like what your doing in the Balkans with the timeline, so definitely keep this up :)
 
Great TL :D

However, I find this a bit problematic:

The Empire of Austria is an indivisible and constitutional hereditary monarchy

Typical monarchies of the era were still use to 'trade' with lands or exchange it with other powers. Thus, the Constitution might prevent land concessions in exchange of other interests...
 
Thanks guys, I appreciate the support.

@morbid - I've been reading yours too; if I remember, you changed the course of the war in Italy right? It will be interesting to compare the directions we take.

@Mario - Ironically, I didn't make that section up. It really did appear in the Kremsier draft. Maybe I mistranslated? In German it reads:

Das Kaiserthum Österreich ist eine untheilbare constitutionelle Erbmonarchie.

see source http://www.verfassungen.de/at/at-18/kremsier49.htm

I think either way the ministers will be striking several key sections of that constitution for their rewrite, as iOTL.
 
I hope this update will raise some eyebrows :D

Mid-1849, Germany

Events in Baden once again prove to be the spark that reignites the German radicals to fight for their cause. While Struve had been imprisoned, a liberal-minded lawyer named Lorenz Brentano had taken de-facto control of the leftist faction in Baden, building up its presence through social clubs that soared to over 30,000 members by early 1849. Agitation grew steadily until the forced release of Struve, which set things into motion rapidly.

The mutiny of Badner troops to the radical cause at the Rhine fortress of Rastatt is damning to the Grand Duke; defections of soldiers across the country followed in the wake of the March 27th incident. Among others, it notably sparks a massive rally of thousands at Offenburg in southern Baden on April 19th, one year and one month after a similar demonstration. Brentano, who had apparently taken a leave of absence from the government to recuperate in Baden-Baden, attempts to rush back to his supporters in Mannheim when he learns Leopold has fled the country. However, he arrives too late, as Struve has already been ushered to the center of the revolution and proclaimed a provisional government with himself as its head, though he promises elections will occur soon.

From Mannheim the news quickly spreads across the Rhine into the Palatinate, where radicals need little convincing to proclaim a government of their own, under lawyer Joseph Martin Reichard. As a sign of solidarity the traditional toll at the bridge between Mannheim and Ludwigshafen on the other side of the Rhine is not collected, allowing people to move freely between the two. Both territories were by and large in revolutionary control relatively quickly; one holdout was the Bavarian fortress at Landau, though the commander there did allow soldiers who wished to join the radical cause to resign, in exchange for retaining control of the fortress and its valuable arsenal.

Meanwhile Prussian authorities were urged to intervene before the insurrection could spread any farther, of which there was much fear amongst the conservatives. At this point, with peace negotiations over Schleswig-Holstein looking more grim by the day and troops needed in the southwest, calling up the Landwehr becomes necessary in King Frederick William's view. However, viewed by many as illegal in peacetime, the collection of soldiers becomes a bloody issue in the Rhine Province and Westphalia. An angry mob of 15,000 behind primitive barricades greets Prussian soldiers in Elberfeld, touching off a brief skirmish. The troops fire on the protestors when they refuse to disperse and clear the roads, killing one man and injuring four others.

News of the incident at Elberfeld spreads like wildfire throughout the regions of Berg and the Mark and leads to further demonstrations and similar situations in which citizens refuse to comply with army quotas, as well as seizure of a Prussian army arsenal near Solingen. Especially in the furthest south of the province near the border with the Palatinate revolutionary sentiments are quite strong; those are also areas in which there are significant populations of workers. Prussian troops are at first overwhelmed trying to respond to so many small risings throughout the province, and the more troops that appear in the area the more dissatisfied the local populace seems to grow.

The unrest nearby also does not go unnoticed in Württemberg, where Römer implores the sequestered Frankfurt parliament to reveal itself fully and declare support for the Baden revolution. His theory is that if it is made known that Baden agitates on their behalf (which is not entirely true but Römer will spin it that way), but that they remain beleaguered by an intransigent king in Württemberg, the people of the nation as well as revolutionaries from other nearby districts will flock to Stuttgart to defend the radicals' cause. He writes urgently to Struve of his plan and suggests the revolutionary army march on Stuttgart as well.

In Struve's camp, an officer named Franz Sigel had suggested a plan of his own, in which the Badner army would first take the Hohenzollern provinces in the south and then march on Stuttgart, bringing Württemberg into their fold before moving on to Bavarian Franconia and then Bavaria proper. Struve sees merit in this plan, but also finds it potentially disastrous. While the insurrection is contained to the Palatinate, Bavaria will likely defer to Prussia to assist in its suppression, whereas a more widespread Bavarian revolt will necessarily draw the full attention of the Bavarian army.

Instead, Struve, having received Römer's missive, suggests a more direct action to Württemberg first while Prussia remains distracted, and then, with an even greater allied force, throwing most of the revolutionary army into a pitched fight with Prussia. A corps of Badner troops gathers in Pforzheim, on the Württemberg border, when Römer openly proclaims Baden has risen to support the Frankfurt parliament, which was illegally disbanded by force, and that all those who would support a democratic Germany should come to Stuttgart to defend them.

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Author's Note: There will probably be a part 2 to this update, but I at least wanted to get this section put up and then feel out responses. What say ye, dear readers?
 
Well the revolution hase no chance against the russian manpower. Maybe if the other major powers get involved? Still Hungary will be lost an Prussia may folowe if they are not careful
 
Mid 1849, Germany, cont. (part 2)

From Pforzheim it is less than 50km to Stuttgart, Württemberg's capital. There, Römer, with the support of both Frankfurt and Württemberger parliamentarians, presents the king with an updated and expanded draft of the constitution and bill of rights announced previously. This version is more complete and still enshrines the rights of the German people in creating a republican German nation.

The executive branch of government is still not yet clearly defined, as it remains a point of contention. Those who wish for a strong executive are accused of supporting monarchism and a system reminiscent of the kings they have now, while supporters of a weaker executive were seen as too radical for the eventually necessary compromise with more conservative elements. In any case, the parliament, which was driving the current push for a revolution anyway, would be the main source of de jure political power for the time being.

Römer's aggressiveness had also succeeded in catching the Royal Württemberg army off-guard; no orders could be issued before soldiers began to desert and mutiny to the revolutionary cause, while officers, who vehemently defended central authority, struggled to keep fights from break out amongst pro-monarchists and republicans. In any case, when King Wilhelm refuses to acknowledge the renewed demands and tries to have Römer arrested and the parliament forcefully broken up, some troops refuse to follow orders.

With the Baden corps pushing closer to the city and the citizens of Stuttgart firmly on the side of the revolutionaries, the king and a central core of military officers moves north to Ludwigsburg, a town seen as more loyal to royal authority and easier to defend in case of attack. From Stuttgart, news and men travel south deeper into the kingdom's territory, led especially by Ludwig Uhland, a native of Tübingen who had represented Württemberg at the Frankfurt parliament. Though support for the revolution is not as universally widespread as in Baden or the Palatinate, timing is everything and it appears the decisiveness of Struve and Römer pays off.

Meanwhile volunteers continue to stream into Baden and the Palatinate from the Rhine Province, including bands led personally by retired or dismissed Prussian officers. Another area of revolutionary support is Rhenish Hesse, the territory of the Grand Duchy of Hesse on the left bank of the Rhine. As these men add to the swelling ranks of the revolutionary army, everyone seems to have a different idea on what course of action the army should take. Some advocate an assault on still-Prussian-occupied Frankfurt, as a symbolic gesture for the power of the parliament that had been called there. Others would prefer a march directly into the Rhine Province to occupy the territorial capital of Koblenz, located far south enough to be potentially threatened by revolutionary troops. From there they can press the issue against Prussia and move north towards the areas currently in revolt, sustaining great pressure on Prussia's willingness to intercede.

By early May, the revolutionaries control all or most of Baden, the Palatinate, and Rhenish Hesse, much of Württemberg, and some small enclaves in the southern Rhine Province.

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Author's Note: I was working on a map earlier but the program I was working in crashed so I'll have to start over. I'll try to have it up later tonight.
 
The map below shows the situation in early-mid 1849 in the southwestern German states.

Gray = Prussian territory
Green = Bavarian territory
Yellow = Grand Duchy of Hesse (Hesse-Darmstadt)
Pink = Free City of Frankfurt (under Prussian occupation)
Purple = Baden provisional government and allies
Blue = Kingdom of Württemberg (sliding towards Baden's sphere, king de facto out of power)
Red X's = major demonstrations, protests, or skirmishes (not including ones with deposed Baden government)

Anybody have speculation on what they think might happen next? Any suggestions for me in terms of story direction? It's been awful quiet these last few updates.

revs1849.png
 
Mid 1849, in Northern Italy

The same day the Austrian army achieves a significant victory at Novara, a revolt breaks out further east in Brescia. With the bulk of Austrian forces engaged on the front, it falls to the other scattered forces in the area to restore order. On the third day, a small force arrives from Mantua to restore order, but is repulsed and driven back under heavy losses, including General Laval Nugent. By this time word had reached the city of the Piedmontese defeat at Novara, though local officials convinced the townspeople it is a false rumor spread by the Austrians to entice them to surrender.

After another week, a more significant force under General Julius Jacob von Haynau approaches the city after marching from Padua. Haynau threatens to burn the city to the ground if the city's leaders do not submit, which they furiously decline to do. Haynau commences a devastating bombardment of the city that brings the city to its knees after only two days. The leaders of the revolt are arrested and executed, troops are allowed to loot the town, and several notable landmarks are destroyed. The incident will ultimately go down infamously, as an example of mistreatment during Austrian administration in northern Italy.

Meanwhile, in the aftermath of his army's defeat, King Charles Albert had immediately pressed for peace once more, unwilling to see the Austrian army put his capital under siege. Radetzky's terms are harsh - Austrian garrisons are to be placed in Alessandria, Novara, and Genoa, and their surrounding jurisdictions placed under general Austrian occupation. The king is prepared to agree, his will to fight completely lost. His generals agree that continuing the war would be unwise, but are not convinced that the terms of the peace cannot be renegotiated more favorably. The Piedmontese government, on the other hand, is furious that the king is giving in so easily and there is outrage in Turin.

Responding to the tension, the King's son and heir apparent, Victor Emmanuel II, rushes to his father's war council to try and convince the king to renegotiate. Instead, the disgruntled generals quietly approach the Duke of Savoy and encourage him to take the necessary actions on his own, rather than ask his father for approval first. In the middle of the night at a farm just north of Novara, Radetzky meets Victor Emmanuel to discuss new terms. Radetzky has strict orders from the emperor to ensure the imposed peace is harsh enough to discourage the Piedmontese from meddling again any time soon, and the Field Marshal himself at first is not inclined to give in to any new demands.

From the outset Victor Emmanuel tries to distance himself from his father and the liberal government he has allowed to grow in power, and points out that it very well might take Austrian support to ensure he can successfully hold the throne if the liberals try to make a power grab. He promises he will do his best to curb the reach of the liberal government, and also that Piedmont-Sardinia will stay out of revolts and movements elsewhere in the Italian peninsula, including the Venetian and Roman republics. In turn, Austria will take only an indemnity from the kingdom and support Victor Emmanuel's accession to the throne, but will not enter his territory any further unless the government were to collapse. Neither party is overjoyed at the terms but both can live with them, and the armistice is concluded to be ratified officially by both parties in an expedient manner.

Upon his return to his father's camp, Victor Emmanuel relays the news of the new peace offer to the generals and to the ministers back in Turin, both of whom seem much relieved that the Duke has negotiated a better settlement. The liberals are not pleased that their new soon-to-be-king has granted tacit acquiescence to the destruction of the republican cause in Italy, but the moderates and conservatives alike agree that their kingdom is now not in a position to be the savior of all of Italy. Charles Albert agrees to abdicate quite willingly, indeed seeing this new option as in some way saving his honor rather than being humiliated by the terms he had originally agreed upon. The king would eventually take to exile in Portugal and die quietly a few years later.

With a peace concluded, the Piedmontese return to Turin where Victor Emmanuel can begin to take control of his government, while Radetzky moves the bulk of his forces away from the Piedmontese front to march on the revolutionaries of Tuscany. Posturing and bluster from both sides in the ensuing weeks almost results in a breakdown altogether of the peace, as Radetzky insists on keeping Austrian troops on Piedmontese territory until the agreement is formally signed, while Victor Emmanuel boasts that 50,000 Piedmontese troops will march once more into Austrian Lombardy. In the end, outside diplomatic channels convince both sides to back down.

The regime change and end to the conflict between Austria and Piedmont-Sardinia also means the Venetians have lost their chance to take any offensive. Austrian attentions will now be fully focused on the city's republic, and that makes Mazzini and his supporters exceedingly nervous, even as Manin continues to espouse confidence in the defenders of the city. At a solemn meeting of the city's assembly in April, Manin urges those gathered to support him in fighting on, hardened by the defeat at Novara and emboldened by the callous Austrian assault on Brescia. Mazzini's camp continues to make no headway in eroding Manin's dictatorial grip on the city, and plans are hastily formed to evacuate Mazzini from the city when such a measure becomes necessary.

It is into this climate of fear and uncertainty mixed with defiance that Haynau marches his forces, placed in charge of all Austrian operations against the city as a reward for his effective handling of the Brescia revolt until Radetzky's forces return from Tuscany. Though Austrian positions had already been regarrisoned in the weeks leading up to the renewal of the Piedmont war, no concerted offensive actions had been taken, nor had any sorties been launched from the city. That is about to change, as Haynau is determined to take the Venetian forward position at Marghera, where such a humiliating defeat had been inflicted months earlier.

A siege and bombardment of the fort begins in the last days of April, as the Austrians with far superior numbers are able to fan out and penetrate weak points from a multitude of directions. By mid-May the remaining Venetian defenders retreat back across the lagoon into the city proper; any other small remaining Venetian garrisons on the mainland will follow suit soon after as the Austrian army moves to begin bombardment of the city itself, aided by the small Austrian navy that now sits unopposed in the northern Adriatic, the Piedmontese navy having been compelled to withdraw as part of their peace deal.

With their control of the mainland slipping away and the city's resources increasingly limited and cut off, the mood in Venice begins to change significantly, especially as more and more news from elsewhere in Italy filters in, little of it positive for the republican cause.

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Author's Note: This update covers the northern theatre of Italy, part two later this week will cover events in Tuscany and Rome and such. As before, the butterflies here aren't doing too much yet, the one major difference from OTL is that it is Victor Emmanuel's impetus to get a better peace and 'force' his father to abdicate, whereas iOTL Charles Albert was himself an advocate of his own abdication (though this is all a bit muddled in the sources I am looking at, so perhaps I haven't written it too differently from OTL after all).

Methinks Mazzini being trapped in Venice spells bad news for the Italian nationalist movement...
 
The Italy part 2 update is mostly written, however I have two directions I think it could take and I'm curious which one readers would want to see/find more plausible.

In 1849 iOTL, an expeditionary force from France was the primary antagonist to the Roman Republic and put the city under siege, after which it eventually fell in early July. At the time, Louis Napoleon had just been elected president and agreed to the action as a way to bolster his support among French Catholics and conservatives, though he himself had once fought against the Pope in Italy and public opinion in France over the issue was sharply divided. The two alternative scenarios I propose are this:

1) The Pope knows that Austrian support, whether he wants or not, will come soon enough once Piedmont-Sardinia bows out of its war. If Austria controls basically all of northern Italy and then begins to occupy the Papal State, it might embolden the emperor to push for control of the northern area (around Bologna) or at the very least put the Pope in a very awkward position in the future. Knowing this, he convinces L-N to send a force to Rome that will claim to support the republicans but later turn on them before any fighting can begin, thus ensuring the Austrians stay outside the city but reducing the costs of restoring order.

2) L-N, already plotting how to turn his landslide electoral victory into personal power, opts to side with the republicans and provokes a standoff with Austrian (or Neapolitan) troops over Rome or refuses to intervene altogether. The former will piss off conservatives and catholics but likely make him more popular in the press and with the socialists, who he can easily knock out of the picture later in some iTTL version of his 1851 coup. The international implications might be quite fascinating. The latter would concede that the balance of power in Italy will shift to Austria but, depending on how bloody the Austrians are in taking the city, could be used as fuel for L-N to lambast Austria in the international order and play the behind-the-scenes agitator for the remnants of Italian nationalism or even for Piedmont-Sardinia to try and build up again for future wars.

Any thoughts? There is also the option to keep things more or less as iOTL, but I think the butterflies and opportunities to do something different are quite interesting and certainly plausible at this point.
 
I don't have anything to offer in the form of constructive criticism but I am really enjoying reading this TL. Keep up the good work :D
 
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