A True October Surprise (A Wikibox TL)

Part 38: Papal conclave, 2011
  • ...Benedict XVI's sudden death of a heart attack in early 2011 brought about a brief period of reflection on the legacy of the late controversial pope, who had for years been dogged by the Church's child abuse scandals across various nations. News media figures who days earlier had condemned the pope for the church's failures regarding their handling of abusive priests seriously began to review Benedict's theological legacy and the moves he had made in a more conservative direction.

    The run-up to choose Benedict's successor only two things were known: the new pope would not be from Germany (Benedict's home country) or Italy. The College of Cardinals, despite many of them having been appointed by the conservative Benedict, were slowly realizing that the Church's power base had shifted away from Europe, and for the first time, began to seriously look at candidates from the Americas and Africa. The conservative bent of the Church insured that the new pope would also be a conservative, and several ballots went by before one candidate finally was elected.

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    Archbishop Odilo Scherer of São Paulo, who had only been a cardinal for five years, became the first pope from the New World upon his election. Taking the name Leo XIV, the new pope signaled that he wished to move the Church back into a central role in modern life and continue the evangelizing mission his predecessor Pius XIII had adopted. Only 61 when he was raised to the papacy, Leo XIV seems to have a long papacy ahead of him to place his stamp on the Church...
     
    Part 39: Mexican presidential election, 2012
  • ...President Creel had begun with high hopes for continuing Vincente Fox's reforms, but was again and again halted by disagreements with PAN and PRD deputies in Congress, who had formed an informal coalition to prevent Creel from passing what they considered to be unwise reforms. Despite this, Creel was able to pass reforms that enacted pay caps on civil servant positions, and negotiated several favorable trade deals with neighboring nations as well as expanded Mexico's image by getting Mexico included with other similarly industrializing nations like India, China, Brazil and South Africa.

    This, however, was in the backdrop of increasingly aggressive drug cartels taking effective control over towns and areas that were used on the route to smuggle drugs into the United States. Creel sent the Mexican Army in, and aid came from the United States (especially along the shared border between the two countries), but corruption within the underfunded Mexican military, the brutality of the cartels and the luxuriousness of the drug trade meant that by the time Creel left office, only the cartel heads had changed- old heads, either killed by Army forces, taken to jail or offed by their own replaced by younger, even more ruthless replacements.

    Former Secretary of Finance Ernesto Cordero became the PAN nominee with little difficulty and had an uphill struggle against him, with Creel having public disagreements with his US counterpart Bob Riley over Riley's refusal to impose stricter gun control laws or ease American laws on marijuana that Creel felt would weaken the power of the cartels in Mexico. The PRI nominated former Sonora Governor and senator Manlio Fabio Beltrones, who campaigned on a strong "law and order" platform and harked back to the PRI days when Mexicans would not have to worry about drug gangs controlling swathes of their country. The PRD chose former Mexico City Mayor Marcelo Ebrard as their nominee.

    Ebrard chose to make his stand on issues instead of posturing like Beltrones, but initially this seemed foolhardy as Beltrones opened up a large lead ahead of him and Cordero. Then, Ebrard slowly chipped away at Beltrones' lead as voters began to recall (with help from the PRD and PAN campaigns) the rampant corruption of the PRI years and troublesome questions began to emerge about Beltrones' connections with drug gangs as well during his stint as governor of the border state of Sonora.

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    Ebrard walked away with a six-point victory as a result, becoming the first PRD president of Mexico and marked a big shift away from the center-right policies of the Fox and Creel administration. President Ebrard has continued the fight against the cartels with his US allies, but his policy of drug liberalization, replacement of military attacks with police strikes against all but the biggest cartel hideouts, and frequent overtures to the United States to reform its drug policies have proven controversial in Washington. It is unknown if Ebrard's reforms, which have made some progress, will be enough to give his party a second term in 2018...
     
    Part 40: United States presidential election, 2012
  • The Democratic Party's list of candidates for the 2012 race was surprisingly sparse. The New Covenant had for the most part, flummoxed Democratic strategists who had hoped that Riley would not follow through on his campaign promises and govern as a typical Republican, which would provide a neat rallying cry to the Democratic base. The lack of a clear tack to take against an incumbent president helped many potential candidates, such as Florida Congresswoman Gwen Graham, Kentucky Senator Daniel Mongiardo and Massachusetts Governor Deval Patrick from declaring, choosing instead to wait until 2016. As such, the momentum quickly went to Andrew Cuomo, the most well-known candidate to throw his hat into the ring, and despite failed attempts at drafting an electable anti-Cuomo ticket, the former HUD Secretary won easily. He selected former Virginia Governor Mark Warner as his running mate over the objections of advisers who recommended he pick a solid liberal to appease growing liberal resentment left over from Cuomo's 2008 run and his antagonistic, scorched-earth primary victories in the recent contest.

    Cuomo's conservative stances on taxes and spending, antagonistic relationship with the party's liberals and swirling rumors of corruption surrounding his post-government speaking career were enough to cause the party's liberals and environmentalists to bolt. A contingent of liberals took control of the minor Green Party and succeeded in calling former Minnesota Senator Paul Wellstone out of retirement to serve as the Green nominee. Wellstone chose iconoclastic progressive Salt Lake City Mayor Rocky Anderson as his running mate, and Anderson, owing to Wellstone's ill health, would end up doing most of the heavy campaigning.

    With the Democratic Party split, Riley had a huge advantage and seemed like a lock for re-election. However, questions over lobbyist influence on the Riley administration soon became a troubling issue for the campaign and Riley was forced on the defensive. This worked to Wellstone's advantage- the strident Minnesota liberal was the only candidate who was not targeted by corruption rumors and he was able to rise high enough in the polls by painting both candidates with the brush of corruption to be included in the presidential debates- the first minor-party candidate since Fob James in 1996.

    As expected, Wellstone's poll numbers began gradually bleeding away as Election Day approached and the Cuomo campaign began to desperately bring back liberal voters their candidate had spent the primaries and rest of the general election campaign antagonizing.

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    President Riley won a crushing electoral college victory, sweeping the Midwest outside of the Democratic stronghold of Illinois and only losing one swing state, West Virginia, which returned to the Democratic fold as a result of Cuomo's openness to continuing coal usage. Riley did not, however, win a majority of the popular vote, owing to a plethora of right-wing third-party candidates who were able to siphon off the votes of right-wingers in deep red states who were displeased with the New Covenant and Riley's criticism of Israeli conduct in Operation Righteous.

    Cuomo was greatly hurt by Wellstone's run and liberal dissatisfaction in blue states that caused states like Oregon and Minnesota (which had, along with Massachusetts, voted Democratic in every election since 1956) to be won by a Republican for the first time in decades. As for Wellstone, the former senator did not win a single state but later won an electoral vote from a faithless Washington D.C. elector, reportedly as a result of the Wellstone campaign's support for DC statehood, when the Electoral College met in December 2012.

    Down ticket, the Republicans would add to their House majority but fall one seat short of taking the Senate, ending with 49 seats when the next Congress began in January 2013...
     
    Part 41: Riley Presidency (2012-2016)
  • President Riley’s coattails convinced enough Democrats of, if not the validity of the New Covenant, its electoral popularity. Subsequent planks, such as those eliminating the marriage penalty and raising the threshold for the estate tax, were passed without a whole lot of debate. Military funding, especially with regards to R&D similarly sailed through. The president’s desired balanced budget amendment, however, proved to be too much for Senate Democrats to swallow and Riley was forced to finally admit that it would not pass in the face of a Democratic filibuster.

    The post-election foreign policy scene provided massive headaches for the administration. The heavy-handed reaction by Israel to the Palestinian Intifada had resulted in an international coalition pushing for a UN force to negotiate a cease-fire and take over administration of the disputed territories. Riley, bucking the trend begun with President Bush, used the United States' Security Council veto and killed the prospect of a UN mission to the region, shoring up support of pro-Israeli Americans and reviving American popularity somewhat in Israel but alienating American allies and members of the Third World who believed that the veto was pure favoritism by Washington and which subsequently began to lobby other permanent Security Council members such as China for support.

    The Intifada had effects on other Middle Eastern nations as well. The unwillingness of most Arab governments to antagonize Washington with outright support of the Palestinians proved to be wildly unpopular with the population in many countries, particularly those in Egypt, Algeria and Tunisia, whose authoritarian leaders ruled highly corrupt, economically inefficient regimes with mass youth civilian unemployment. Peaceful protests in Cairo, Algiers and Tunis were ruthlessly crushed, only to be replaced by violent attacks by mobs of angry youths and protesters on the police. Tunisia's government was eventually toppled, but Algeria and Egypt, with military and political backing from Washington, eventually crushed the protests with a combination of mild reforms and mass arrests and "disappearances" of dissidents.

    The situation in Mexico had laid bare disagreements between the president and his Mexican counterpart, Marcelo Ebrard. Ebrard's move away from his predecessor Santiago Creel's policy of using the military against the drug cartels and Ebrard's foray into asking for changes in American domestic law aggravated the administration. Riley's administration, in response, doubled down on both its opposition to federal gun control statutes and efforts to decriminalize or legalize marijuana.

    The former made its way to the Supreme Court, as part of a challenge by right-wing gun rights activists who sought to challenge California's stringent gun control laws. Banking on the court's liberal wing rejecting the challenge, the administration planned to roll out a bill that could sneak through the cracks the court's moderates (notably Chief Justice Merritt and Justice Dellinger) would, they believed, leave in their ruling allowing for a bill that would rally the troops before the midterm elections and distract from the rumblings of Senate Democrats, who had begun poking even further into lobbyist groups that they felt had gained undue influence on the administration.

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    The Court's ruling left the administration flat-footed. A sweeping 7-2 rejection of the challenge (with only Riley appointees voting in favor) that firmly rejected the possibility that the party could push a firearms bill acceptable to the Court through caused the administration without a plan for the midterm campaigns and the investigations into lobbyist influence within the administration took center stage. The president's eldest son, Rob Riley Jr., was soon implicated in the scandal, and the president bowed to political pressure and agreed to the creation of a joint congressional and Department of Justice investigation into the administration's ties with corporate lobbyists.

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    The midterms were a near-disaster for the GOP as the party had to suddenly reverse course and run away from a president whose approval ratings had plummeted overnight. The Democrats gained six seats in the Senate, with the GOP only winning tight races in Montana and West Virginia (owing to the retirement of popular Democratic incumbents and poor candidate selection by the Democrats) and Tennessee, where former presidential candidate Al Gore’s seat had been retaken by Republicans in 2008 only for his replacement Bob Corker to die in a tragic car accident and be replaced by Democratic appointee Mike McWherter- who promptly became very unpopular within both his party and the state.

    In the House, the GOP kept control by the barest possible margin- the party won 218 seats to the Democrats’ 217 and kept control, with Speaker Kasich being forced to allow the Democrats unprecedented power for a minority party in exchange for an informal agreement that would keep him speaker throughout the Congress- even if vacancies and special election victories gave the Democrats a plurality or majority...

    With his congressional support now gone and his plans for further economic reform scuttled, Riley returned to the traditional presidential domain of foreign relations and pushed strongly for Middle Eastern peace. But between the splintering of the Palestinian leadership and the hard-right tilt of Israeli Prime Minister Ya'alon's government meant that compromise was almost impossible and the president was forced to content himself with limiting the damage of the fighting by pressuring Ya'alon and the leaders of the Palestinian factions to small changes that he hoped could be built on by his successors.

    The president's lame duck term saw a small bit of his reputation restored as his son and all but a few members of his administration were exonerated by the joint investigation. Those who were implicated the president promptly fired, giving him enough good will to pass the final part of the New Covenant that would go into law- an increase in the child tax credit and further tax credits to businesses and labor unions that had or instituted policies designed to strengthen their local community...
     
    Interlude: Richard Nixon
  • Not an update, just posting this infobox I had done quite a while ago and couldn't find a way to put in an update.

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    Part 42: Canada (after 2009)
  • Despite winning a third consecutive majority for his party, John Manley's fortunes had finally begun to wane as his government entered its ninth year. The Progressive Conservatives' selection of Manitoba MP Brian Pallister to replace Mike Harris became a major problem for Manley's continued leadership, as the "Blue Liberal" prime minister faced, for the first time in his term, an opposition leader who could take away soft Tory voters who voted Liberal out of disagreement with Harris' hard-right policies. Added to this was Manley's continued unpopularity in Quebec and serious concerns that if he continued as leader a combination of Quebec voters choosing the UDQ over the Liberals could jeopardize the Liberals' future election prospects and it was no wonder that Manley was persuaded to announce his retirement as Liberal leader and prime minister in late 2010.

    As part of the informal Liberal tradition of rotating between Anglophone and Francophone leaders, the party chose Minister of Justice Thomas Mulcair of Quebec as the new party leader. Mulcair, who like Pierre Trudeau (before him, the last prime minister to hail from Quebec) had previously flirted with joining the NDP, reversed Manley's course and pushed through measures to appeal to both Quebecers (passing a motion that formally recognized Quebec as a 'distinct society within Canada' and mandating that a certain percentage of ministries be reserved for Francophones and non-Anglophones) and left-leaning voters (including increasing funds for post-secondary education, supporting net neutrality and pushing the provinces to raise employer contributions to the Canadian Pension Plan).

    By the time Mulcair decided to call for new elections in 2013, the Liberals still held a lead over the Progressive Conservatives, but it looked increasingly likely that the Liberals would lose their majority and Canadians would have their first minority government in nearly 20 years.

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    On Election Night, a happy surprise greeted the Liberals as their party came out with a small majority of three seats. The UDQ, already facing an uphill struggle with a native Quebecer leading the Liberals, ran a disastrous campaign, with very public disputes between the party and local riding associations over candidate selections that caused many UDQ-leaning voters to switch to the Liberals. As a result, the UDQ lost all of their seats to Liberal candidates, leaving the party without any members of the House of Commons for the first time since 2001.

    The UDQ wipeout mostly offset the Liberals' loss of seats to the PCs (mostly in Ontario and some Atlantic ridings) and the NDP (mostly in the western provinces) as both other major parties made gains. Despite this, Mulcair has rode high since the Liberals' fourth straight majority, the first such occurrence in over one hundred years (Wilfrid Laurier's Liberals had been the last to accomplish this, winning their fourth straight majority in 1908). His government has again made Canada one of the global leaders in fighting climate change and has introduced several bills that would bolster the national safety net. However, polling indicates that Canadians are finally beginning to tire of the Liberals and the Progressive Conservatives have had a slim lead in the polls as it becomes closer to the traditional period to call for new elections...
     
    Interlude: Senate of Canada
  • The Senate of Canada has become, following the constitutional patriation, an increasingly important part of the legislative process. Following patriation, half of all seats would be appointed by the provincial premiers (although technically more seats are appointed by the federal government, owing to the prime minister being the one to advise the governor-general on whom to appoint to represent each territory), giving provinces a voice, muted as it may be, directly towards federal legislation.

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    Infobox depicts the Senate composition as of January 20, 2017

    The change in the appointment of senators would also allow groups that would normally never have had senators under the old system of de facto prime ministerial patronage to be represented- the Union du Québéc soon became the first party to have more senators than MPs following its wipeout in the 1996 elections. The New Democratic Party, which found itself able to appoint senators as a result of its control over western provinces like Manitoba, Saskatchewan and British Columbia, faced an internal battle over whether to appoint senators and renege on the party's long-time position on Senate abolition or to leave the seats empty for years at a time and leave the provinces underrepresented in the upper chamber. The party's solution was a compromise: it allowed its provincial wings to appoint members of the NDP as "Independent New Democrats"- technically party members but who did not take marching orders from the party leadership.

    While government ministers since the MacEachan ministry have grumbled that the changes and resulting diversity in Senate composition have made it more difficult to pass legislation, in truth the Senate is still subservient to the House of Commons even compared to the British House of Lords, but has in the past decade-and-a-half, become more assertive in forcing governments of the day to revise legislation or even rejecting it altogether...
     
    Part 43: Soviet Union legislative elections, 2014
  • By the time of the 32nd Party Congress in 2011, Alexander Rutskoy had led the Soviet Union for 12 years, the longest tenure of any Soviet leader since Leonid Brezhnev. The loss of Soviet prestige following the Bern Accords had been somewhat offset by the success of quashing ethnic conflicts in the Caucasus and the easing of the dire economic situation somewhat as a result of reduced military spending throughout most of the post-Bern period. Despite the resumption of power by hardliners following Gorbachev's ouster, the success in the Caucasus and the small improvement in the overall Soviet economy during the Rutskoy years, the General Secretary's placement at the top of the Soviet hierarchy was not viewed as stable by Kremlinologists, who believed that the party might be looking at a more collective leadership in the Chinese model and seek to replace Rutskoy with a younger man.

    These predictions proved incorrect as Rutskoy presided over his third party congress as General Secretary and saw the sidelining of several possible replacements, including Rutskoy's own popular Minister of Defense Alexander Lebed, who was moved instead to run the Siberian krai of Krasnoyarsk. It seems that instead Rutskoy has consolidated his popularity among the conservative/hard-line faction that controls a majority of the Politburo and is seemingly secure at least for the near future.

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    The results of the 2014 legislative elections were, like all elections in communist nations, predetermined. The CPSU won roughly 70% of seats in both houses of the Supreme Soviet and "independents" were given the remainder. Many of the Communist members of the rubber stamp legislature were present for the 33rd Party Congress in 2016, where Rutskoy again presided as General Secretary. Despite being the last party congress before the 100th anniversary of the Russian Revolution, journalists who covered the event noted less celebration of the Marxist-Leninist system than had been present at previous party congresses and more focus on "restoring the honor of the Soviet Union"...
     
    Part 44: United Kingdom (2010-2014)
  • The Conservatives would be faced with a precarious situation throughout the entire 2010-2014 parliament. Never having a majority of more than three seats, the Hague ministry was often forced to resort to three-line whips on important legislation, especially related to Europe, or on the support of conservative Northern Ireland unionist parties. Hague's second term in office, in contrast to his first, would not see many many more drastic changes made to the status quo, although the government did introduce legislation that modified funding given to the devolved governments of Wales, Scotland and Northern Ireland to be based more on fiscal necessity than by population alone. This had the effect of reducing money to all three regions- something that resulted in the near-wipeout of the Scottish and Welsh Conservatives in those assembly's elections in 2013 and made Hague unpopular in the non-English part of the United Kingdom.

    Labour had replaced Jon Cruddas with Scottish MP Jim Murphy. Murphy, unlike Cruddas, was more of an establishment figure and despite his biting criticisms of the funding reform and Hague's close relationship with US President Riley (especially as the American president's reputation began falling in Europe owing to the lobbyist scandals), he remained unable to mobilize non-English voters for a massive Labour wave that party strategists hoped would give them a victory in the general election.

    Murphy's attempt was aided somewhat by the retirement of Democratic leader Malcolm Bruce in favor of Simon Hughes. Hughes became the first openly gay major party leader in British history, but this was marred by him having entered parliament in one of the nastiest by-elections in UK history that, ironically, spread homophobic innuendo about the Labour candidate and while he was facing an ethics investigation (that ended up being unfounded).

    In 2014, owing to two party members resigning their seats, the Conservatives fell below the nominative threshold for a majority but still had an effective majority owing to Sinn Féin's abstentionist policy that had their seven MPs refuse to take their seats. Hague took this opportunity to call for a new election, hoping to keep the majority through a general election campaign instead of hoping on two by-election victories.

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    The results led to the second hung parliament in 13 years. The only chance for a coalition, between the Conservatives and Democrats, was seemingly doomed from the outset. The Democrats, remembering how they had lost over a third of their parliamentary group the last time they had propped up an incumbent prime minister who had lost his majority, were disinclined to enter into another coalition. As a result, the negotiations went nowhere and Hague began his parliament with a supply-and-confidence deal with the Democrats that would last until January 2015, long enough to give each party time to prepare for new general elections...
     
    Part 45: Democratic Republic of the Congo general election, 2014
  • ...Following the end of the Congo War, the various factions had agreed to a new constitution to replace the one left behind by the Mobutu regime that had never been replaced due to the fighting. The new Congolese constitution was modeled after that of South Africa, with an executive president elected by parliament and with strong protections for human rights. The UN's monitoring of the first elections in 2004 had resulted in the first indisputably free and fair elections in the renamed Democratic Republic of the Congo since the country's independence.

    Laurent-Désiré Kabila, the man elected as a result of the 2004 elections, had been a rebel leader and one of the first warlords who agreed to cooperate with MINUSTAC. Despite Western wariness and reports about Kabila's pre-MINUSTAC wartime activities, the political energy needed for continued international support of the young democratic institutions was gone as the governments of the MINUSTAC countries regarded their job as finished and their obligation to the Congolese over.

    The threshold for entry into the National Assembly, which would choose the president, mirrored South Africa's at 5%. This was meant to force parties to work together (something that was important as a few early parties were formed directly from former guerrilla bands), encourage consensus and yet make it so that a president would be unable to be chosen without input from other parties, with the hope that the result would be a stronger, more unified DRC. What happened post-2004 however, was Kabila consolidating many parties into his Allliance for the Presidential Majority (APM- Alliance pour la majorité présidentielle) using either persuasion, promises of patronage, or threats. As a result, the following election in 2009 only saw three parties elected to the National Assembly, down from six in the previous parliament, and the APM winning nearly 70% of all seats.

    Foreign disentanglement from the Congo coincided with the APM becoming increasingly brazen in their efforts to guard power. The opposition Union for Democracy and Social Progress (UDPS- Union pour la Démocratie et le Progrès Social) recruited former provisional president Étienne Tshisekedi to come out of retirement, with the longtime critic of both Mobutu and Kabila decrying the APM's anti-democratic tactics. The only other opposition party elected in 2009 was the National Restoration group led by Léon Kengo, who like Tshisekedi had served in the Mobutu regime, but unlike him, led a force of Mobutists who wanted to turn back the clock to before the war.

    Not all of the APM members were happy about the turn the government was making, using official power to mete out favors and "correct" the results of the war. Vital Kamerhe, a former minister, resigned in protest and formed the Union for the Congolese Nation (UNC- Union pour la nation congolaise) as a broad anti-corruption alliance against the AMP. Tshisekedi attempted to bring the UNC into the UDPS but Kamerhe refused, although he did admit that the UNC would likely push for a change of government if they held the balance of power.

    Despite the opposition parties loudly criticizing the government's anemic progress on recovering from the war, the lack of water and power for many Congolese homes and attacking the government as riddled with corruption, voters seemingly approved of President Kabila's government enough to give him a third and final term.

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    In reality, almost as soon as polls closed, reports of vote irregularities began appearing and reports of pre-marked ballots for AMP parties being counted and vote boxes from precincts that the UDPS and UNC were expected to do well in disappearing. Foreign and UN monitors quickly agreed with the assessment of undemocratic practices and irregularities and the results, which conveniently saw the AMP retain a slim majority, were appealed to the Supreme Court. The Court, despite the evidence, certified the results as valid- either due to corruption, threats or the members of that body who owed their position there due to Kabila.

    Despite Kabila returning for a third term, many Congolese believe that the APM lost the elections and that he is no longer the legitimate president. Despite the Congo War-era rhetoric of bringing stability and democracy to the Congo, former MINUSTAC members like the United States and United Kingdom don't seem to care all that much that they only accomplished oneo of those goals...
     
    Part 46: United Kingdom (after 2014)
  • ...The second general election in less than a year was fought entirely on the record of the Hague government and the question of who could govern a "truly united kingdom", with both Labour and the Democrats pointing to the abysmal showings the Conservatives had outside of England. Hague's failure to give the Conservatives another majority had immeasurably shaken his previously unassailable position as Tory leader and as soon as the results of the previous election were known, whispers began about a potential leadership challenge by members of the cabinet.

    The prime minister's bids to shore up support were nothing short of disastrous. Poorly prepared PR stunts led to embarrassing photos of Hague being taken by the gathered press, which of course were run by the opposition in attack ads. The PR bids were seen as signs that Hague had become desperate and overstayed his welcome. Labour began rising in the polls as Labour soon going after Democratic votes after a leaked Democratic memo appeared to signal that the centrist party would not look into coalition negotiations with either Labour or the Conservatives- even if it meant a third general election in as many years.

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    As a result, Labour won a comfortable majority of over 40 seats and Murphy entered 10 Downing Street as the new prime minister. Hague announced his retirement and would soon be replaced by former Home Secretary David Cameron. The Democrats, despite losing votes, picked up two more seats on the downturn of the Conservative fortunes. Hughes lost his own seat in the Labour wave and would end up being replaced by Susan Kramer, who became the first female leader of a major British party.

    An increase in the vote share of regional parties and new parties like John Redwood's National Party and the Green Party has led political observers to wonder if Murphy's Labour majority will soon become the exception instead of the rule in British politics in the future. For now, however, the Labour Party's rule over Britain for now looks safe. Prime Minister Murphy has made waves with his stated intention of making the House of Lords into an elected body and pushing for Britain to keep its role as an "active participant in global affairs" and keeping military spending high despite moves to cut the deficit elsewhere. Only time will tell if the young prime minister (who has not even turned 50) will continue to lead Britain long into the future or if he is doomed to a premature retirement...
     
    Part 47: Japanese general election, 2015
  • ...Japan remained one of America's most steadfast allies throughout the Cold War, something inconceivable after the brutal fighting in the Pacific between the two nations during World War II. American investment and the economic boost gained as a major supply depot during the Korean War quickly lifted Japan out of the post-war economic doldrums and by the early 1970s its economy and standards of living were on par with those of developed Western nations. Relations with the United States during this period entered a rough patch, as the continued occupation of Okinawa by the United States remained a sore spot.

    The end of American involvement in the Vietnam War in 1971 as well as the turnover of Okinawa (minus the American military bases there) to Japanese control brought relations between the two former enemies back to "on good terms". Japan would also form a strong relationship with South Korea once that nation completed its painful struggle to democracy in the late 1980s, partially due to their shared democratic status and close proximity but also because of the threats of China, the Soviet Union and North Korea.

    Leading Japan ever since its founding in 1955 (with the exception of a brief nine-month stint in the opposition) was the Liberal Democratic Party (LDP). Formed as a merger of two conservative parties, the LDP quickly, with the help of covert CIA funding, gaming of the House of Representatives' electoral system and broad-tent nature, became the dominant party in Japanese politics. The LDP was never in real danger of losing its majority in the House of Assembly for the first twenty years of its existence, winning every election handily. The revelation that Lockheed officials had bribed several LDP politicians in the 1950s and 1960s briefly threatened the LDP once it became known in the late 1970s, but the party weathered the storm by pointing to Japan's continuing economic rise and standards of living.

    Things really were that great, as Japanese technology and motor exports were dominant in many western markets throughout the 1980s. The LDP was quick to take credit for the seeming never-ending boom and despite it becoming increasingly common for LDP ministers and prominent members of the Diet to be implicated in bribery scandals or other ethical lapses, the LDP's gaming of the system and sloganeering that the untested opposition parties would cause Japan's economy to collapse ensured that they always won a majority despite falling as low as 40% of the popular vote.

    Then everything came crashing down in 1993. The Japanese real estate bubble, which had been inflating since the early 1980s, popped and the Japanese economy collapsed as the cozy system between the LDP, business and the civil service that had developed over the previous decades caused the party to pursue conflicting policies that financial experts would later say caused the rest of the 1990s to be one of economic stagnation for Japan. The fact that Japanese goods were losing their share of the American market (due to both the rise of American brands and policies passed by the Huddleston Administration to shore up the Big Three auto companies who were facing stiff competition in Japanese manufacturers like Honda and Toyota) at the same time also hurt the country's recovery. The uncovering of a bribery ring that forced the resignation of Prime Minister Takao Fujinami among other notable politicians was the last straw and in 1995, an unwieldy opposition coalition was elected, displacing the LDP for the first time in the party's history.

    The new unstable government did not last long, as almost none of its eight constituent members had put any thought into implementing policy and running the nation once the LDP was removed. However, the coalition did end up passing electoral reform before it fractured in early 1996, returning the LDP to power. The new House of Representatives would no longer have multi-member districts elected by a single non-transferable vote that the LDP had stacked to great effect by nominating candidates from different party factions to avoid wasted votes. Instead, there would be a set number (300) of single-member plurality districts and other members (originally 200, now 180) elected by proportional representation in districts.

    The LDP won its first majority under the new system in 1998, but even so, their showing was much weaker owing to the new proportional voting in parallel to district voting and more parties began to enter the Diet. Despite a credible alternative in the center-left Democratic Party becoming the main opposition to LDP rule, the LDP still won five consecutive elections from 1998 to 2011, although the three elections between the 1998 victory and 2011 resulted in the party having to share power with coalition partners, something unthinkable before the reforms.

    While the LDP power-brokers had written off the 1995 results as an aberration, the unwillingness of the party leaders to address the reasons for the party's failure in 1995 and to apply any lessons learned only made the party's internal problems worse. Following the electoral reform, unhappy members of the LDP found they could more easily bolt to either another party or create their own under the new system, although for the most part the new parties faded after one election. From the 1998-2001 to the 2011-2015 Diets, the number of LDP bolters steadily increased as the party leaders continued to focus more on balancing factions instead of providing stable governance. The economy eventually began rebounding in 2009 and was able to give the LDP its first majority in a decade when the Japanese public went to the polls in 2011 but this just set the stage for another problem for the LDP.

    With the LDP having led the nation out of the poor economy, voters soon began feeling confident once again to change from the LDP, especially as the party continued to be hit with corruption scandals. Poor showing in the House of Councillors election caused Prime Minister Shinzō Abe to resign, and he was replaced with Tarō Asō. Asō proved to be wholly inadequate to the job of leading the party and his poor reading skills and penchant for saying offensive remarks caused him to be booted out less than a year before the party had planned on calling new elections, being replaced with Nobutaka Machimura.

    Machimura's selection would be the final straw on the back for several factions who had been passed over for the final time. Over 30 of those members bolted and formed the New Democratic Party, picking former government minister Sadazaku Tanigaki to lead them. This was not the only factor in the LDP's worries for the upcoming election. A new party of solidly right-wing nationalists called the National Restoration Party had formed earlier out of disgruntled LDP parliamentarians and they were increasingly eating into the LDP's support among nationalists. With the LDP divided, the Democratic Party began rising in the polls. Then, just days after Machimura announced the date of the election, the prime minister suffered a stroke.

    While the prime minister survived, he would be unable to campaign during the election and questions began to swirl about if Machimura's fitness for office and just how long he could remain if the LDP retained control. The LDP leadership, unwilling for a third leadership change in eighteen months, and of losing yet another faction, united behind Machimura but this just ended up driving more Japanese voters into the arms of opposition parties.

    q4u4f2f.png


    The result was a massive landslide for the Democratic Party, which won nearly two-thirds of all seats in the House of Representatives. Machimura and Tanigaki both humiliatingly lost their seats in the Democratic wave, with Machimura becoming the first modern sitting Japanese prime minister to fail to be elected to the new Diet as the LDP fell to third in the number of seats and nearly half of the NDP's representatives lost their seats in the Diet. The National Restoration Party under Shintaro Ishihara became the official opposition as a result of the LDP/NDP split, further compounding the LDP's fall.

    Prime Minister Katsuya Okada, the first Democratic Prime Minister of Japan, has begun to confront a nation with long-term problems that the LDP has neglected coming to the forefront: an aging population paired with overall negative population growth, poor job prospects for young men and a high level of debt. With the Liberal Democratic Party continuing to fracture and the National Restoration Party offering few practical solutions, it seems that Okada and the Democratic Party will, for at least a time, have the chance to get Japan on the right track...
     
    Part 48: Australia
  • ...The nation of Australia also began undergoing changes in the 1960s, especially with the end of the White Australia policy, coming to terms of the country's sordid history with the indigenous inhabitants of the country-continent, and the permanent rise of a new national identity that cast Australia as its own nation rather than just part of a larger Commonweath whole. Australia's involvement in Vietnam started out, like that of the United States, with popular approval but by the end of the decade the war had become deeply unpopular with voters.

    John Gorton had replaced Harold Holt, who famously disappeared after jumping into the ocean for a swim, as Liberal leader and became the prime minister in early 1968. Gorton succeeded in winning the 1969 election for the Liberal/National coalition largely on the back of the planned withdrawal from Vietnam, but he proved to be a media disaster as prime minister and his political stumbles caused him to face a leadership challenge into his term. William McMahon was elected and given the unenviable task of putting the Coalition back on the right track to another term in just 18 months. The Coalition's answer to "quality of life" issues had been to pawn the responsibility off to the states, but this answer had increasingly worn thin with voters after the states continued to fail to either enact needed policies or lacked the jurisdiction or funding to do so.

    It was no surprise that Australian voters, for the first time in 23 years, voted a new party in and the Labor Party under Gough Whitlam won a majority. Whitlam's prime ministry would be among the most eventful in Australian history. The Labor government would oversee the introduction of universal health care, university fees abolished, creation of legal aid programs and the end of national service. The final remnants of the White Australia policy were similarly ended by the Whitlam government and the Australian mandate over Papua and New Guinea ended when the country became independent as Papua New Guinea in 1975. Whitlam faced tremendous opposition from the Senate, where Labor lacked control, and many states, who were opposed to his activist role. Labor won a narrow majority in 1974 and the Senate gained enough Labor and Labor-friendly independents to give Whitlam's government breathing room, and the social advances continued in Whitlam's second term as Aboriginal land reform enabled members of the indigenous tribes in Australia's Northern Territory to claim the title to land if they could prove they could prove traditional association with it, stronger environmental regulations were passed, and funding was increased to education.

    However, the Whitlam government had many critics. From the left, the government was hammered for following the lead of the Muskie administration and giving the Indonesian leader Suharto carte blanche to annex East Timor following the rapid decolonization of Portugal's colonies following the end of the European country's Estado Novo regime in 1975. The Indonesian occupation would be brutal and devastating for the Timorese people and it last for a quarter-century before Indonesia recognized East Timor's independence following Suharto's fall in 2000. On the right, Whitlam was criticized for increasing the country's debt even as the economy began to slow for the first time since the end of the war.

    In 1977, voters denied Whitlam's attempt for a third term and the coalition returned to power under Malcolm Fraser. Fraser would be the first prime minister to really deal with an increasingly multicultural Australia and indeed opened Australia's doors for the "Boat People"- refugees fleeing from the former South Vietnam following the unification of Vietnam under the communist North. On foreign policy, he consistently followed Washington's line, committing Australian troops to the intervention in Iran. However, his economic policies, especially his focus on a "state's rights" approach compared to Whitlam's activist one, did little to solve the shaky economy that he inherited from Whitlam and by 1981, Australia entered a recession.

    In 1983, Labor returned with a vengeance under Bill Hayden. Hayden, a much more conciliatory and moderate leader than Whitlam, oversaw Australia's recovery from the early 1980s recession as well as increasing trade links with Australia's neighbors in southeast Asia as part of making Australia into a "middling" regional power. Hayden also, ironically from a former democratic socialist (as he described his views in the 1960s), marked the Labor Party's shift away from the post-war Keynesian consensus to a more neoliberal economic policy, deregulating the financial sector and adopting a strong free trade orientation for Australia as a whole. Hayden oversaw two more victories for Labor and also worked to negotiate a better deal for Australian workers, especially those in trade unions.

    By 1990, however, Hayden had worn out his welcome and had become unpopular across the country. His deputy Paul Keating eventually forced Hayden to resign and won the election to replace him as Labor leader and prime minister. Keating led a Labor in less than a year from being behind by nearly ten points in the polls to winning a slim majority in the 1992 elections in spite of the Australian economy again dipping back into recession. Keating would continue previous Labor government's efforts to help the Aboriginal community by reforming Aboriginal land title law and increased benefits for low-income parents of dependent children.

    List of Prime Ministers of Australia

    The Keating ministry also marked the high-water point of republicanism in Australia, as the cultural shift that had occurred post-war collided with the very public and sordid divorce of Prince Charles and his wife, Princess Jane (formerly Lady Jane Wellesley) to make conditions acceptable for Keating to propose a referendum on whether Australia should become a republic, if Labor should win a fifth consecutive term.

    Liberal leader Peter Costello, who had risen rapidly through the ranks to become opposition leader at age 35, undercut Keating by promising a similar referendum if the Coalition were elected and pointing to the economic decline that Keating had done little to combat. The 1995 election saw the Coalition win a one-seat majority and Costello became prime minister at 37 (the second-youngest in Australian history behind Chris Watson who became prime minister less than a month after turning 37).

    Costello, in the view of many Australian political observers, became prime minister too soon into his political career than he should have been. While talented and having the skills to successfully run the country (as his service in subsequent Coalition ministries showed), he lacked the necessary experience to keep his party in line while retaining their confidence. As such, the Costello ministry very quickly found itself relying on independents to survive as the party's majority dissipated following by-election losses and party-switchings. Costello's government passed a deficit reduction plan and pushed through comprehensive gun control measures following a series of spree shootings at Australian schools, but for the most part, Costello found himself unable to pass most of his manifesto legislation as a result of him not having a majority.

    It was no wonder that voters chose to return to Labor in 1997 under Kim Beazley. Beazley was prime minister when Australia had its republican referendum and was the third straight prime minister to openly voice his support for a republic while in office. Nevertheless, the option the republican campaign had chosen for how to appoint a President of Australia if ratified (namely the prime minister and leader of the opposition picked a candidate who would be voted on by parliament and which also allowed the president to be prematurely dismissed by the prime minister) dissatisfied both progressive republicans (who wished for a directly-elected president) and conservative ones (who would effectively keep the governor-general system only with the title being changed) and led to the referendum's defeat.

    Beazley's ministry would see Australia's military forces being used first in the Congo and again in East Timor. Following Suharto's overthrow in 2000, Australia provided the bulk of troops for UNAMET (United Nations Mission in East Timor)'s peacekeeping mission following the collapse of the interim government in the former Portuguese colony. Unfortunately for the prime minister, Australia's successful interventions abroad did not distract voters from factional infighting that begun to envelop the Labor frontbench that the prime minister seemed unable to quell. Added with voters beginning to sour on Beazley, this understandably led to Labor being tossed out in 2003.

    Beazley's successor, Liberal leader Malcolm Turnbull, spent his first term tinkering at the margins of economic policy, attempting to tighten the belt of several means-tested federal aid programs and reducing business tax rates. The main debate of the Turnbull era was over immigration. The government introduced legislation that it said aimed at keeping too many "boat people" from southeast Asia to land in Australia, which critics felt appealed to xenophobic fears and racial prejudices. Fighting between Turnbull and former prime minister Costello, who had become Turnbull's Minister for Foreign Affairs also began to dominate news coverage as Turnbull's first term ended and caused enough voters to waver about giving the Coalition enough preferences to end up with a hung parliament.

    Turnbull remained prime minister, as the Coalition had a plurality of seats in the House of Representatives, but it wasn't long before it became clear that the situation was untenable and another election was called for mid-2007. Labor had had plenty of time to regroup, while Turnbull had been busy finally ending Costello as a player in Liberal circles, culminating in the former prime minister announcing that he would stand down in the election, giving Turnbull undisputed control over the party. This would come too soon, as Labor had already garnered enough support to win the election handily.

    New Prime Minister Kim Carr, the first prime minister with facial hair in almost a century, was the most left-wing prime minister since Whitlam. Carr's government saw Australia recognize same-sex marriage on the federal level, but let each state or territory decide whether to legalize it or not and raised income tax rates for the first time since the Hayden ministry to pay for an increase in federal aid programs. However, Carr faced consistent challenges within his own caucus and the prime minister spent almost as much time trying to appease his caucus as he did governing. The right-wing of the Labor Party notably killed the government's attempt at a carbon tax and soon, Labor's dirty laundry was aired when a disgruntled staffer leaked internal party e-mails to the press, which instigated a firestorm of controversy.

    Carr's government, damaged by the email leak, party infighting and growing opposition to further reforms, was handily dispatched by the Coalition in 2010. Julie Bishop, leader of the Liberals, became Australia's first female prime minister. The new prime minister tightened immigration policies that the Labor government had weakened, which only reignited the arguments over whether the policy had unsavory racial undertones. Bishop's term was not to be an easy one, as her government replaced several environmental laws with weaker substitutes, angering environmentalists and environmentally-oriented allies like Canada. Issues from the prime minister's past, including her associations with a man later jailed for defrauding the government, came back to bite Bishop and 2016 saw her narrowly lose her bid for a second term.

    New prime minister Bill Shorten has proven popular with the Labor base, but his efforts at finding a way forward with environmental reform, immigration, and stagnant job growth have not met with much success in his first year of office...
     
    Part 49: United States presidential and legislative elections, 2016
  • By 2016, despite having by all accounts a good presidency and having been mostly exonerated by the Senate/Justice Department investigation, President Riley's poll numbers had suffered irreparably after the lobbyist scandal. While Vice President Castle had never been a serious candidate to run again (turning 77 in 2016), the administration's poor reputation effectively scuttled the presidential ambitions of several potential GOP candidates, including Senator Rob Portman of Ohio, whose close work with the administration to pass several New Covenant bills caused him to be the target of a whisper campaign until he announced he would not run to succeed Riley.

    The resulting campaign was, as a result, lacked serious congressional contenders and as a result, the party's nomination fight went down to Tennessee Governor Bill Haslam and former Texas Governor John B. Connally III. Connally was hurt both by his age (he would turn 70 during the general election) and his fumbling of the issue of his post-gubernatorial corporate career and ties with big business. As a result, Haslam won the nomination after the Super Tuesday primaries went for him by a convincing margin. He selected former Minnesota Senator Tim Pawlenty (a former contender who had opted not to run because he had worked closely with the unpopular administration) as his running mate, pledging to "clean up Washington".

    The Democratic primaries were packed, with candidates such as Florida Congresswoman Gwen Graham, Kentucky Senator Daniel Mongiardo, Massachusetts Governor Deval Patrick, Pennsylvania Senator Joe Sestak and West Virginia Senator Joe Manchin all throwing their hat into the ring.

    Graham was the first to withdraw, endorsing Mongiardo after her poor showing in the South Carolina primary. Manchin was the next to find himself out, being viewed as a has-been and with his voters going instead to Sestak and Mongiardo. Despite his own relatively moderate record, Patrick soon emerged as the candidate of the party's center-left and left-wing primary voters and soon was winning primaries as Mongiardo and Sestak split the moderate vote. When Mongiardo got a leg up over Sestak, the Kentucky senator made a serious tactical error and made a series of attempts to show that he was more electable than Patrick, but in ways that many thought played to both fears that Patrick's race would cause him to lose the election and also to white primary voters' racial prejudices. The result was a massive backfire and Patrick was able to appear presidential while Mongiardo's campaign faded quickly. Sestak, rather than fight on in what was most likely to be a futile bid to stop Patrick, agreed to withdraw in exchange for being placed on the ticket, which Patrick agreed to. The Patrick-Sestak ticket would be the first major party ticket headed by an African-American in US history.

    Despite Haslam being, by most accounts, a good presidential candidate who united the Republican Party around him, the momentum was always with the Patrick campaign. Patrick was able to energize minority turnout, and Haslam, as a white southerner, was forced to devote large portions of his campaign of keeping the support of his base while distancing himself from racially-charged criticisms of Patrick's tenure in the Huddleston and Gephardt Justice Departments before he was elected governor. Haslam's campaign message of cleaning up Washington also struck many swing voters as a naked attempt to distance himself from Riley despite being in the same party and even increasingly desperate appeals to racial prejudices by conservative activists informally affiliated with the RNC did little to sway such voters to giving their votes to Haslam.

    bUDvCQZ.png


    The Democratic ticket won a solid Electoral College victory, making Deval Patrick the 45th President of the United States and the first African-American president in US history. Despite winning the popular vote by over 5 percent, Patrick lost every state in the south except Virginia, and even lost the formerly strong Democratic state of West Virginia in the only state that saw a substantial increase in the Republican vote, which most assigned to racial prejudice overriding economic concerns in the mountainous state.

    Congressional races also favored the Democrats, especially with the increased minority turnout brought about by the Patrick campaign's coattails.

    lHNIG9I.png


    In the Senate, the Democrats increased their majority by three, picking up seats in Arkansas, Arizona (defeating former presidential contender John McCain), New Hampshire and Ohio while losing a seat in Colorado following Ben Nighthorse Campbell's retirement.

    House Republicans held on desperately as John Kasich angled for a continuation of Republican control over the House. Kasich's speakership, weak out of necessity owing to the Republicans only winning one more seat than the Democrats in 2014, did little to inspire Republican confidence and the election results could have been disastrous for the party had the party not had a solid crop of incumbents and favorable districts in key states like Ohio and Pennsylvania. Despite this, the Democrats made a net gain of 13 seats and the House as Steny Hoyer became the first Democratic speaker in a decade.

    As Deval Patrick took the Oath of Office on a chilly January day in 2017, observers of his Inaugural Address noted several clear callbacks to an earlier president, whose commitment to the civil rights Patrick had worked so hard to protect was legendary. Pledging to continue what his predecessors, from Washington to Riley had started, a synthesis of two great presidential spirits came in Patrick's exhortations to "continue building a more perfect Union...by remembering that our government should be judged not by its scope or its size but by how it treats the young, the old, the sick and the disadvantage, and all those who by birth or circumstance have a more treacherous road to true liberty and equality..."
     
    Postscript: Lists of leaders
  • Cross-posting from the Alternate Presidents & PMs thread:

    Presidents of the United States
    1965-1969: Lyndon Johnson / Hubert Humphrey (Democratic)
    1964: Barry Goldwater/William E. Miller (Republican)
    1969-1975: Hubert Humphrey‡ / Edmund Muskie (Democratic)
    1968: Richard Nixon/Spiro Agnew (Republican), George Wallace/Curtis LeMay (American Independent)
    1972: Ronald Reagan/Rogers Morton (Republican)

    1975-1976: Edmund Muskie (Democratic) / (vacant)
    1976-1977: Edmund Muskie / Robert Byrd (Democratic)
    1977-1985: George Bush / Bob Dole (Republican)

    1976: Edmund Muskie/Robert Byrd (Democratic)
    1980: George McGovern/Reubin Askew (Democratic)

    1985-1989: Bob Dole / John Heinz (Republican)
    1984: John Glenn/Lloyd Bentsen (Democratic)
    1989-1997: Walter D. Huddleston / Jim Blanchard (Democratic)
    1988: Bob Dole/John Heinz (Republican)
    1992: Phil Crane/Thad Cochran (Republican), Lowell Weicker/John B. Anderson (independent)

    1997-2001: Pete Wilson / Lamar Alexander (Republican)
    1996: Jim Blanchard/Barbara Boxer (Democratic), Fob James/Bob Dornan (Values)
    2001-2005: Dick Gephardt / Ron Brown (Democratic)
    2000: Pete Wilson / Lamar Alexander (Republican)
    2005-2009: Dick Gephardt / Jim Hunt (Democratic)
    2004: Elizabeth Dole/Larry Pressler (Republican)
    2009-2017: Bob Riley / Michael Castle (Republican)
    2008: Al Gore/Joseph P. Kennedy II (Democratic)
    2012: Andrew Cuomo/Mark Warner (Democratic), Paul Wellstone/Rocky Anderson (Green)

    2017-XXXX: Deval Patrick / Joe Sestak (Democratic)
    2016: Bill Haslam/Tim Pawlenty (Republican)

    General Secretaries of the Soviet Union
    1964-1982: Leonid Brezhnev (Communist)‡
    1982-1984: Yuri Andropov (Communist)‡
    1984-1992: Viktor Grishin (Communist)‡
    1992-1999: Mikhail Gorbachev (Communist)
    1999-XXXX: Alexander Rutskoy (Communist)


    Prime Ministers of the United Kingdom
    1964-1973: Harold Wilson (Labour)
    1964: Sir Alec Douglas-Home (Conservative), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
    1966: Edward Heath (Conservative), Jo Grimond (Liberal)
    1970: Edward Heath (Conservative), Jeremy Thorpe (Liberal)

    1973-1975: James Callaghan (Labour)
    1975-1986: William Whitelaw (Conservative)

    1975: James Callaghan (Labour)
    1979: Michael Foot (Labour), David Steel (Democratic)
    1980: Michael Foot (Labour), David Steel (Democratic)
    1984: Michael Foot (Labour), David Steel (Democratic)

    1986-1991: Michael Heseltine (Conservative)
    1989: Neil Kinnock (Labour), David Penhaligon (Democratic)
    1991-2000: Neil Kinnock (Labour)
    1991: Michael Heseltine (Conservative), David Penhaligon (Democratic)
    1995: Norman Lamont (Conservative), David Penhaligon (Democratic)
    1999: Michael Portillo (Conservative), Charles Kennedy (Democratic)

    2000-2006: Gordon Brown (Labour)
    2001: Michael Heseltine (Conservative), Charles Kennedy (Democratic)
    2006-2015: William Hague (Conservative)
    2006: Gordon Brown (Labour), Malcolm Bruce (Democratic)
    2010: Jon Cruddas (Labour), Malcolm Bruce (Democratic)
    2014: Jim Murphy (Labour), Simon Hughes (Democratic)

    2015-XXXX: Jim Murphy (Labour)
    2015: William Hague (Conservative), Simon Hughes (Democratic)

    Prime Ministers of Canada
    1968-1979: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal)

    1968: Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), Tommy Douglas (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
    1972: Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), David Lewis (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)
    1974: Robert Stanfield (Progressive Conservative), David Lewis (New Democratic), Réal Caouette (Social Credit)

    1979-1984: Jack Horner (Progressive Conservative)
    1979: Pierre Trudeau (Liberal),Ed Broadbent (New Democratic), Fabien Roy (Social Credit)
    1984: Allan MacEachan (Liberal), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)

    1984-1990: Allan MacEachan (Liberal)
    1984: Jack Horner (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)
    1988: John Crosbie (Progressive Conservative), Ed Broadbent (New Democratic)

    1990-1996: John Crosbie (Progressive Conservative)
    1990: Allan MacEachan (Liberal), Dave Barrett (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform)
    1994: Jean Chrétien (Liberal), Dave Barrett (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform), Jacques Parizeau (Union du Québéc)

    1996-2001: Perrin Beatty (Progressive Conservative)
    1996: Jean Chrétien (Liberal), Dave Barrett (New Democratic), Preston Manning (Reform), Jacques Parizeau (Union du Québéc)
    2001-2011: John Manley (Liberal)
    2001: Perrin Beatty (Progressive Conservative), Lorne Nystrom (New Democratic), Bernard Landry (Union du Québéc)
    2005: Mike Harris (Progressive Conservative), Pauline Marois (Union du Québéc), Lorne Nystrom (New Democratic)
    2009: Mike Harris (Progressive Conservative), Pauline Marois (Union du Québéc), Lorne Calvert (New Democratic), Adriane Carr (Green)

    2011-XXXX: Thomas Mulcair (Liberal)
    2013: Brian Pallister (Progressive Conservative), Lorne Calvert (New Democratic), Adriane Carr (Green), Pauline Marois (Union du Québéc)

    Popes of the Roman Catholic Church
    1963-1978: Paul VI (Giovanni Battista Montini) (Liberal)
    1978-1993: Pius XIII (Sebastiano Baggio) (Moderate)
    1993-2011: Benedict XVI (Joseph Ratzinger) (Conservative)
    2011-XXX: Leo XIV (Odilo Scherer) (Conservative)


    Presidents of Mexico
    1994-2000: Luis Donald Colosio (PRI)
    1994: Diego Fernández de Cevallos (PAN), Cuahtémoc Cardenas (PRD)
    2000-2006: Vincente Fox (PAN)
    2000: Emilio Chuayffet (PRI), Cuahtémoc Cardenas (PRD)
    2006-2012: Santiago Creel (PAN)
    2006: Andrés Manuel López Obrador (PRD), Beatriz Paredes (PRI)
    2012-XXXX: Marcelo Ebrard (PRD)
    2012: Manlio Fabio Beltrones (PRI), Ernesto Cordero (PAN)

    Presidents of France
    1959-1969: Charles de Gaulle (UNR)*
    1958: Georges Marrane (Communist)
    1965: François Mitterand (PS)

    1969: Alain Pohler (Democratic Centre) (acting)
    1969-1974: Georges Pompidou (UDR)‡
    1969
    : Alain Pohler (Democratic Centre)
    1974: Alain Pohler (Democratic Centre) (acting)
    1974-1981: Valéry Giscard d'Estaing (Independent Republican/UDF)
    1974: François Mitterand (PS)
    1981-1995: François Mitterand (PS)
    1981: Valéry Giscard d'Estaing (UDF)
    1988: Jacques Chirac (RPR)

    1995-2002: Lionel Jospin (PS)
    1995: Édouard Balladur (RPR)
    2002-2016: Alain Juppé (RPR)
    2002: Lionel Jospin (PS)
    2009: Laurent Fabius (PS)

    2016-XXXX: Christine Lallouette (RPR)
    2016: Arnaud Montebourg (PS)

    ‡- died of natural causes; coalition partner; *-resigned
     
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