Chapter Eighty-Four
Hooker best Lookout
From “Army of the Heartland” by Col. J.T. Starke
University of Tennessee
“Following Rosecrans’ campaign in Middle Tennessee in the summer of 1863 and subsequent replacement by Hooker, Hooker prepared to move out from Stevenson, Tennessee, to maneuver Hardee out of Tennessee altogether and force him to abandon the city of Chattanooga. General-in-chief Major General Henry W. Halleck and the President were insistent that Hooker move quickly to take Chattanooga. Seizing the city would open the door for the Union to advance toward Atlanta and the heartland of the South. Chattanooga was a vital rail hub (with lines going north toward Nashville and Knoxville and south toward Atlanta), and an important manufacturing center for the production of iron and coke, located on the navigable Tennessee River. Situated between Lookout Mountain, Missionary Ridge, Raccoon Mountain, and Stringer's Ridge, Chattanooga occupied an important, defensible position. Interestingly Kearny’s orders to Hooker emphasized the need to bring Hardee and his Army of Tennessee to battle as well as the seizure of Chattanooga…”
Harpers Weekly notes the appointment of "Fighting Joe" to command of the Army of the Cumberland
From “The Life of General William J. Hardee - Teach Them How To War” by Christopher L. Pike
Bison 1965
“The transfer of Benjamin Cheatham to the East Tennessee department following the illness of Major General Simon B. Buckner, allowed Hardee to completely reorganize the army, while also extending his command responsibilities northward to the Knoxville area. From three corps of two divisions each, Hardee now consolidated his troops into two corps of three divisions under his best commanders: Major General Patrick Cleburne and Major General Thomas James Churchill. Cleburne’s I Corps would contain the divisions of A.P.Stewart, Jones M.Withers, and Preston Smith. Churchill’s, John P.McCown, Bushrod R.Johnson and St.John R.Liddell.
The Confederate War Department asked Hardee in early August if he could assume the offensive against Hooker. He demurred, concerned about the daunting geographical obstacles and logistical challenges, preferring to wait for Hooker to solve those same problems by attacking him. He was also concerned about a small Union force under Major General George Stoneman (the District of East Tennessee having been removed from General Burnside’s Department of the Ohio) that was threatening Knoxville. Hardee withdrew his forces from advanced positions around Bridgeport, which left Hooker free to maneuver on the northern side of the Tennessee River. He concentrated his two infantry corps around Chattanooga and relied upon cavalry to cover his flanks, extending from northern Alabama (where his cavalry sought to link up with Bragg’s) to near Knoxville…
The appointment of Breckinridge as Secretary of War and Joseph Johnston as Chief of Staff caused an immediate change of emphasis. Lee had already embarked on his march into Virginia and beyond, but Breckinridge and Johnson were both strongly of the view that the war would be lost in Tennessee and Alabama in the struggle against both Gant and Hooker. The Confederate government decided to attempt a strategic reversal in the West by reviewing a radical suggestion by the commander of the department, Braxton Bragg. Bragg’s suggestion involved a large scale Confederate movement of troops from one state to another with the aim of achieving a period of numerical superiority and gaining decisive results over both Union armies. Hardee was to slow down Hooker, but give ground where necessary until the forces of the department were ready to strike their first target, the Army of the Cumberland…”
General Hooker and staff at Stevenson. Hooker is 6th from the right.
From “Fighting Joe Hooker” by Herbert Walter
Buffalo 1999
“Hooker faced significant logistical challenges if he chose to move forward. The Cumberland Plateau that separated the armies was a rugged, barren country over 30 miles long with poor roads and little opportunity for foraging. If Hardee attacked him during the advance, Hooker would be forced to fight with his back against the mountains and tenuous supply lines. He did not have the luxury of staying put, however, because he was under intense pressure from Washington to move forward in conjunction with Stoneman's advance into East Tennessee… Hooker knew that he would have difficulty receiving supplies from his base on any advance across the Tennessee River and therefore thought it necessary to accumulate enough supplies and transport wagons that he could cross long distances without a reliable line of communications. Ultimately however Hooker understood politicians, as did General Dan Butterfield, Hooker's chief of staff. Both men understood the value of being on the record endorsing the Lincoln administration's priorities and so the advance was not long delayed…
The plan for the Union advance was to cross the Cumberland Plateau into the valley of the Tennessee River, pause briefly to accumulate some supplies, and then cross the river itself. An opposed crossing of the wide river was not feasible, so Hooker devised a deception to distract Hardee above Chattanooga while the army crossed downstream. Then the Army would advance on a wide front through the mountains. The XIV Corps under Thomas would advance against the city from the west, the XXI Corps under Richardson would cross over Lookout Mountain 20 miles south of the city, while the XX Corps under Sheridan and the Cavalry Corps under Lawrence Pike Graham would advance even farther to the southeast toward Hardee's railroad supply line leading from Atlanta. Hooker would hold XXIII Corps in reserve for the initial stages of the campaign. If executed correctly, this plan would cause Hardee to evacuate Chattanooga or be trapped in the city without supplies. Furthermore Richardson could be expected to bring some element of Hardee’s army to battle at the fortified Lookout Mountain…
The difficult road conditions meant a full week passed before they reached the Tennessee River Valley. They encamped while engineers made preparations for crossing the river. Meanwhile, Hooker's deception plan was underway. General Anson G. McCook of the XIV Corps moved his mounted infantry brigade to the north of Chattanooga. His men pounded on tubs and sawed boards, sending pieces of wood downstream, to make the Confederates think that rafts were being constructed for a crossing north of the city. His artillery bombarded the city from Stringer's Ridge for four days. The deception worked and Hardee was convinced that the Union crossing would be above the city, in conjunction with Stoneman's advance on Knoxville…
The first crossing of the Tennessee River was accomplished by the XX Corps at Caperton's Ferry, 4 miles from Stevenson, where construction began on a 1,250-foot pontoon bridge under the oversight of General George P.Buell. As the campaign progress the army’s chief engineer, Gouvenor K.Warren, would call Buell the greatest “pontoonier” in the army. The second crossing, of the XXI Corps, was at Shellmound, Tennessee. They were quickly followed by most of the XXI Corps. The fourth crossing site was at the mouth of Battle Creek, Tennessee, where the rest of the XXI Corps crossed. Without permanent bridges, the Army of the Cumberland could not be supplied reliably, so another bridge was constructed at Bridgeport by General Granger’s reserve, spanning 2,700 feet in three days. Virtually all of the Union army, other than elements of the Reserve Corps kept behind to guard the railroad, had safely crossed the river within 2 weeks. They faced more mountainous terrain and road networks that were just as treacherous as the ones they had already traversed…
The three infantry corps of Hooker's army advanced by separate routes, on the only three roads that were suitable for such movements. On the right flank, Sheridan’s XX Corps moved southwest to Valley Head, Alabama; in the center, Thomas's XIV Corps moved just across the border to Trenton, Georgia; and on the left, Richardson's XXI Corps moved directly toward Chattanooga around Lookout Mountain...”
The Army of the Cumberland would become expert bridge builders
From “On the Road to Armageddon” by Hunter McCook
University of Ohio 2009
“Lookout Mountain was actually a ridge or narrow plateau that extended 85 miles southwest from the Tennessee River, culminating in a sharp point 1,800 feet above the river. From the river the end of the mountain rose at a 45° angle and at about two thirds of the way to the summit it changed grade, forming a ledge, or "bench", 150–300 feet wide, extending for several miles around both sides of the mountain. Above the bench, the grade steepened into a 500-foot face of rock called the "palisades". Confederate artillery atop Lookout Mountain could harass access by the river…
Hardee had placed General John P. McCown in overall command for the defense of the mountain, with McCown's own division positioned on the summit. The brigades of Daniel W. Adams, John C. Brown, and William Preston were placed on the bench of the mountain, with Roger W. Hanson’s off some distance in reserve. Adams later wrote about the dissatisfaction of the commanders assigned to this area, "Indeed, it was agreed on all hands that the position was one extremely difficult to defense against a strong force of the enemy advancing under cover of a heavy fire." Senator Lew Wallace, writer, historian and general critic of Hooker in later years, wrote that despite the imposing appearance of Lookout Mountain, as far as he could assess years later "the mountain's strength was a myth. ... It was impossible to hold the bench, which was commanded by Federal artillery at Moccasin Bend." Although McCown placed an artillery battery on the crest of the mountain, the guns could not be depressed enough to reach the bench, which was accessible from numerous trails on the west side of the mountain. General Churchill, new to corps command, had placed the defense in McCown’s “experienced” hands. McCown would not shine at Lookout Mountain…
Richardson had about 10,000 men in three divisions to operate against Lookout Mountain (Hazen, Palmer and Buell). General Hooker authorized a full-scale assault. Richardson was ordered to "take the point at all hazards." Richardson ignored any subtlety and at 4 a.m. ordered Hazen "to cross Lookout Creek and to assault Lookout Mountain, marching down the valley and sweeping every rebel from it."
Richardson did not plan to attack McCown's Division on the top of the mountain, assuming that capturing the bench would make McCown's position untenable. His force would approach the bench from two directions: Palmer’s division would link up with Hazen at Wauhatchie, while Buell's division would cross Lookout Creek to the southeast. Both forces would meet near the Cravens House…
Hooker’s chief of artillery, William F. Berry, arranged an impressive array of artillery to scatter the Confederate pickets and cover the advance. He had nine batteries set up near the mouth of Lookout Creek, two batteries on Moccasin Point, and two additional batteries near Chattanooga Creek all covered by elements of William Grose’s brigade of Palmer’s division.
Hooker's "Blunt Instrument": Israel B. Richardson
First to cross the footbridge was Wagner's brigade, followed by Harker's, which formed to Wagner's left and became the center of Hazen's battle line. Opdycke’s brigade then extended the Union left down to the base of the mountain. Palmer’s remaining two brigades, Cruft’s and Anderson’s, followed in the rear. From 6:30 to 7:30a.m, Hazen's skirmishers advanced through the fog and mist that obscured the mountain. Contact was made with Adams's pickets 1 mile southwest of Lookout Point. The Confederates were significantly outnumbered and could not resist the pressure, falling back but leaving a number behind to surrender. Hooker ordered an artillery bombardment to saturate the Confederate line of retreat, but the effect was minimized because of poor visibility and the fact that the two forces were almost on top of each other.
“Much of the ground over which we advanced was rough beyond conception. It was covered with an untouched forest growth, seamed with the deep ravines, and obstructed with rocks of all sizes which had fallen from the frowning wall on our right. The ground passed over by our left was not quite so rough; but, taking the entire stretch of the mountain side traversed by our force ... it was undoubtedly the roughest battle field of the war.” Colonel Nicholas L. Anderson of Palmer’s Division
The Union pursuit of the skirmishers was halted around 8:30 a.m. 300 yards southwest the point when Harker and Wagner encountered Adams' reserve southwest of the Cravens House. The two Confederate regiments repulsed Harker's first attempt at assaulting their fieldworks. A second assault succeeded, enveloping and outnumbering the Confederates 4 to 1. Despite Adams' attempt to rally his men, he could not prevent a disorderly retreat back toward the Cravens house. The Union brigades kept up their pursuit past the point and along the bench.
As Hazen's men appeared below the point around noon, Opdycke's brigade advanced across the lower elevations of the mountain, clearing the enemy from the east bank of Lookout Creek. Richardson ordered Cruft’s and Anderson’s brigades to begin crossing the foot bridge over the creek. Cruft moved east at the base of the mountain, Anderson moved up the slope. These movements isolated part of Adams' Brigade and an entire battalion was forced to surrender, along with 200 men from Preston’s picket line.
The Battle of Lookout Mountain
Preston was reluctant to take action. At 6:30 he had sent a message to McCown asking where he should deploy his brigade and McCown's reply at 8 a.m. expressed his frustration that Preston had seemingly forgotten the plan to defend the line at the Cravens house. many historians would criticize McCown’s poor performance in leading the defense…
There was bungling aplenty among the Confederate commanders on Lookout Mountain that day, but no one displayed greater negligence than did McCown. He remained glued to his headquarters on the summit. In his report of the battle, McCown tried to excuse his dereliction of duty by arguing that his headquarters was a good spot from which to receive both commands from Churchill and reports from the front line. That may have been true, but his presence was badly needed nearer the Cravens house. McCown lacked even the presence of mind to call for reinforcements.
On his own initiative John C. Brown took his four regiments from the summit to assist Adams. By this time, Preston’s troops were moving up amidst Adams' retreating men, and they fired on Harker’s advancing men from 100 yards. Unable to see the size of the force resisting it through the fog, the Union men retreated beyond a stone wall. Preston's 1,000 men took positions in the rifle pits facing the wall and waited for the inevitable counterattack. Harker's men were too exhausted to make an immediate move. As Wagner's brigade arrived, they stepped over Harker's men and rushed into the attack. Opdycke's brigade was moving up the mountain side on Wagner's left, followed by the brigades of Cruft and Anderson. Preston could see that he was being significantly outflanked on the right and chose to fall back rather than be surrounded…
All of the Union brigades, which were tired men, began the pursuit. Richardson was concerned that his lines were becoming intermingled and confused by the fog and the rugged ground and they were tempting defeat if the Confederates brought up reinforcements in the right place. He ordered Hazen to halt, but Hazen was too far ahead with his troops to receive the message in good time. Hooker wrote, "Fired by success, with a flying, panic-stricken enemy before them, they pressed impetuously forward."
Preston’s brigade was able to escape in the fog and Adams had adequate time to form a rough defensive line 3–400 yards south of the Cravens House. His 600 men took cover behind boulders and fallen trees and made enough of a racket to dissuade Harker's men from moving against them. By this time Brown's brigade had descended from the summit and came to Adams’ assistance…
Richardson was confident. At 1:25 p.m. he wrote that the "conduct of all the troops has been brilliant, and the success has far exceeded my expectations. Our loss has not been severe, and of prisoners I should judge that we had not less than 2,000." By sunset, a confident Richardson informed Hooker that he intended to move into Chattanooga Valley as soon as the fog lifted. He signaled "In all probability the enemy will evacuate tonight. His line of retreat is seriously threatened by my troops."
The sound of battle alerted Churchill who rode to the scene. He responded by sending for reinforcements in the form of a brigade from Bushrod Johnson’s division. It be would used only to cover a Confederate withdrawal from Lookout Mountain, ordering McCown at1:30 p.m. to withdraw to the east side of Chattanooga Creek. McCown was reluctant to break contact until his troops on the summit could escape on the Summertown Road into the Chattanooga Valley. The brigades of Adams, Brown and Preston were ordered to hold on for the rest of the afternoon. For hours through the afternoon and into the night, they fought sporadically with the Union troops through dense fog, neither side able to see more than a few dozen yards ahead nor make any progress in either direction before retreating in the night…
After learning that Hooker had crossed into his rear, Hardee evacuated Chattanooga and moved his army south along the LaFayette Road toward LaFayette, Georgia. The Union army occupied Chattanooga. Hooker telegraphed Halleck, "Chattanooga is ours after a glorious victory." Hardee was aware of Hooker's dispositions and was tempted to attack his isolated corps individually. The corps were spread out over 40 miles (65 km), too far apart to support each other. However Bragg’s plan called for Hardee to fall back further…
Hooker was convinced that Hardee was demoralized and fleeing to either Dalton, Rome, or Atlanta, Georgia. Instead, Hardee's Army of Tennessee was encamped at LaFayette, some 20 miles (32 km) south of Chattanooga. Confederate soldiers who posed as deserters deliberately added to this impression. Thomas firmly cautioned Hooker that a pursuit of Hardee was unwise because the Army of the Cumberland was too widely dispersed and its supply lines were tenuous. Hooker, exultant at his success in capturing Chattanooga, did not completely discount Thomas's advice. He immediately took steps to concentrate his forces before pursuing Hardee. For the next four days, both armies attempted to improve their dispositions…”