The culture of Spain TTL will be intriguing to see. Without the Arab invasions and the military response there is none of the martial element of OTL. I expect that without As much Arab influence the languages of Iberia will be more like the langues d'oc as well. I think with the persisting Frankish empire the vulgar dialects will be a little more similar, but still distinct. Probably a bit more mutually intelligible than OTL though.

Has Norse supplanted the Slavic languages in northern Russia or is it still mixed?

Another thought... OTL where Norse people's settled down and converted to Christianity (most famously in Normandy) they retained their adventuring spirit. With a Norse-dominated England you will likely see people carve out petty kingdoms in Ireland sooner or later, but Ireland isn't the choicest conquest. Perhaps we will see Anglo-Danes go further afield like the d'Hautvilles of Sicily? North Africa is rich and any remaining Mauri might be inclined to welcome amy Christian ruler after being ruled by pagans for so long... A more peaceful, and therefore more populous, Iberia may also provide a good number of Christian settlers...
 
I can imagine how hard finding Efthal names was.
your reasonings seem plausible to me.
Buddha has nine qualities, but I don't know if that's a later Theravada development.
I'm thinking about doing some alt-linguistics, too, in my TL after I've finished with Himyar, where, I must admit, trying to deliver a plausible scenario is a tough nut...
loved your update, btw!
 
The culture of Spain TTL will be intriguing to see. Without the Arab invasions and the military response there is none of the martial element of OTL. I expect that without As much Arab influence the languages of Iberia will be more like the langues d'oc as well. I think with the persisting Frankish empire the vulgar dialects will be a little more similar, but still distinct. Probably a bit more mutually intelligible than OTL though.

Has Norse supplanted the Slavic languages in northern Russia or is it still mixed?

Another thought... OTL where Norse people's settled down and converted to Christianity (most famously in Normandy) they retained their adventuring spirit. With a Norse-dominated England you will likely see people carve out petty kingdoms in Ireland sooner or later, but Ireland isn't the choicest conquest. Perhaps we will see Anglo-Danes go further afield like the d'Hautvilles of Sicily? North Africa is rich and any remaining Mauri might be inclined to welcome amy Christian ruler after being ruled by pagans for so long... A more peaceful, and therefore more populous, Iberia may also provide a good number of Christian settlers...

Aye, Spain in this timeline hasn't been engaged in a major war in a long time, and is quite prosperous. I think the image of a decadent Spanish aristocrat could well become a trope of medieval fiction in this timeline.

Norse has definitely supplanted the Slavic languages in some parts (where Norse-speakers settled) but not everywhere. Russia is big and there's lot of places for the Slavs to go if they dislike living under the Nordic yoke, and aren't enslaved or otherwise compelled to remain somehow.

Anglo-Danish mercenaries and adventurers will definitely be a thing in this timeline. Where they go on their adventures is still quite up in the air, but I have some ideas. Personally, I was thinking the various petty states of Asiana might make a good destination.
 
Post-Imperial
The Post-Imperial Era and the Rise of the Goshthi

The Pancharajya, or five kingdoms alliance of Magada, Vrji, Kosala, and Kanykakubja, was unique in its power among the equal-kingdom states of the subcontinent. However, unlike the typical scenario of the past thousand years, where dynasty after dynasty rose out the Indo-Gangetic plain and enjoyed fleeting hegemonic dominion over a vast territory, the Pancharajya was hamstrung by internal factors. Despite presiding over an era unquestionable economic growth and technological innovation, as well as a massive swathe of reurbanization, the states of the Pancharajya confederacy were unable to harness their powers for aggressive outwards expansion - focused as they were on internal matters. The latter half of the ninth century saw a swing in power back towards the landed Brahmin elite and the Maukhani-era scholar-bureaucratic class, facilitated by a trend which would become known as the goshthi movement.

The goshthi movement was on the surface nothing more than gatherings of the learned for the purpose of debating and critiquing art and poetry, but in practice it evolved into conversations about politics and policy. Roughly speaking, they could be divided into two classes: learned, literate bureaucrats, and Brahmin landholders who felt excluded from the broader mercantile guild system; the goshthi movement became an attempt by the priestly and administrative classes to regain control of the rudder of their states from the guilds, and either control the Ayat themselves or have a significantly greater say in its decision making.

By and large, the goshthi meetings were cloaked in innuendo and metaphor, and thus were overlooked until they had gained significant power. Bureaucrats had access to vast resources, and as the best-educated members of society had the ability to disseminate and argue their cases well. By allying themselves with marginalized groups, such as itinerant farmers and poorer sangha who had been left out of the great revolutionary changes in social organization, they represented a significant element of society which could not be overlooked.

Their language of revolution could not come at a better time. Bengali legal scholars including Aparaka and Kulluka wrote extensively in this era, advocating for empowering the state to legislate with impunity on a wide variety of social systems such as marriage and inheritance, long seen as matters settled by tradition or local custom. However with the power of the guilds rapidly expanding, the guild organizations had often come to dominate the interpretation of the law, basing their decisions on the antique law which governed the sreni of the pre-Mauryan era, and frequently favoring the interests of their own collective against the interests of society as a whole or indeed the individual.

These texts were complimented by the famous treatises of Jimutashvara, were a series of sanskrit language texts which argue for a restoration of the antique rights of the monarchy as a defender and unifier of the state, but simultaneously laid out the responsibilities of the raja to his people. Among his requirements for a good king were bravery, charity, and physical beauty. It is notable that the king's status as a performer of sacred rituals, a relic of the Vedic era encouraged by the Maukhani, is absent from his requests. While there were few monarchies left along the Ganges or in Vanga [Bengal] (many rulers called themselves merely Viceroy or Prime Minister) the language had a strong effect on those who romanticized the era of great kings.

The growth of the goshthi movement was dangerous to the guild-armies. In Kannauj, brutal street fighting broke out between the local goshthi organizations, their nepalese mercenaries, and the soldier-guilds. While this was an isolated incident, the guilds saw the writing on the wall and gradually stepped back. Many ganarajya instituted new constitutions in this time period - constitutions which formed the basis of new relations between armies and states. In many cases the soldier-guilds had vast estates in any case - they did not relinquish their immense economic power even if they abandoned certain political privileges that had allowed them to dominate the states.

The latter half of the ninth century and the earliest decades of the tenth were a phase of ironing out the rules by which the Ayats and Maharajas would function, and generally expanding the power of the state. In the Pancharajya, for the first time a greater Ayat was constructed, formed from the Prime Ministers of each of the lesser kingdoms, with the capital rotating every five years between a series of major cities. Individual guilds were no longer able to function with absolute power, nor confiscate lands at their pleasure - the state reasserted their right to distribute land and perhaps most importantly was able to clear many of the countless tax exemptions which had accumulated over the centuries, exemptions which once defeated allowed the bureaucracy even greater authority.

As a compromise to this new taxation policy, the rights and statuses of urban guilds and villages alike were standardized, codified, and written down in single clearly-organized codes. The state's obligation to communal defense was counterbalanced by the right to demand special tariffs in times of war. The guilds had the right to freely trade with any party not ranked as an enemy of the state. Tenant farmers were granted the right to organize their own sangha, despite not directly holding the land upon which they worked, and have a voice in the Ayat.

Until 964, the Pancharajya would be dominated by the power of the goshthi faction and their rough coalition. However, their distrust and opposition to the guild soldiery would represent a massive rift in the heart of society. If that wasn't divisive enough, the coalition would further be shaken to its core by a series of controversies. The brahmin faction was inherently conservative, and relatively orthodox in their interpretation of Hinduism - they rejected the more overt Buddhist teachings, and clung to their caste prohibitions - an unpopular stance among the bureaucrats and their backers, including the tribal mercenary armies. By contrast many of the bureaucrats were educated by Buddhist universities or other heterodox institutions - and in this way aligned more to the ideology of the mercantile guilds than the priestly landholders.

The "Rebellion of the Kshatriya Sreni" was an attempted coup in 890 against the rule of Prime MinisterDevarata - and while it was defeated by the swift intervention of the mercenary guards, the warriors guilds were simply too important to be removed - they still consisted of the majority of the military backbone, and Devarata and his contemporaries feared giving their mercenaries too much latitude, lest the mercenaries in turn form associations and begin to exercise political power. They did not allow their hired soldiers to settle or retire in the Pancharajya and would but a generation later be using the guild warriors in a major war against Surasena.

After a brief period of technological stagnation during the Maukhani era, new advances in science and philosophy began once more in earnest, patronized by the guilds and the newly strengthened states. The wealthy had strong social incentives to show their piety by donating to monasteries and universities. Buddhist monasteries such as Sanchi and Nalanda were among those at the forefront of a new era of scientific revolution. While much of their early work had relatively few practical applications, it was born out of the work of the early Gupta golden age. Mathematics and science flourished. Monks charted the movements of the stars and even developed an early form of calculus. One of the first tangible results of these mathematic innovations was better record keeping.

Of note is the famed polymath Meikanda, a young bureaucrat from the Vanga who would publish some of the most accurate treatises on anatomy to date, building on the ancient traditions of the subcontinent.

A few notable practical inventions occurred as well in the ninth century. Technological innovations from the east spread west into the Punjab and south into the dry highlands. Local guilds build water-wheels, wells and pumps (including a hand-cranked version of the Archimedes screw), turning once barren regions of the Thar and the Deccan plateau into green, vital agricultural land which could support even larger populations. For manufacturories, the crank and connecting rod was invented sometime around 910 - while it had existed since Roman times, its rediscovery and use as a water-powered tool in manufacturing of textiles among other things was revolutionary. Perhaps most fascinatingly, the first primitive metal-stamp printing occurred in a university in Gandhara - and yet failed to achieve mass appeal. The process seemed too slow, and the innovations to make it work quickly and effectively were still several centuries out. It was mostly used for proclamations or other such things which could be quickly printed onto paper en masse and distributed to messengers.

In the south, where monarchy still flourished, the reaction to the growth of the guilds was less extreme. Monarchs continued to give themselves grand titles. Local dynasties such as the Cheras and Hoysalas began calling their monarch "The Crown Jewel of the Kshatriyas." At Arinjaya Chera's (841-865)funeral he was proclaimed 'Equal-of-Indra' and 'Sun King' and, perhaps most absurdly, given the limits of his dominion and his status as a federate of the greater Chola Empire, 'Unparalleled Ruler.'

The Chola only exercised dominion over a small portion of their greater empire, [a region corresponding roughly to OTL-Tanjavur] and the in the rest their vassals were given relative latitude to act as they pleased. Records of cattle-raids and literature glorifying intermittent wars between rival communities was not uncommon. The juxtaposition between rural life under a feudal dynasty and urban life along the coast or in a major manufacturing city was immense. The guild-organized, semi-republican cities were practically states in their own right, with the legitimacy, wealth, and mercenary armies to maintain total autonomy from their petty lords - the cities were subject only to the Chola, who carefully played the various factions of their society against one another to prevent from losing their careful grip on power.

The Chola appear to have feuded with the great Chandratreya Empire to their north, perhaps the only of the "post-imperial empires" to deserve the grandiose titles that the rajas of the south heaped upon themselves. The Deccan-based Maharajadhirajas had direct royal control over many prosperous mines and manufactories and unlike the Pancharajya accordingly had a form of state revenue that wasn't dependent on taxation - and thus were able to build a strong, sprawling state with a powerful, professional army.

However, their attempts to expand into Trikalinga and the broader Chola dominion were fraught with failure. Despite their qualitative advantage in military quality, their southern rivals were wealthy and had a home-turf advantage while the Chandratreya exhausted themselves in vast, often futile campaigns. However, in 883, the brilliant and warlike Chandratreya emperor Adityavarma led an awe-inspiring campaign against the Chola, destroying them in a massive battle at the town of Uralyur. His use of massed archers behind crude portable wooden fortifications to blunt enemy charges was not innovative, but would foreshadow the eventual gunpowder wars of the Indian subcontinent.

Despite his victories, and temporarily bringing the Chola to their knees, he was unable to be anything more than another layer of power overtop of the already existing heirarchy, and when later in life he retired from the throne to become a Jain mystic, the Chola joined a coalition with many of the southern dynasties and forced his young son Nayivarma out of their traditional territory.

The Indus valley after the withdraw and humiliation of the Aghatsaghid Empire would only recover slowly. The Turkish estate system had left the region relatively devastated due to poor land management and the frequent border wars and rebellions had left the population of the region at an uncommon low. The Dauwa dynasty worked extensively to rebuild and repair, but they themselves were foreigners, Gurjar dynasts who had imported wholesale many clans of their own people to serve as a ruling class. Of the Aghatsaghid possessions, only Gandhara, the jewel in the crown of the Aghatsaghid Empire, had survived to some degree intact, and it would serve as a bastion of sorts, fortifying the passes and protecting India from a resurgent Aghatsaghid dynasty.

The Gandharans would develop a reputation as a warlike, martial people for their successful defense of the northern frontier, but they were also called by contemporary poets the 'garden of the north'. Here, in the high mountains, the Gandharan ayat councils would commission the construction of beautiful stupas and temples, and as one of the ancient seats of Buddhist scholarship, it quickly became revered once more for its intellectual traditions. Innovative canal projects allowed rich harvests even in the alpine regions, and in the latter half of the ninth century Buddhist art and philosophy enjoyed a renaissance of sorts.
 
Pretty neat. The hints about the printing press are intriguing. I also wonder if this richer, wealthier India will soon be exerting affects further afield in the East Indies and East Africa?

What do the ethnic demographics of India look like compared to OTL? The lack of Muslim invasions must have had some effect.
 
Supercool. And once again, India takes long strides into modernity ahead of everyone else: with their own "renaissance", constitutional theories, post-medieval state structures, letterpress and even political participation for landless peasants. Wow.

Actually, India has everything it takes for this, and although an althist can only ever sketch why things go differently, this is all rather plausible. The way India stagnated IOTL seems rather ASB...
 
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@Hobelhouse - it already is. The effects will continue to expand of course, the more India develops. Demographically the biggest change is the lack of the Sveta Huna, who both caused a lot of damage and contributed a lot to the emergence of the Rajputs, I believe.

I don't think the early Arab invasions caused all that many changes, and the later Turkish ones haven't happened yet.

@Salvador - I wouldn't go that far. The growth of feudalism in India and the decline/refocusing of major urban centers after the collapse of the Gupta was quite possible. Indian monarchies tended to like giving tax-free land grants to the priesthood and others as well, which didn't do wonders for state power either. And then the early invasions of groups like the Ghaznavids really did a lot of damage.
 
Kyauske
[This was meant as part of the last post, but I didn't quite get it finished to a point I was satisfied with in time. So here, I'm posting it now.]
Kyauske Empire

Power among the Pyu city states, clustered along the trade highway of the Irawaddi valley, was concentrated in the south, along the coast, where ports such as Sudhammapura hosted delegations from the mercantile guilds of Trikalinga and Vanga. Little else can be proven reliably, as the records of the southern cities disregarded events to their north, focusing on long annals describing the virtues of their kings. What follows has the typical embellishments of a legendary founding story.

In 890, a king by the name of Kyansittha took power in Kyauske, a city of the upper Irawaddi, which was then a poorer and depopulated region compared to the south whose people were seen as little more than barbarians caught up in an endless cycle of raids and counter-raids. Kyansittha was an intelligent man, and according to legend, he sought the advice of a traveling monk from far Gandhara. This monk told Kyansittha of the great weirs and canals which had made his own arid highlands lush and verdant, and helped the King to commission such constructions in his own realm.

Overnight much of the wasteland of Kyauske was made fertile and the people rejoiced. Their numbers swelled, and many people came to their lands to work. Kysansittha's son Sithu would, in 923, ascend to the throne and lead an ambitious series of conquests, nearly uniting the river valley. By 927, only Sudhammapura remained independent. King Sithu was a capable general, one with a genuine gift for uniting peoples. He had many consorts, chief among them a Queen Yazadewi, who was a legendary beauty.

After his great conquests, he set about introducing his father's land reforms across his new kingdom, and like his father he borrowed liberally from outside influences. His rule was legitimized in the style of a southern Hindu monarch, with the implication that he himself was a divine incarnation of Visnu. He commissioned many new monasteries and public gathering-places in the style of the Dvaravati confederation, and he sent one of his daughters to marry into Indranokuran royalty.

It is roughly in 930 that our narrative becomes informed by more than just legend - Sudhammapura would come under attack by Sithu and provide the basis for an epic novel called the 'Tale of the Great Siege', written by the polymath Meikanda, who at the age of thirty travelled to the city and saved many lives through his experimental surgeries.

The siege would continue, off and on, for six long years. Sudhammapura was impossibly wealthy and powerful, able to retain several guild armies, who, promised extensive land in the new empire should they triumph, fought with uncustomary viciousness. However, Sithu had his father's veteran force of semi-professional retainers and well-drilled levies, experts in the longbow. Neither side could score a decisive victory, and by 936 the outnumbered defenders had been driven from the outlying fortifications and a proper siege of the city commenced. Sithu had also deployed a fleet, and was able to truly begin to starve the city.

When the King of Sudhammapura, Anawrahta, realized that the battle was lost, he came before Sithu and knelt before the great king. Meikanda himself claims to have been there, recording their final dialogue. Begging the pardon of the King of Kyauske, Anawrahta submitted himself and begged for his people to be spared, but Sithu was not so merciful. As the guild armies buckled at long last and the walls fell, Sithu ordered the city sacked.

The "once bright city of markets and golden temples" was nearly levelled, with a few exceptions - the monasteries, temples, and those who took shelter in them were spared, as was any man capable of reading and writing. Meikanda himself was spared, as were many other foreign merchants, most of whom would be allowed to return to their home countries.

The rise of Kyauske and the Great Siege might well have been forgotten as another incident of history and another classic of Indian literature, but for one thing: the famed surgeon-cum-novelist describes flaming spears used to great effect in the heat of the battle, disheartening the Kyauske levies and inciting them to rout in several battles. These flaming spears are described mostly through metaphor, but it is clear that they represent an early sort of firepowder weapon - an impure formula that produced a slow-burning and mostly psychological effect, but firepowder nonetheless.

[What do people want the next post to cover? I'm considering shedding more light on developments in China, western Sub-Saharan Africa, or the eastern "Savahila" coast.]
 
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I'd like to see developments in China before heading back to Africa. Maybe a east to west progression of the updates.

I like this update by the way.

The early gunpowder weapons sound like something to behold.
 
Thanks! And thanks for the suggestion. The gunpowder weapons which are becoming known to southeast asia, India, and China are modeled off of the absolute most primitive gunpowder weapons of our timeline.

Ironically, the military use of gunpowder has preceded things like fireworks in this timeline because the type of gunpowder they have at this point isn't quick-burning enough to make a satisfying single explosion - the fire spears are simple metal tubes attached to a polearm which, when ignited send out streams of sparks. They can then be hurled or thrust at the enemy like javelins or spears, and are great for scaring horses and elephants and uneducated peasants alike!

Although I wouldn't count out people throwing it into fires and whatnot at festivals or for ritual purposes.

The next big innovation will probably be bombs and 'grenades', and then eventually rockets. Within two hundred years or so we'll probably get around to primitive cannons. And then warfare is going to change forever across Eurasia. I picture things like a Mesopotamian-Kurdish gunpowder empire sprawling across the near east and the cattle-herding peoples of alt-zimbabwe purchasing guns from Savahila merchants... It's gonna get weird.
 
Gunpowder Rajas. Awesome.

I imagine TTL western Indochina may come to be seen as naturally part of India much more so than OTL.

Thanks! And thanks for the suggestion. The gunpowder weapons which are becoming known to southeast asia, India, and China are modeled off of the absolute most primitive gunpowder weapons of our timeline.

Ironically, the military use of gunpowder has preceded things like fireworks in this timeline because the type of gunpowder they have at this point isn't quick-burning enough to make a satisfying single explosion - the fire spears are simple metal tubes attached to a polearm which, when ignited send out streams of sparks. They can then be hurled or thrust at the enemy like javelins or spears, and are great for scaring horses and elephants and uneducated peasants alike!

Although I wouldn't count out people throwing it into fires and whatnot at festivals or for ritual purposes.

The next big innovation will probably be bombs and 'grenades', and then eventually rockets. Within two hundred years or so we'll probably get around to primitive cannons. And then warfare is going to change forever across Eurasia. I picture things like a Mesopotamian-Kurdish gunpowder empire sprawling across the near east and the cattle-herding peoples of alt-zimbabwe purchasing guns from Savahila merchants... It's gonna get weird.

And no-one has even discovered the New World yet... it's definitely gonna be strange.

Something I don't think you've really touched on yet... what is the state of Judaism at this point? Jewish communities in the Mideast in particular must be drastically different after Buddhist, rather than Muslim rule.
 
Gunpowder Rajas. Awesome.

I imagine TTL western Indochina may come to be seen as naturally part of India much more so than OTL.

And no-one has even discovered the New World yet... it's definitely gonna be strange.

Something I don't think you've really touched on yet... what is the state of Judaism at this point? Jewish communities in the Mideast in particular must be drastically different after Buddhist, rather than Muslim rule.
Seconded. I´m very curious about the development of Judaism, too.
 
Hmm. Judiasm hasn't changed perhaps as much as you might expect, largely because the dominant Buddhist attitude towards the religion is very much "live and let live." The role and position of Jews in society has been something of a rocky road, however.

Notable Jewish scholars and the like could sometimes find a place within the Eftal court, however with the collapse of the Eftal Empire and the rise of sectarian movements like the Mahadevists and the Saoshyanti Zoroastrians the Jews often found themselves persecuted, and Jewish populations in Mesopotamia and Syria declined or fled. They have recovered somewhat, but the endless series of invasions and wars that wrecked Mesopotamia and allowed the Kurds to take over weren't kind to the Jewish population. 'Babylonia' remains however a center of Jewish society, if much diminished.

Heshana and Syavush were both quite tolerant of Jews, and used them as a counterweight against the numerous and often rebellious Christian populations of their empire - as pagans they needed all the help they could get. However, once Syavush converted to Christianity, their position fell again. There was a brief period of repression and pogroms, but it lasted only a brief while, and ultimately Heshanid rule proved kinder to the Jews and other such groups than Roman rule.

Jews in Europe, except where noted in the timeline, live lives pretty much equivalent to OTL.

In Aden and Awalistan, there are not insignificant Jewish populations. These populations tend to be more mystical and more influenced by outside thought than their fellows in the Near East. Surrounded by religions like Saihism, the common people have begun taking on some Saihist rituals and blending with local folk traditions, much to the disappointment of their rabbis.

The Jewish populations of this timeline in the near east, especially those under Buddhist rule, do have a reputation as promoters of knowledge and intellectuals - largely because they helped Buddhist monks translate many classical texts into Eftal-Iranian and because learned Jews can once again find positions at local Aghatsaghid and Kurdish courts.

However, neither group gets on quite as well as Islam and Judaism did. The theological similarities between Buddhism, particularly the polytheistic Indo-Iranian/Sogdian form of Buddhism and Judaism are small to say the least. Their philosophical influence on each other is accordingly diminished, although I think both have strengthened the importance of rational inquiry among the philosophy of the other. Also some Jewish sects might be taken by the idea of reincarnation (which I believe is not wholly incompatible with Judaism).

[Disclaimer: I really don't know much about Judaism in the middle ages. :X]
 
Triumph of the Incarnate King
The Triumph of the Incarnated Holy King

After Sima Zhixen's rebellion, the Qi military slowly declined in quality - although it would never reach the paranoia-induced state weakness of the early Qi army. Besides the turbulent Bod Empire frontier, mercenaries were gradually phased out, but a professional force remained, and was supported in large part by the purchase of horses from the northwestern steppe peoples - particularly prized were the fine horses of the Ferghana valley. Horses were traded for luxury goods in great quantities, allowing the Qi to maintain a vital cavalry arm on their northern borders.

However, an unpleasant and by no means minor side-effect of the horse trade was the increasing arrogance of the Uighur merchants in China. It led to numerous conflicts and, among the officials as well as the people, it left a lasting dislike of what they saw as greedy barbarians. The Uighurs realized they were the middle-men through which all horse-trade came, and began charging absurd prices for increasingly poor-quality horses. By bribing local magistrates they could see inferior products through inspections for a net profit, and the Qi army suffered for it.

The Uighur had little respect for the Chinese - while the Gokturks had in many ways idolized their settled neighbors to the south, and the early Uighurs had followed suit, this trend reversed remarkably in the ninth century. The Uighur Khagan Bayanchur (815-844) abandoned much of the Chinese trappings of his predecessors, encouraged by a popular notion of the Chinese as weak and the Uighurs as inheritors of Turko-Eftal-Sogdian traditions rather than Chinese ones. As much as the Uighur merchants and embassies idolized the comfort and luxury of Qi China, enjoying silks and fine finished goods, the artistic and cultural world of the Uighur Khaganate was in large part based on the concept of "buyan" - or the imitation and reproduction of Indo-Iranian culture, an ideology which saw practical expression in thousands of beautiful frescos and sutras patronized by prominent Uighurs. The importance of Buddhism was emphasized by the title Idiqut, or "Holy Ruler" which the Uighur Khagans took on in addition to their traditional titles. Indo-Iranian deities were worshipped over any traditional deities and culturally the Uighur could easily be considered part of the Iranian world. A god, Xormusta, that can be identified as a synthesis of Indra, Tengri, and Ormazd was central to the Uighur pantheon.

This, combined with the apparent greed and strong cultural divisions, created a massive division between Qi China and the Uighurs. Chinese culture was in many ways anathema to the Uighur society - and this would ultimately lead to clashes and escalating violence. The Uighur desire for luxury goods and a standard of living akin to the elite landholders and scholar-bureaucrats at the peak of Chinese society would ultimately turn their state towards brigandage and eventually, with signs of weakness, towards open warfare against the Qi.

In 863, Khagan Eletmish, Bayanchur's son, received an impressive offer from the Qi Emperor, Renzong. His son Inantengin had recently come of age, and the Qi sought to marry off an imperial princess to the young prince, hoping to cement a closer bond between the two powers. An impressive dowry would be arranged, and a grand ceremony, and in exchange, the Emperor's officials sought to end the exploitative trade practices and minor raiding which vexed their northern frontier.

Eletmish, according to contemporary Chinese historians, mocked and humiliated the embassy and demanded some two hundred thousand bolts of silk, a half a million tael tribute of silver and a large quantity of other fine goods. He implied that marrying his son to a Qi princess was a favor to the royal family, which had a surfeit of "parasitic mouths, grasping and good for little else." And finally, he forced the court officials to "dance for him in the manner of servants or serving girls, and when their humiliation was finished he repeated his demands and said 'thou may expect our embassy in a month's time.'" There were however, literate individuals in the Uighur capital at the time, and they offer a conflicting argument - that Inantengin was promised already to a Khitan woman, and Eltemish viewed the Khitan as both a superior alliance and also a "race" which produced "women more capable in the matters of survival and keeping of finances." Accordingly, he mocked the Chinese proposal and demanded absurd tribute as a way of gauging their true intentions.

It is unclear which of these statements is true, however, when the Uighur embassy arrived in Chang'an the following month, it numbered several thousand men and was by all accounts a boisterous display of outrageous impropriety (by the standards of the Qi court) and decadence. The Qi foisted gifts on the prominent members of the delegation and attempted to overawe the northern barbarians into submission but in doing so only whetted the Uighur appetite for luxury. Finally, the Uighur embassy was rejected and one of their top diplomats arrested and executed for an uncertain impropriety.

The Qi wasted no time in preparing for war. Large garrisons in the southern provinces were stripped to their lowest levels in a century and huge armies were assembled. The plan was simple - the Uighurs were going to attack sooner or later - that much was clear. Accordingly, the Qi decided they would march on Ordubaliq, the Uighur capital, and level it, more an attempt to humiliate the Uighurs than to inflict lasting damage. If Ordubaliq fell, it would show a clear sign of the weakness of the Uighurs and it was expected many of their allies would desert.

However, the massive stockpiling of supplies, fodder, and even arms which were necessary for such a venture took time, and the Uighurs it seems had been preparing to invade from before they even sent the embassy. Zhang Huan, the bureaucrat-general in charge of the expedition, was tasked instead with defending the Empire from the northern invaders. Meanwhile, a second major army was formed under his rival Guo Yaoshi, and tasked with defending Hebei from the Khitan, coordinating with the Governor-General of You, who maintained a strong mercenary army in his province.

Guo Yaoshi, thanks in no small part to the Governor-General, was able to arrange an excellent defense. While the Khitan raids were damaging, they were incapable of penetrating deep or gathering much plunder. Meanwhile, Zhang Huan was under increasing pressure to do something about the Uighur army, which was numerous and advancing rapidly towards the capital. Fearing for his position if he continued to "show cowardice", Zhang Huan abandoned a semi-successful delaying tactic and his previous strategy of wearing down the Uighur columns through attrition, was forced to pull his armies back from their role in supporting the prefectural cities and concentrate his forces for a decisive field battle.

The field battle, of course, never came. Many cities in the north were sacked, and the following year in 864, Zhang Huan was forced to change tactics yet again and march north, a march that he and his army never returned from. The capital was left almost defenseless -a dangerous position for a city of perhaps half a million people[1]. Mass panic and flight began. The Emperor, as during Sima Zhixen's rebellion, fled, this time downriver to Bianzhou.

The mass exodus was disastrous, in that it prevented any coordinated defense of the city as a mob of refugees surged in every direction, often forced to resort to looting when meager food supplies became stretched thin. Morale among the remaining soldiers plummeted and many deserted and turned either to brigandage or sought to return home to their families. Chang'an fell the following year. Guo Yaoshi was recalled to Bianzhou and tasked with overall command of the war effort, in recognition of his previous efforts. The Prime Minister meanwhile made overtures to the Khitan, hoping to turn them against the Uighur, without success.

Despite Guo Yaoshi's best efforts, the following years would see the disruption and loss of most of the north. Emperor Renzong was killed and his son, Huizong, took power for a few short months before being overthrown by Guo Yaoshi, who feared that the young Emperor, known for outbursts of extreme wrath, would punish him severely for their continued losses. Some members of the Imperial family escaped, and Guo Yaoshi hesitated to claim the Imperial title for himself - he did not have such ambitions and instead sought a member of the Imperial family to be puppet. However, his coup led to massive rebellions and numerous governor-generals and local officials declaring independence. A massive peasant rebellion erupted in Xuanshe. Called the Red Standard Rebellion, its origins are unclear but its motives seem to have rapidly shifted from a protestation of taxation and harsh local officials as fleeing deserter soldiers joined its ranks and turned it into a vicious brigand army which had all but total control over the province by 866.

Eltemish Khagan, for his part, had succeeded quite beyond his wildest dreams. North of the Yellow River there was no meaningful opposition to his armies (after the fall of You to the Khitan in 866) and he controlled what was the traditional heartland of China. Marching south on Bianzhou, he sacked that city in 867, and Guo Yaoshi was captured and humiliated by his soldiers. Upon hearing of this, Eltemish, according to legend, ordered Yaoshi brought before him. He issued the General a formal apology and then laughingly ordered him executed.

However, Eltemish would never travel beyond the Huai river. Across the now leaderless empire, he lacked any legitimacy or authority save what he could demand with force of arms. However, force of arms was one thing that he did not lack. His subjects worshipped him as god incarnate, Xormusta himself born into the flesh of man to lead the Uighurs to the establishment of a holy regime, and he rewarded them handsomely with silks and treasure. Those of even middling rank frequently were given authority over vast tracts of land with ostensibly huge incomes, and while this sense of enduring triumph lasted Eltemish would be revered.

The Uighurs would call the state they formed the "Jaylaqar Dynasty" (Yaoluoge) - a name which they used long before coming into possession of northern China. Their Chinese subjects would often refer to it as "Bei Guo" or northern kingdom.

While their new dominion was vast, they quickly learned that ruling a country was far more difficult than conquering it. The collapse of the Qi had left the south a patchwork of warring states and the north was little better. The Uighurs themselves were divided - many wished to live as rural aristocrats and conquerors off the spoils of their new dominions, and left the steppe to settle newly-founded garrison towns. Many more wished to retain their traditional way of life, and the divide between these two groups was not slow in forming. Within five years of the conquest, the Uighur government was forced to create the "Tripartite Code" which created three legal systems - one for the steppe peoples, one for the transplanted Uighur ruling class, and one for everyone else.

Rebellions were common. The Uighur government was deeply exploitative at first and took its time in switching away from state revenues based on plunder. The Uighurs had little regard for Chinese traditional religion and culture, alienating their subjects by their refusal to assimilate or compromise. As the Chinese had turned largely away from Buddhism in favor of native philosophies such as Taoism, Confucianism, and their own folk religions, religiously motivated rebellions were not infrequent.

[1] It was home to perhaps twice that number prior to the Bod sack, but it never truly recovered. Cities such as Bianzhou and Huainan had grown tremendously in this era.

[China will be continued in the next post, bringing them up into the 'future'. Thoughts and comments? I know, I know, I like letting steppe peoples conquer everything. It's becoming a habit. :p

I wanted to do something "different" with China, rather than allowing their history to be a series of alt-dynasties, in a similar way I tried to arrange something very different for Indian history. This is my set-up for that. ]
 
Looks like an earlier N/S China split. I doubt the South will be a patchwork of warring states for long.

The overseas Chinese community will likely grow as the North grows increasingly repressive. Likely, it wouldn't be too hard to induce Chinese artisans to move to Korea or Japan. The Phillipines might also bear watching what with the flourishing oceanic trade routes past SE Asia. *Manila may be founded sooner.
 
Any Chinese dynasty must fall at some point, and steppe people together with peasant revolts often did the trick.
I'm curious to see how this is going to lead to something other than another warring states, then unifying new dynasty periods.
 
@Hobelhouse: I generally agree.

@Salvador: I'm not totally sure I can avert that particular cycle all that easily. But I do want to do at least keep China interesting rather. I was somewhat disappointed in the Qi dynasty, and still am because they felt too much like a twist on the Song dynasty.
 
Well it looks like the Uighurs have a much more stronger sense of ethnocentrism than would be normal for an steppe peoples. If they have a chance to hold onto the north, maybe we'll see more drastic permanent changes there before the south gets its act together.

I'm guessing (assuming) the Uighurs are quite a bit stronger militarily, culturally and demographically more than their OTL counterparts as well?
 
Well it looks like the Uighurs have a much more stronger sense of ethnocentrism than would be normal for an steppe peoples. If they have a chance to hold onto the north, maybe we'll see more drastic permanent changes there before the south gets its act together.

I'm guessing (assuming) the Uighurs are quite a bit stronger militarily, culturally and demographically more than their OTL counterparts as well?

Part of the reason why I picked them for this was that they did seem to historically have a rather distinct culture from the general Turkish tribes around them. A shockingly large amount of what I wrote is based indirectly off actual things I read while doing my research. The prominence of Xormusta may be a bit exaggerated in TTL, but it was an actual god. Buyan was a real practice, only it was more about Buddhist iconography in OTL. Idiqut was a real title. The Uighurs did love sending massive embassies to the Chinese capital, to bring back as many luxury goods as possible.

However, in OTL the Uighurs had many more nearby rivals on the steppes. Because of the strong settled states nearby, the Turkish tribes had nowhere to go. However in this timeline the west is comparatively wide open for migrations leaving the Uighur clans room to massively expand and prosper over the generations. Accordingly, they dodge the worst of the famines that hit them OTL, and their rivals never have a chance to dislodge them from their position.

So yes, these Uighurs are stronger in most respects, and their settled rivals are generally weaker.
 
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