The Horse and The Jaguar
- Thread starter phildup
- Start date
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When Krishna was a little boy, his mother thought he had been eating dirt.
"Have you been eating dirt Krishna?" she asked.
"No mother I have not been eating dirt" the young boy answered.
"Open your mouth and let me see." said his mother.
Little Krishna turned and opened his mouth so his mother could see he had not been eating dirt.
His mother looked into her son's mouth and saw the universe and all creation.
Like Krishna, I have not bit the dust, although there the similarity ends.
It has been a tough few months folks, but a good kick in the butt can sometimes make even an ass move.
"Have you been eating dirt Krishna?" she asked.
"No mother I have not been eating dirt" the young boy answered.
"Open your mouth and let me see." said his mother.
Little Krishna turned and opened his mouth so his mother could see he had not been eating dirt.
His mother looked into her son's mouth and saw the universe and all creation.
Like Krishna, I have not bit the dust, although there the similarity ends.
It has been a tough few months folks, but a good kick in the butt can sometimes make even an ass move.
Chapter 75 Orchard, Fugitive, Ambassador and Khans
Auqui Acahuana sailed with all haste from the Banda islands towards the Empire, visions of the potential wealth and power that awaited him once his precious cargo of nutmeg trees were transplanted to the soil of Paititi filling his dreams. His ship made good progress across the great ocean and he learned as he called at the scattered ports through the islands that the main fleet was two weeks ahead of him.
When he was about a week from the Imperial port of Chiquiri, Acahuana’s ship was struck by a great storm which drove them toward the north east. During the three days of horrific winds, driving rain and mountainous seas the Incan ship suffered tremendous damage, losing her masts, her sails, her rudder and many of her crew. The passing of the storm left the ship adrift and at the mercies of the sea’s currents, which carried her farther and farther north.
A Mayan pirate, Buluc Chabtan sighted the drifting Imperial ship two weeks after the storm and ordered his three ships to intercept the seeming derelict. The Imperial sailors, those that were left, were weak and ill, many injured during their ordeal. Water had been contaminated and food spoiled and many had died from injuries and infections. They could not put up any sort of resistance when the Mayans came along side and boarded.
Acahuana, ill and with a broken leg, sought to bargain with Chabtan, but the only thing of value to him was his knowledge of the potential riches inherent in his precious trees. The Mayans knew the value of the basic cargo of exotic goods and spices, much of which had survived, but were puzzled by the trees, now somewhat bedraggled, which the Imperial merchant insisted were the greatest treasure on board. Acahuana told them that once planted in the right soil they would be the source of immense wealth and if the Mayans would spare him he would share that wealth with them.
Chabtan recognized the mace and nutmeg in the cargo of the ship and Acahuana revealed that the trees were the source of these spices. The Mayan pirate was able to see the potential of the cargo and agreed to spare the merchant, but only if he would plant the trees in the lands of the Yax Ahau. Acahuana agreed, even though he did not know if there was a suitable place where the soils and climate would combine to allow the trees to flourish. One of the Mayan sailors came from an island in the seas east of Yucatan and told Chabtan that his home had soils much like those that surrounded the roots of the trees. Acahuana questioned the sailor about the conditions of his island, the temperature, landscape and rainfall and believed that this might be even a better place than his intended goal of Paititi.
Chabtan sailed for Alagh, landing the trees and Acahuana in a remote section of the bay before sailing for the port where he turned his entire cargo of spices and exotic goods over to the governor as a gift to the Yax Ahau. Needless to say, little of that treasure found its way to the First King, but the governor rewarded Chabtan and his crew richly. The pirates returned to the spot where they had hidden the trees and quietly transported them across the isthmus to the opposite coast. There Chabtan purchased an old junk just large enough for his precious cargo and set sail eastwards, following the line of the southern shore, but remaining out of sight of land until they arrived at the southernmost of the chain of islands that marked the eastern edge of the Yucatan Sea.
Here the trees were planted and thrived. Acahuana knew that it would take several years for them to become productive and so Chabtan returned to piracy while he waited for the riches to come.
The Governor of Guangzhou at last received instructions to send the foreigners to the Hongzhi Emperor. His only captive was the unfortunate Columbo who was sent north along with explanations of the escape of the perfidious admiral and his fleet. The heads of the scapegoats who the governor said allowed this to happen accompanied the Genoan to the Emperor.
A few days after they had departed Guangzhou the caravan was intercepted by a relative of the imperial consort, the Lady Chang, who had recently been elevated far above his station and sought to exert his newfound power. He demanded that Columbo and the heads be turned over to him so he could bring them before the Emperor and gain further favor. The Governor’s aid who was in charge knew he was out ranked and gave the Genoan over to the ambitious noble. The young man proceeded towards the capital in the knowledge that he would be handsomely rewarded, but his retinue was not prepared to provide proper guardianship of their precious prisoner and, near the city of Hangzhou, while preparing to embark on the Grand Canal, Columbo was able to slip away into the city.
He discovered that there was a sizeable Muslim community and, to his surprise, A large number of Jews. Determining the Jews to be the lesser of two evils, he walked into a synagogue and approached the rabbi, locally known as a mullah. He told the Mullah that he was from a country with many of his co-religionists that lay to the west of Jerusalem and allowed the Mullah to believe that he shared the same faith. He explained his plight and his travels, and eventually convinced the Mullah to help him escape to the east. The Jews of Hangzhou enjoyed a certain level of status and maintained good relations with the Muslim community, many of whom were less interested in the threat posed by Europe to their brethren in the east than they were in commerce. Columbo told them that there would be great rewards to those who helped him return home, for their Most Catholic Majesties would be exceedingly grateful.
So, in late 1503, Columbo traveled eastward in the company of a group of Muslim traders.
Cabot’s return to Bristol in August 1502 was cause for great celebration in the Kingdom, which was still mourning the death of Arthur, the King’s son and heir. The Tomi Munokhoi presented himself to Henry at the Tower of London, richly dressed in furs and fine leather so soft many thought it to be cloth. He greeted the King as the great eastern brother of Menggetu Khan and lord of all the lands this side of the great ocean. Henry knew that Menggetu was the servant of a greater Khan and gently reminded Munokhoi that he was servant of no man. The implication of higher rank than his own master was not lost on the Mongol ambassador.
The retinue which had accompanied Munokhoi was very large. While ostensibly servants and craftsmen, all were well trained as soldiers and sworn to protect the Khans ambassador. The King was reluctant to accommodate such a large group at court and Munokhoi was provided with a small estate outside the city where he would be able to support his men at his own expense. The Khan had provided well for his ambassador and to the King’s dismay this arrangement proved to be perfectly suited to the Tomi. Henry had hoped that the expense would be more than the Mongol could support so far from home, forcing him to abandon his retinue and remain at court with a few servants.
The Mongols created quite a scene as the Ambassador rode into London each morning with his escort of six exotically attired guards and servants and again as they returned to their estate in the evening. No matter what the court schedule was Munokhoi was there as required.
In April of 1503, three junks sailed into Bristol harbor. One carried additional supplies for the Tomi which would allow him to establish a proper Mongol household and guarantee his continued ability to support his mission. That ship also carried a troop of fifty Mongol soldiers and their horses, fully armed and equipped, sent by the Khan to enter the service of the King at the Khan’s expense. The other ships carried furs, oil, salt fish and more of the large and delicious Pul-la'-ook birds which had become very popular at court banquets.
A message from Menggetu Khan told Munokhoi of the military expansion underway in the Xarmag Ordu. Menggetu had long felt that Pulawej Khan was volatile and temperamental, prone to over-reaction at any slight. His agents in Kébec informed him that the build-up was targeted at Henry in retaliation for the insults of William Weston, of which, until this time, the English had remained unaware. Munokhoi was instructed to advise the King of Weston’s acts but say nothing of his fate or the reaction of Pulawej Khan. There was no word of the fate of De Carbonariis or his church at Pomeiooc.
The Mongol ships soon set sail for home with a cargo of wool, glass, tin, ceramics and draft horses, accompanied by a company of English merchants in their own ship, intent on establishing a trading mission in Möxöc. Also on board was one of Munokhoi’s agents carrying information on English commerce, weaponry, military practice and resources.
Khorghosun Khan of the Ordu lusöndür in the meantime continued to consolidate his conquests of Mayan lands while further undermining the influence and power of his erstwhile allies, the Mexica. He made a great show of traveling to Orun Ergül and presenting his new province to The Great Jirghadai Khan.
In the thirteenth year of his reign, Jirghadai had become wary of the increasing power of his subject Khan’s to the north, east and west.
Khorghosun was an able, but ambitious leader desirous of land and glory. He was more likely to fight for advantage than to negotiate or cajole for gain. He was no diplomat but he had raised a vast and underpopulated land to prominence and power.
Pulawej Khan of the Xarmag Ordu had shown initial promise but had become vain and profligate. His Khanate was rich in resources but beset by a harsh climate for much of the year. It required husbanding of the summer’s bounty to survive the frozen winter, but recently each year had been closer and closer to hardship. He bought arms and built a fleet while more and more of his people struggled through the cold.
Menggetu Khan in the east nurtured his forest lands, sharing the bounty of one part to lift up other territories. But Menggetu was devious and the Great Khan’s agents told him that the Khan of the east plotted to destabilize the Khan of the north. He had made peaceful overtures to a kingdom over the sea without sharing those contacts with the Great Khan and risked the wrath of Pulawej who had been insulted by that same king.
Jirghadai Khan knew that his days were coming to a close. He had aged rapidly, suffering from injury and disease and, he thought, the intrigues of all three subject khans. There was no obvious heir and he knew that when he passed there would be a bloodbath.
[FONT="]Chapter 75[/FONT]
[FONT="]Orchard, Fugitive, Ambassador and Khans[/FONT]
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[FONT="]Orchard, Fugitive, Ambassador and Khans[/FONT]
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When he was about a week from the Imperial port of Chiquiri, Acahuana’s ship was struck by a great storm which drove them toward the north east. During the three days of horrific winds, driving rain and mountainous seas the Incan ship suffered tremendous damage, losing her masts, her sails, her rudder and many of her crew. The passing of the storm left the ship adrift and at the mercies of the sea’s currents, which carried her farther and farther north.
A Mayan pirate, Buluc Chabtan sighted the drifting Imperial ship two weeks after the storm and ordered his three ships to intercept the seeming derelict. The Imperial sailors, those that were left, were weak and ill, many injured during their ordeal. Water had been contaminated and food spoiled and many had died from injuries and infections. They could not put up any sort of resistance when the Mayans came along side and boarded.
Acahuana, ill and with a broken leg, sought to bargain with Chabtan, but the only thing of value to him was his knowledge of the potential riches inherent in his precious trees. The Mayans knew the value of the basic cargo of exotic goods and spices, much of which had survived, but were puzzled by the trees, now somewhat bedraggled, which the Imperial merchant insisted were the greatest treasure on board. Acahuana told them that once planted in the right soil they would be the source of immense wealth and if the Mayans would spare him he would share that wealth with them.
Chabtan recognized the mace and nutmeg in the cargo of the ship and Acahuana revealed that the trees were the source of these spices. The Mayan pirate was able to see the potential of the cargo and agreed to spare the merchant, but only if he would plant the trees in the lands of the Yax Ahau. Acahuana agreed, even though he did not know if there was a suitable place where the soils and climate would combine to allow the trees to flourish. One of the Mayan sailors came from an island in the seas east of Yucatan and told Chabtan that his home had soils much like those that surrounded the roots of the trees. Acahuana questioned the sailor about the conditions of his island, the temperature, landscape and rainfall and believed that this might be even a better place than his intended goal of Paititi.
Chabtan sailed for Alagh, landing the trees and Acahuana in a remote section of the bay before sailing for the port where he turned his entire cargo of spices and exotic goods over to the governor as a gift to the Yax Ahau. Needless to say, little of that treasure found its way to the First King, but the governor rewarded Chabtan and his crew richly. The pirates returned to the spot where they had hidden the trees and quietly transported them across the isthmus to the opposite coast. There Chabtan purchased an old junk just large enough for his precious cargo and set sail eastwards, following the line of the southern shore, but remaining out of sight of land until they arrived at the southernmost of the chain of islands that marked the eastern edge of the Yucatan Sea.
Here the trees were planted and thrived. Acahuana knew that it would take several years for them to become productive and so Chabtan returned to piracy while he waited for the riches to come.
-----
The Governor of Guangzhou at last received instructions to send the foreigners to the Hongzhi Emperor. His only captive was the unfortunate Columbo who was sent north along with explanations of the escape of the perfidious admiral and his fleet. The heads of the scapegoats who the governor said allowed this to happen accompanied the Genoan to the Emperor.
A few days after they had departed Guangzhou the caravan was intercepted by a relative of the imperial consort, the Lady Chang, who had recently been elevated far above his station and sought to exert his newfound power. He demanded that Columbo and the heads be turned over to him so he could bring them before the Emperor and gain further favor. The Governor’s aid who was in charge knew he was out ranked and gave the Genoan over to the ambitious noble. The young man proceeded towards the capital in the knowledge that he would be handsomely rewarded, but his retinue was not prepared to provide proper guardianship of their precious prisoner and, near the city of Hangzhou, while preparing to embark on the Grand Canal, Columbo was able to slip away into the city.
He discovered that there was a sizeable Muslim community and, to his surprise, A large number of Jews. Determining the Jews to be the lesser of two evils, he walked into a synagogue and approached the rabbi, locally known as a mullah. He told the Mullah that he was from a country with many of his co-religionists that lay to the west of Jerusalem and allowed the Mullah to believe that he shared the same faith. He explained his plight and his travels, and eventually convinced the Mullah to help him escape to the east. The Jews of Hangzhou enjoyed a certain level of status and maintained good relations with the Muslim community, many of whom were less interested in the threat posed by Europe to their brethren in the east than they were in commerce. Columbo told them that there would be great rewards to those who helped him return home, for their Most Catholic Majesties would be exceedingly grateful.
So, in late 1503, Columbo traveled eastward in the company of a group of Muslim traders.
-----
Cabot’s return to Bristol in August 1502 was cause for great celebration in the Kingdom, which was still mourning the death of Arthur, the King’s son and heir. The Tomi Munokhoi presented himself to Henry at the Tower of London, richly dressed in furs and fine leather so soft many thought it to be cloth. He greeted the King as the great eastern brother of Menggetu Khan and lord of all the lands this side of the great ocean. Henry knew that Menggetu was the servant of a greater Khan and gently reminded Munokhoi that he was servant of no man. The implication of higher rank than his own master was not lost on the Mongol ambassador.
The retinue which had accompanied Munokhoi was very large. While ostensibly servants and craftsmen, all were well trained as soldiers and sworn to protect the Khans ambassador. The King was reluctant to accommodate such a large group at court and Munokhoi was provided with a small estate outside the city where he would be able to support his men at his own expense. The Khan had provided well for his ambassador and to the King’s dismay this arrangement proved to be perfectly suited to the Tomi. Henry had hoped that the expense would be more than the Mongol could support so far from home, forcing him to abandon his retinue and remain at court with a few servants.
The Mongols created quite a scene as the Ambassador rode into London each morning with his escort of six exotically attired guards and servants and again as they returned to their estate in the evening. No matter what the court schedule was Munokhoi was there as required.
In April of 1503, three junks sailed into Bristol harbor. One carried additional supplies for the Tomi which would allow him to establish a proper Mongol household and guarantee his continued ability to support his mission. That ship also carried a troop of fifty Mongol soldiers and their horses, fully armed and equipped, sent by the Khan to enter the service of the King at the Khan’s expense. The other ships carried furs, oil, salt fish and more of the large and delicious Pul-la'-ook birds which had become very popular at court banquets.
A message from Menggetu Khan told Munokhoi of the military expansion underway in the Xarmag Ordu. Menggetu had long felt that Pulawej Khan was volatile and temperamental, prone to over-reaction at any slight. His agents in Kébec informed him that the build-up was targeted at Henry in retaliation for the insults of William Weston, of which, until this time, the English had remained unaware. Munokhoi was instructed to advise the King of Weston’s acts but say nothing of his fate or the reaction of Pulawej Khan. There was no word of the fate of De Carbonariis or his church at Pomeiooc.
The Mongol ships soon set sail for home with a cargo of wool, glass, tin, ceramics and draft horses, accompanied by a company of English merchants in their own ship, intent on establishing a trading mission in Möxöc. Also on board was one of Munokhoi’s agents carrying information on English commerce, weaponry, military practice and resources.
-----
Khorghosun Khan of the Ordu lusöndür in the meantime continued to consolidate his conquests of Mayan lands while further undermining the influence and power of his erstwhile allies, the Mexica. He made a great show of traveling to Orun Ergül and presenting his new province to The Great Jirghadai Khan.
In the thirteenth year of his reign, Jirghadai had become wary of the increasing power of his subject Khan’s to the north, east and west.
Khorghosun was an able, but ambitious leader desirous of land and glory. He was more likely to fight for advantage than to negotiate or cajole for gain. He was no diplomat but he had raised a vast and underpopulated land to prominence and power.
Pulawej Khan of the Xarmag Ordu had shown initial promise but had become vain and profligate. His Khanate was rich in resources but beset by a harsh climate for much of the year. It required husbanding of the summer’s bounty to survive the frozen winter, but recently each year had been closer and closer to hardship. He bought arms and built a fleet while more and more of his people struggled through the cold.
Menggetu Khan in the east nurtured his forest lands, sharing the bounty of one part to lift up other territories. But Menggetu was devious and the Great Khan’s agents told him that the Khan of the east plotted to destabilize the Khan of the north. He had made peaceful overtures to a kingdom over the sea without sharing those contacts with the Great Khan and risked the wrath of Pulawej who had been insulted by that same king.
Jirghadai Khan knew that his days were coming to a close. He had aged rapidly, suffering from injury and disease and, he thought, the intrigues of all three subject khans. There was no obvious heir and he knew that when he passed there would be a bloodbath.
I'm gonna read it later, but welcome back! Open your mouth so we can see what's goin on over there!
Whoa, another civil war? Hope the Khanates survive. And maybe unite again as a single empire. They need to present a united front in the face of European enroachment.
WOOOO IT'S BACK *opens up expensive wine from cellar*
I wonder what the original Mongolia would think of these other mongols in the New World.
I wonder what the original Mongolia would think of these other mongols in the New World.
Woohoo! Welcome back! This is one of my favourite TLs and I'm delighted to see its return. 
Great TL. Started reading this some time ago and just finished - an unexpected premise that has wondrous effects. Also this may be too long a time to mention anything about this, but I did notice that there were a few Koreans who were tagged along to Panama - I was wondering if some still remembered their roots and thus wanted to find their own homeland, along with the Chinese.
Their influence was minor since the vast majority were Chinese and the leadership Mongol. we're also a couple of centuries advanced at this point. The Inca has a direct link to the founding Emperor and many of the elite in Chimor particularly, have Chinese ancestry. So any knowledge of Korea or other Asian lands is now, at best, a dim memory of a very small part of the population.
I have begun to discover the complexity of Korean History and need to explore it more.
I have begun to discover the complexity of Korean History and need to explore it more.
Beat me to it...
^ This. Welcome back phildup!! The update was worth the wait. I think even with some possible chaos in the future for the land never to be known as North America, I think King Henry is in for some very big surprises...
^ This. Welcome back phildup!! The update was worth the wait. I think even with some possible chaos in the future for the land never to be known as North America, I think King Henry is in for some very big surprises...
I wouldnt be surprised if someone (Henry) tries to divide the Northern Hordes.
Kseksekse Finally the wait is worth it!
Phildup if you need help about History of Indonesia PM me
Phildup if you need help about History of Indonesia PM me
Good luck with that.
European dominance is greatly overstated. Outside of the New World the only territorial conquests were Indonesia until the 1700s or so. China, Korea, Persia, Japan were never conquered. Africa only opened in the 19th century.
Absent the diseases and a lot of luck the New world would never have been so thoroughly conquered. And without the New World silver both Spain and China are better off- Spain would likely focus more on conquering the Maghreb if the conquistador manpower isn't going across the ocean, and New World silver caused kassive inflstion in the European economy. Flanders was a bigger source of revenue for Spain in the 1500s.
He Ming likewise were strongly destabilized by the influx of silver. Something like a third of Americas output ended up in Ming China. TTL the Inca successor state will be the beneficiary of this trade... So the traditional Mediterranean trade might stick around longer, as sailing around the Horn or across the Pacific was actually quite dangerous whereas the extant Indian Ocean to Levant trade was well established. Without the Spanish/Portuguese able to control the seas as thoroughly that shift might not happen.
Population Estimates
Population Estimates
It has become apparent that I will need to be able to justify some upcoming events. A major factor in that justification is the population of the Khanates, The Mayan and Middle American kingdoms as well as the Empire and Paititi.
There is so much controversy regarding pre-contact demographics that any attempt to calculate the number of people living in the Americas before Columbus is an act of Anthropological bravado at the very least. Estimates vary wildly for the hemisphere from 8,400,000 (Kroeber, 1938) to 100,000,000 (Borah, 1964). For North America the variance is even greater; from Kroeber’s 1938 estimate of 900,000 (about 11% of the hemisphere by his calcs) to a whopping 18,000,000 (Dobyns, 1983).
Dobyns didn’t provide a hemispheric estimate in ’83, but if the ratio is the same as his 1966 calculations (h’sphere-90,043,000, NA 9,800,000) the 1983 hemispheric number is a stratospheric 165,385,102! In 1999 the UN estimated the global population in 1500 AD at 500,000,000. For comparison, the population of Western Europe was in the vicinity of 57,294,000 (easier to estimate since there are extant records).
Portugal...1,000,000
Spain......6,800,000
UK.........3,142,000
China......103,000.000
India......90,401,000
I approached this by taking a series of estimated populations for North America and the Hemisphere which had been calculated between 1910 (Mooney) and 1983 (Dobyns).
I calculated the average of the numbers and the mean as well. Then I eliminated the High and low numbers and did the same exercise again. From this I arrived at my own estimate (highly unscholarly as it might be) for the populations of the hemisphere and North America (which in this context is above the Rio Grande) in 1500. My numbers fell comfortably in the middle.
Hemisphere...53,888,590
North.........7,670,163
Central......20,351,904
South........25,866,523
Using World Population estimates for 1300, I arrived at an estimate of the continental population two centuries before the present point in the story. Now I had a rough idea of the growth rate over the intervening 200 years since Shi-bi landed in Panama.
Playing with growth rates year by year, estimating the impact of new tools and agriculture as well as the various plagues that afflicted the population, I arrived at the following population estimate for TTL;
Hemisphere...60,454,708
North..........8,503,965
Central.......22,932,484
South.........29,018,260
The differences are not huge, but remember that the OTL estimates are pre-disease and the TTL estimates are Post disease.
Population Estimates
It has become apparent that I will need to be able to justify some upcoming events. A major factor in that justification is the population of the Khanates, The Mayan and Middle American kingdoms as well as the Empire and Paititi.
There is so much controversy regarding pre-contact demographics that any attempt to calculate the number of people living in the Americas before Columbus is an act of Anthropological bravado at the very least. Estimates vary wildly for the hemisphere from 8,400,000 (Kroeber, 1938) to 100,000,000 (Borah, 1964). For North America the variance is even greater; from Kroeber’s 1938 estimate of 900,000 (about 11% of the hemisphere by his calcs) to a whopping 18,000,000 (Dobyns, 1983).
Dobyns didn’t provide a hemispheric estimate in ’83, but if the ratio is the same as his 1966 calculations (h’sphere-90,043,000, NA 9,800,000) the 1983 hemispheric number is a stratospheric 165,385,102! In 1999 the UN estimated the global population in 1500 AD at 500,000,000. For comparison, the population of Western Europe was in the vicinity of 57,294,000 (easier to estimate since there are extant records).
Portugal...1,000,000
Spain......6,800,000
UK.........3,142,000
China......103,000.000
India......90,401,000
I approached this by taking a series of estimated populations for North America and the Hemisphere which had been calculated between 1910 (Mooney) and 1983 (Dobyns).
I calculated the average of the numbers and the mean as well. Then I eliminated the High and low numbers and did the same exercise again. From this I arrived at my own estimate (highly unscholarly as it might be) for the populations of the hemisphere and North America (which in this context is above the Rio Grande) in 1500. My numbers fell comfortably in the middle.
Hemisphere...53,888,590
North.........7,670,163
Central......20,351,904
South........25,866,523
Using World Population estimates for 1300, I arrived at an estimate of the continental population two centuries before the present point in the story. Now I had a rough idea of the growth rate over the intervening 200 years since Shi-bi landed in Panama.
Playing with growth rates year by year, estimating the impact of new tools and agriculture as well as the various plagues that afflicted the population, I arrived at the following population estimate for TTL;
Hemisphere...60,454,708
North..........8,503,965
Central.......22,932,484
South.........29,018,260
The differences are not huge, but remember that the OTL estimates are pre-disease and the TTL estimates are Post disease.
- Status