Taking the Cross: A Crusader ATL

[Dieu Le Roi]

Here's the first chapter in my new ATL about a more successful second crusade.

Sorry about the amount of OTL stuff in this post, the next will be plenty more AH! Hope you all enjoy!

Chapter One
Calling the Faithful

Ever since the success of the First Crusade in establishing Latin states in Outremer, the Holy Land had found itself under siege as the Moslem rulers fought against these new invaders. With a thinly spread Latin population ruling over a mix of native Christians and Moslems, the crusaders were practically fighting a losing battle, eventually leading to the fall of the capital of the least Latinised of the states, Edessa, in the last days of 1144 to Zengi, ruler of Aleppo and Mosul. The Count of Edessa, Joscelin, had been away from the city with his army at the time, allowing Zengi to push even further west before the crusaders were able to gather and halt his advance.

Although Zengi returned to Mosul, fear spread throughout the crusader states that soon Moslem armies would sweep aside the remains of the County of Edessa, take Antioch and cause the destruction of all that the Latins had fought for. It was this fear that led to Pope Eugene III’s papal bull Quantum Praedecessores, calling Christendom to war once again, promising absolution for those who completed the crusader, either through death or by taking Edessa, and guaranteeing the Church’s protection for the families of the crusaders. Louis VII of France, to whom the papal bull was addressed, had been planning such an expedition already, so as to fulfil a vow his dead brother had made, and was initially reluctant to join the official crusade. However, Bernard of Clairvaux, under orders from the Pope to preach the crusade, convinced Louis to agree to join Eugene’s venture. With this major success in rallying support, Quantum Praedecessores was reissued in 1146 and Bernard set off into Germany to gather further support.

As Bernard travelled, popular support for the Second Crusade began to increase, miracles being attributed to the preacher everywhere he went. More and more people began to take the cross, but with this success and the rise of religious fervour, brutality against the Jews began to spread. Fuelled by the renegade monk Radulphe, who preached that the Jews should be slaughtered, violence began to spiral out of control. Attempts were made by the authorities, both secular and ecclesiastical, to stem the violence, but it was swiftly getting out of hand. Even the Archbishop of Mainz was unable to prevent a mob killing a group of Jews he had taken into his own house to protect. They appealed to Bernard, who issued a strong condemnation of the atrocities, but the continued and so he travelled in person to the areas most affected and preached against the violence, even forcing Radulphe to return to the monastery he had left without permission. With this the violence at last began to subside.

Conrad III of Germany was the next monarch to take the cross, but in his kingdom yet another problem now arose. The Saxons in the north were reluctant to go to the Holy Land when, as they saw it, enemies of Christianity lay at their very doorstep in the form of the pagan Slavs. When the Saxons asked Bernard for official support of their own crusade, their request was rejected in communications from the Pope, who had been convinced of imminent danger to the crusader states by the somewhat exaggerated reports of emissaries from Outremer and so decided that official sanction must focus on the Holy Land in this instance. To the Pope, the Moslems were the greatest danger to Christendom. With coaxing from Bernard, the Saxons would provide men for the crusade, but their numbers were limited in comparison to the contingents from other regions. In Iberia too the request was made of the Pope that official sanction be given to a crusade against the Moors. Despite some slight hesitation, with the entreaties of Alfonso VII of León and Castile this was shortly given.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Chapter Two
The Long March

The Germans under Conrad were the first to set off on the Second Crusade, setting off in May 1147 and accompanied by the papal legate Theodwin. Conrad III, through his alliance with the Byzantines, was an enemy of Roger II of Sicily and so they elected to take the overland route to the Holy Land, travelling through Hungary and Byzantium. It was a dangerous and long march that would force them to travel through hostile territory, but it was the only path open to the Germans. The French, having taken longer to gather their forces, only set out in July but had already decided not to follow Conrad during a council in February in which they chose to take the sea route, with the help of Roger II of Sicily, who was willing to help the French crusaders with his ships after the Pope and Louis VII wrote him letters asking for his help.

The journey of the German crusaders got off to a good start as they were able to pass unharmed through Hungary and arrive in Byzantium unharmed. Despite conflict with the Byzantines, which resulted in skirmishes that took a toll on both sides and a flood that inflicted considerable casualties on the crusaders, the Germans reached Constantinople in September. Conflicts with the Byzantines continued as Manuel I attempted to convince the Germans to cross into Asia Minor immediately, rather than move into Constantinople, eventually provoking the crusaders into attack his army outside the city walls. After a German force was driven back by the Byzantines and suffered heavy casualties, Conrad finally agreed to cross the Bosporus and was quickly ferried across.

Marching eastward, Conrad split his force in two, sending the camp followers along the coast whilst he took the main bulk of the army towards Iconium, the Seljuk capital. This move was to prove a disaster as Conrad was badly defeated in October at the Second Battle of Dorylaeum after the Turks were able to draw the German cavalry away from the main army and defeat them. Barely 3,000 men were left after the long retreat to Nicaea. The Germans the suffered a second blow when the contingent taking the coastal road was crushed in November, with barely any escaping slaughter or capture. Eventually Manuel arranged for the remaining crusaders under Conrad II to sail to the Levant, arriving in Jerusalem in May 1148, whilst those who had taken the coastal road limped on and arrived in April. The German contingent was all but destroyed by the time it reached Jerusalem, only a shadow of its former self remaining.

Whilst the Germans had been making this long march, the French had loaded their army onto Roger II’s ships in Marseilles. Louis, pressured by his own men who were outraged at the Byzantine truce with the Turks whilst the crusaders travelled to the Holy Land and by Roger II who wanted to use the crusaders for his own gain, agreed during the voyage to help Roger seize Corfu. When they landed they were able to quickly secure the islands, with little opposition from the inhabitants who viewed the Byzantines as oppressors. Roger II now wanted to use the crusaders to help his own forces attack the Peloponnese, but Louis refused, saying he had to reach Outremer. After some heated debates, The French agreed to help seize the Aegean Islands, which was soon completed, but they then demanded to be taken the rest of the way to the Holy Land. Roger acquiesced and sailed them east, eventually finding themselves on Cyprus, where they were once again called on to fight. The island was quickly secured after the small Byzantine forces were defeated and Roger and Louis now began to argue over who was to receive the island. Roger wished to add the territory to his growing kingdom, but the crusaders wished to create a Principality of Cyprus. Eventually Roger agreed to Louis’ demands as holding the island would have been nigh impossible for him and he was offered monetary concessions. Thierry d’Alsace was chosen as the Prince of Cyprus and a garrison was left on the island whilst the new Prince and the rest of the army continued on, landing at Acre in January 1148 and reaching Jerusalem shortly after.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Chapter Three
God Wills It

In the four months between the arrival of Louis VII in Outremer and the arrival of the remains of Conrad III’s, the French King travelled to Jerusalem to fulfil his crusader vows, where he was received by Baldwin III, King of Jerusalem. Meanwhile, Roger II once again set sail to return to Sicily after being entertained in Acre for a week, having left his forces in the Peloponnese under the command of George of Antioch. Other nobles from across the Kingdom began to gather in the city and discussions were held as to where the crusade would strike. Conrad eventually joined them in May and they held the Council of Jerusalem so that all the present nobles would have a say in the planning of the crusade.

Eventually the crusaders agreed on Damascus as the target of the crusade, as it had long held significance to the crusaders and was the weakest of the three greatest Moslem cities in the area, Aleppo, Damascus and Mosul. However, Damascus was in an alliance with the crusaders and the breaking of this alliance was to have serious effects both immediately by uniting the Moslems against them and in the long run by creating a deep sense of mistrust and betrayal in the Saracens towards the crusaders. As the crusaders decided this, their enemies had been busy working desperately to prepare for the oncoming attack.

After the Council of Jerusalem decided on Damascus as the first target of the crusade, the crusaders began to gather their considerable forces at Nazareth. The march north now began, first to Banias and then onto Damascus itself. Food and water were to prove a severe problem for the crusaders in their campaigns, although when they arrived outside Damascus they attacked from the west, setting up their camp in the orchards there after driving back the Saracens who were defending them. The Germans were given the credit for forcing back the Moslems out of the orchards and into the city. The Christians now had a decent supply of food and water, although some of the Latin lords pushed for redeployment to the east, but Louis pressed for the army to remain where it was. On the third day of the siege the defenders launched a bloody counter-attack that would end in the deaths of many on both sides, although it was eventually forced back by the crusaders. The next day the last sally by the defenders was made and once again it was beaten back, leading to a crusader counter-attack that nearly breached the walls of the city. However, it was three more days of desperate fighting before they were able to force their way through the walls and into the city. A great battle for the streets now began as the crusaders overwhelmed the numerous barricades that had been built within the walls. However, the citadel remained outside of Christian hands and this was eventually surrendered a few days later on the condition that those inside kept their lives and their freedom. During this time the armies of Mosul and Aleppo had drawn ever closer to the city, seeking to relieve the city and when they were too late to do this, to take it back.

Long before Nur ad-Din and Saif ad-Din, the rulers of Mosul and Aleppo, reached Damascus, the crusaders were once again marching out. The city itself had been proclaimed the Principality of Damascus and entrusted to Guy Brisebarre, the preferred candidate of the local nobles, as the crusaders had already made one of their own Prince of Cyprus. Many of the local nobles had been growing restless and wished to return to their fiefs, but the selection of Guy and the success of the siege boosted morale and the army stayed together as a single, albeit often unruly, unit. The crusader army now marched north to meet the Saracens in the field and defeat their army in the name of God.

The Battle of Hierapolis was fought some distance from the city then known as Baalbek, and was to prove a particularly costly affair. Battle was joined with the Latins on the right flank of the crusaders, the French on the left, and the Germans as a reserve. The crusaders were harried for much of the morning by Saracen skirmishers and eventually a French force was cut off from the main army. A determined counter-attack was able to eventually reach the survivors, but not before they had been all but wiped out, Robert I of Dreux being counted among the dead. The Christian counter-attack had succeeded in weakening the Moslem lines and a German charge was able to finally break them, although the Saracens were able to retreat in remarkably good order, most likely because of the high casualties among the Christian knights throughout the day. Both armies had been much reduced, although the crusaders were now able to continue north.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Glad you guys are all enjoying my ATL! I doubt I'll take it all the way to today, I'll just keep going as long as it interests me, so we'll have to see Any suggestions for the first Count of Aleppo btw? Hope you all enjoy this new chapter

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Chapter Four
The Unstoppable Force

After the Battle of Hierapolis, the crusaders laid siege to the city of Baalbek and quickly took it, the few defenders putting up only a half-hearted resistance against the overwhelming crusader force, which although tired after its journey from Damascus and its recent battle, was also bolstered by its victory over the Saracens so soon before. After the fall of the city it was declared the Lordship of Hierapolis and the crusaders once again began to march north, the threat of the still-intact Moslem army keeping them united. Homs was the next city to be reached, this time with an impressive Saracen force arrayed before its walls. After two days the crusaders had forced the main Moslem force to retreat away from the city through repeated charges against their positions. The Germans were particularly hard hit during the initial fighting outside the city, when their charges were forced back with heavy losses, although they were eventually able to seal off the city from the outside and begin the siege in earnest. Raids against the crusaders continued throughout the siege and almost forced the crusaders to abandon the siege, but the withdrawal of Saif ad-Din and his troops allowed the crusaders to gain the upper-hand and beat back Nur ad-Din’s forces around the city. The sight of the Saracen withdrawal caused the defenders of the city to lose hope and surrender the city, delivering it into the hands of the Christians. Hama and Caesarea were the next cities to fall to the crusaders as the moved north towards Aleppo virtually unopposed, Saif ad-Din having abandoned the campaign and returning to Mosul, whilst Nur ad-Din fell back to Aleppo to prepare the city’s defences. The crusader army now travelled through the Principality of Antioch towards Aleppo, joined by Raymond of Poitiers and his small force as they travelled through his lands. His arrival also brought much needed supplies for the crusaders who had been struggling with the issue of food and water for the length of the campaign.

The Battle of the River Chalos began in the beginning of August, as the crusaders marched along the river in the direction of the city. Saracen skirmishers harried the Christians and they advanced, until a group of knights broke off to pursue them, just as the main ambush was launched. Moslem cavalry rode round and sought to outflank the crusaders, whilst their infantry engaged the main body of the crusader army. It was nearly a disaster for the Christians, as their knights were almost left exposed and surrounded, but they were able to re-join their forces whilst the infantry held their ground and repelled the Moslem cavalry charges. After hard fighting throughout the day, the outnumbered Saracens were overwhelmed and forced to abandon the field, having failed to prevent the crusaders from reaching Aleppo. The crusaders then moved towards the city and were able to fairly easily force the defenders back behind their walls, having already won the Battle of the River Chalos. Both sides now settled down for what looked set to be a long siege, with the main crusaders camp being set up to the northwest, on the main road to the city. Assaults on the city and raids on the crusader camps were exchanged and the Bab al-Nasr gate fell to the crusaders in November before the Moslems recaptured it later that day after a counter-attack. The crusaders were able to keep themselves relatively well supplied from the Principality of Antioch, although these supply caravans were often raided by the Saracens and numerous skirmishes were fought over them. Despite being close to defeat and starvation, the defenders of Aleppo continued to hold out, led by Nur ad-Din, until they were finally overwhelmed by a mixture of sheer numbers and starvation in December. In the crusader sweep through the city, Nur ad-Din was killed as he attempted to fall back to the citadel. Despite his death, the crusaders failed to secure the citadel, although it surrendered the next day. With this, the crusaders had succeeded in establishing what was to become the County of Aleppo and capturing one of the main centres of power in the region.

Following the capture of Aleppo, the crusader army began to march north, aiming for Edessa, the original target of the crusade. Conrad became increasingly marginalised, as so few of his troops remained, although he was still consulted as an equal of Baldwin and Louis. Hieraoplis fell to the crusaders after traitors within the walls opened the gates to the crusaders in the hopes that widespread destruction could be avoided. This was, however, a failure as the crusaders went on to sack the city before continuing to march north.

Edessa was the next target and the original aim of the crusade for which purpose it had been called, but the city had prepared itself well in the months it had had to ready its walls for the coming onslaught. It was during this siege that the crusaders first truly began to feel the effects of their overdrawn supply lines and the increasing lack of water or food as they ravaged the area around the city. The siege had started early in February 1149, but by March starvation was already becoming a problem for both sides. Unfortunately for the crusaders, Saif ad-Din was also en route to the city from Mosul, where he had gathered together another force to attempt to halt the crusade before it could reach his own lands. May was to be the most dramatic month of the siege of Edessa. The crusaders were becoming desperate as their supplies dwindled, launching attacks against the walls of the city that the starving defenders beat back with a weary tenacity. Saif ad-Din then arrived with a relief force, just as the Christians had feared, and set about raiding the crusader positions, at one point succeeding in destroying part of their main camp. Louis and Baldwin sent him messages offering him peace if he would abandon the city to them but he refused, accusing the crusaders of being untrustworthy after their attack on their supposed ally, Damascus, with which they had begun their crusade. A last desperate attack on the city was arranged, in which the bulk of the crusader army would force entry into the city, whilst a rear-guard of volunteers would hold off Saif ad-Din long enough for the rest of the army to get inside the walls. Amazingly, led by the Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem, Fulk of Angoulême, the crusaders’ desperate night attack succeeded in breaking through the walls. Although Patriarch Fulk was killed by an arrow as he encourage the men onwards, they had broken through into the city, overcoming the defenders and succeeding in securing Edessa. Saif ad-Din sought to attack the crusaders and prevent their assault when he realised what was happening, but a group of French and Latin knights, including men of the Hospitaller and Templar orders, repeatedly confounded and disorganised his advance, holding the entire force off throughout the night until at dawn the few survivors of the noble band pulled back into the city. After this great success, the Christians negotiated for the withdrawal of Saif ad-Din, to which he now agreed in return for peace. The surviving knights of the rear-guard, numbering only a couple dozen, would be remembered and treated as guests of honour for the rest of their lives for holding off the Saracen army. Edessa had finally been recaptured, but the crusader army had been all but destroyed in the process. Raymond du Puy de Provence, grandmaster of the Knights of St John, was among those killed fighting in the rear-guard, the French noble Ivo de Nesle, the Latins Manasses of Hierges and Gerard Grenier and many others had all fallen during the siege, either through sickness or battle. With the end of the siege and Said ad-Din’s withdrawal the crusade was declared ended and the crusaders began the journey back home, to Jerusalem for some and as far as France for others.

The Second Crusade had been nearly as successful as the First, capturing great centres of power and throwing the Saracens into disarray, creating breathing room for the besieged crusader states and solidifying the belief in crusades as unstoppable forces that could succeed in crushing the enemies of Christendom.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

I'm afraid I couldnt hope to do a map, It'd be terrible If anyone wants to do one though that'd be great I'm also going to change part of a previous chapter so Ascalon isn't taken during the Second Crusade. More realistic I think... Enjoy!

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Chapter Five
Quarrelling Christians

With the departure of those who had participated in the Second Crusade, the Kingdom of Jerusalem and the other crusader states were faced with new challenges, the first of which was a Byzantine invasion. Emperor Manuel I sought to regain Cyprus and prepared an invasion force. Although Baldwin and Manuel had been discussing an alliance, the talks had collapsed with Baldwin, after the success of the Second Crusade, being unwilling to recognise Byzantine sovereignty over any of the crusader states, whilst Manuel was unwilling to accept the loss of what had been Imperial territory. And so in April 1151, Thierry d’Alsace Prince of Cyprus found himself facing an army of some 11,000 Byzantines, with Manuel at their head. The island quickly fell to the Byzantine force, apart from Nicosia, whilst remained in Thierry’s hands. Baldwin began preparing his forces for a counter-invasion of Byzantine lands, whilst seeking to open negotiations. With the threat of a crusader attack growing daily, Manuel agreed to leave Cyprus in the hands of Thierry, if Antioch, Edessa and Cyprus recognised his nominal suzerainty over them. The terms were hurriedly agreed to by Thierry and shortly thereafter by Baldwin, who agreed to Byzantine suzerainty over Cyprus once he heard of Thierry’s acceptance and realised he was unlikely to be able to defeat Manuel now that Cyprus was effectively in his hands. Manuel, happy with enforcing his lordship over Cyprus, decided against further campaigns against the Latins and agreed to a truce, despite Antioch and Edessa remaining outside his immediate power. The truce between the Latins and the Byzantines was then cemented through the promising of Theodora, niece of Manuel, to Baldwin, to be married once she came of age. Cyprus had been devastated in the attack, but remained in crusader hands, securing the sea-lanes from Western Europe to the Holy Land. Thierry would go on to invite the Templars onto the island, where they took control of the port Lemesos which they went on to greatly fortify by building defences including a fortress.

After this debacle, Baldwin was growing increasingly assertive with his political power as sovereign, despite the fact he had jointly ruled with his mother thus far. Annoyed that she continued to play such a great role in the ruling of the Kingdom, Baldwin sought to have himself crowned sole ruler. The new Latin Patriarch of Jerusalem was quickly pressured into agreeing to the King’s demands and Baldwin got his wish. Despite some small skirmishes, he quickly established himself throughout the Kingdom, with only one major battle occurring in which he attained victory at Mirabel. Baldwin was now the undisputed ruler of the Kingdom of Jerusalem. Deciding to use the troops he had gathered in a campaign to capture Ascalon, from where raids were often mounted into his Kingdom, he now marched south in January 1153. Siege towers were constructed and only numerous and bloody assaults on the walls finally succeeded in taking the city. Baldwin was next forced to campaign in the north, after the Emir of Mosul sought to attack Edessa and once again take the city for the Moslems. With Byzantine reinforcements, the united Christian force succeeded in defeating the Saracens and lifting the siege of the city. Baldwin and the Latins were unwilling to continue campaigning in the north and the Byzantines were unwilling to do so alone, leaving Mosul once again free from retaliation. However, investment in fortifications in the beleaguered County of Edessa now began, with various castles being constructed in the region to act as a safeguard against further aggression from the east. Baldwin next began clearing up the various smaller cities and fortresses in Syria that had yet to fall into crusader hands. From 1153-1155 he marched with Guy Brisebarre through the remains of what had once been the Emirate of Damascus, taking the Saracen strongholds that had continued to hold out one by one, until the Kingdom of Jerusalem was master of the area.

With the borders of the Kingdom of Jerusalem secured, Baldwin took this chance to rest and work on improving his Kingdom. Defences were constructed in preparation for future wars and plans made. In 1157 Baldwin married Theodora in a lavish ceremony performed by the Patriarch of Jerusalem himself. Following this, interest in a Latin-Byzantine alliance was renewed and a campaign was launched in the north, where troops from across the crusader states and Byzantium battled against the Turks in Anatolia. Although Baldwin himself did not participate, he allowed many of the Latins to go, leading to their presence at the Battle of Myriokephalon, where the Byzantine force was badly mauled, but ultimately remained intact, during a Turkish ambush. The Turkish ambush was repelled and the Christians continued onwards, eventually reaching Iconium, where a great battle was fought outside the walls. The Turks lost the battle but succeeded in greatly weakening their enemy, causing the siege to drag on for months, the city only falling in 1159, whilst skirmishes and battles were fought in the surrounding area. With the fall of Iconium, the Turkish threat to the Eastern Roman Empire was all but destroyed and the gradual process of re-establishing Byzantine dominance in Anatolia could now begin, although their authority over the region remained tenuous at best and non-existent at the worst of times for years to come. Whilst Manuel was campaigning in Anatolia with support from the crusaders, Baldwin had been busy in Syria, seeking to drive further into Moslem held lands. In 1158 he had marched with a small army against Tadmor, but was forced to abandon the siege because of lack of supplies and the approach of a relief force from Rakka. Nevertheless, the crusader state were now stronger than ever.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Changed a previous chapter so that Byzantine's suzerainty is only recognised in Cyprus, not Antioch and Edessa.

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Chapter Six
Death Comes to us All

Since the assassination of Raymond II of Tripoli at the hands of the assassins in 1154, they had become a growing concern to the King. However, Baldwin had been preoccupied with cementing his control over Syria and securing his borders and it was only in 1160 that he felt ready to march against them, especially as a group of English crusaders numbering in the hundreds had recently arrived from Europe. Marshalling his forces, Baldwin advanced north toward assassin territory, moving along the coast and marching inland, swiftly reaching the first of the assassin fortresses, Khawabi, in June. During the journey assassination attempts had been made on a number of high-ranking Latins, including a successful attempt on Humphrey of Toron. When the Christians arrived, a long siege began, which would prove itself characteristic of the campaign, as the often fanatical assassins fought virtually to the last. The psychological impact of having to fight an enemy so well-known and fear also played its part in reducing the efficiency of the Latins. It would be four months before the fortress finally fell and King could move on to the second, al-Kahf. The Christians, suffering heavy losses in the process, were eventually able to take the castle as the English crusaders proved their worth by forcing a way in at the head of the attacking army, although the assassins had succeeded in holding out until January 1161.

The Latin force which Baldwin had assembled for the campaign numbered some 3,000 in total, with about 500 coming from the Country of Tripoli, 600 from the Principality of Antioch, 300 from England and the remaining 1,600 from the Kingdom of Jerusalem. It was not an especially large force and had taken serious casualties reducing only two of the assassin strongholds. Marching further north, the Latins were ambushed by a much smaller assassin force which was able to seriously disorganise and damage the invaders, forcing them to retreat. Baldwin of Ibelin was assassinated during this time, the latest in a growing list of those who had fallen to the assassins. Following these setbacks, the King decided to abandon the campaign for the time being and began the return home. A truce was signed with the assassins and the region once again grew quiet and prosperous, although Baldwin’s mother died in September. Unfortunately, Baldwin himself began to grow ill the next year, eventually growing close to death. He asked to be taken to Beirut, where he died in 1163. Baldwin was mourned by both his friends and enemies, becoming an example of the ideal ruler and held up as an inspiration to those who extolled knightly virtues. The King was only 33 years old when he died, left an enduring legacy, having expanded Christian control throughout Syria. However, despite the stability of his Kingdom, his family was far from so lucky. He had failed to sire an heir before his death, leaving Jerusalem to pass to his brother, Amalric.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Chapter Seven
The Land of Papyrus

When Amalric came to the throne after the death of his brother in February 1163, he was immediately faced with opposition and problems that needed to be dealt with. Even before he was able to ascend to the throne, the Latin nobles demanded the removal of his wife Agnes, as the two shared the same great-great-grandfather. Amalric acquiesced, their married annulled and he was crowned alone. The deaths of Melisende and the King had occurred only a short while after the end of the campaign against the assassins and in the eyes of much of the Latin populace, the they were the ones to blame. Many nobles cried out for assassin blood and vengeance, demanding that the small Moslem territory in the middle of the Holy Land be wiped out. However, many also feared what might happen should another war be started, considering how costly the last had been, arguing that it was hardly worth it for such a small prize. To many in Outremer, the assassins were a night invincible group of unstoppable killers from whom no one was safe. Amalric himself was hesitant to attack them, not only because of the fear which many now viewed them with, but because of new threats which had appeared at his borders. In the north, the last of Zangi’s sons, Qutb ad-Din, had once again marched against the Latins, seeking to regain territory lost to the old King, menacing the vulnerable eastern cities and fortresses. Amalric decided on a show of force to display his power, marching north to meet with the troops of the other Crusader States to aid them in driving back this threat.

Edessa had been placed under siege by the Saracens after Baldwin’s death, as they sought to take advantage of the death of the King. An army under Joscelin II had marched out to meet them, midway between Harran and the Christian city, but had withdrawn into the city after a small and rather indecisive battle in which the much smaller Latin army had fought rather poorly, most of the men preferring the idea of waiting behind the city walls for reinforcements from the rest of Outremer. Since then, the city had been under siege, until the King’s army finally arrived in May 1163, readying itself to face the invaders. The battle took place some distance from the city, the Moslem army having prepared an ambush for the Latins, leaving a portion of their force to watch for any attempt to sally from the city. When battle was joined, Amalric’s army was at first under great strain, but after recovering from the initial Saracen attack they were able to force back the enemy, although the Christians had once again failed to win a decisive victory. The next battle occurred closer to the city, with the troops within Edessa making a rather successful attempt to breakout at the same time, forcing back the Moslems left to guard the city. However, Amalric had withdrawn his forces by the time they succeeded in their endeavour, having failed to break the Moslem lines, allowing the enemy to regroup and defeat Joscelin with great loss to his men. Only the next day were the Moslems finally forced to retreat, using skirmishers to harry the Christians and screen their retreat as they fell back from Edessa. Although in truth he had failed to strike a decisive blow to the Saracens, Amalric claimed their retreat as a great victory, seeking to follow and destroy their force. Marching on Harran after being joined by Joscelin, the King fought a final battle against the forces of Qutb ad-Din, in which the Moslems suffered heavy casualties after their cavalry was caught and shattered by the Latin knights, leaving their army largely open to the devastating charges the knights were renowned for. However, Qutb was able to escape, fleeing to Harran although he was to remain in that city as Amalric approached. The Saracens attempted to open negotiations as the Latin prepared for a siege, Amalric hearing nothing of a truce now that he had the upper hand. The Moslems began to gather a second army whilst the siege dragged on, assaults on the city failing. Eventually Qutb decided to surrender the city in return for safe passage back to his lands, before Moslem reinforcements were able to arrive, a truce being declared as each side decided it was expedient to end the war. Amalric had won a quick victory which instantly gave a boost to his standing in Outremer, but in truth he had failed to win any truly great victories. For Qutb, the loss of yet another campaign against the Latins would prove disastrous and soon after his return to Mosul he was killed alongside his eldest son Saif ud-Din and eventually replaced by his youngest son, Izz ad-Din.

Amalric now returned to Jerusalem and set about preparing for another campaign, this time setting his sights on Egypt. The Fatimid Caliphate had grown increasingly weak, rent apart by political strife and civil war, leaving it open to attack and unable to properly defend itself. And so in 1164 Amalric invaded his southern neighbour, met their army at Pelusium and succeeded in defeating them, but by cutting dykes along the Nile the Egyptians forced him to retreat. The King was to return the next year, once again driving into Egypt and this time laying siege to Bilbeis, the city falling after four months of siege. After this great success, Amalric sought to make his position in Egypt more tenable by marching on Cairo. After two months of siege the city was growing desperate, but Amalric had troubles of his own, having suffered serious losses during the campaign. A truce was called and the Christians abandoned the siege. Although they had succeeded in opening up Egypt, their position was surrounded and would be untenable if they failed to open up supply routes back to Jerusalem. Hostilities would once again resume in 1166 when an Egyptian force sought to retake the city. The city was in dire straits and fell whilst Amalric was marching to its aid, much to his anger. He launched attacks on various Egyptian cities, but eventually retreated, deciding to take a more cautious approach to ensure a successful campaign, deciding now on the complete conquest of Egypt rather than the continued enforcement of tribute. Despite some small battles in the north, the next few years of his reign were quiet and in the end it was not until 1169 that he launched his next full campaign, this time with Byzantine help.

The Byzantine-Latin alliance which had been created by the marriage of Baldwin and Theodora had needed to be reinstated under the new King. Amalric, having lost his wife to the demands of the nobles, was open to following in his brother’s footsteps, but Cyprus remained a key stumbling block in the negotiations. Manuel was unwilling to surrender suzerainty of the island back to the Kingdom of Jerusalem and Amalric was unwilling to let it go. It was not until 1168 that Amalric dropped the issue and took Maria, great-grandniece of the Emperor, as his wife. Following this Amalric was eager to launch yet another invasion of Egypt, retaking his lost city after they surrendered to him, seeing that their position was untenable and hoping to avoid the slaughter which had followed the last Latin capture of the city. Amalric next attacked Cairo, where the inhabitants decided to fight to the last to avoid their slaughter, although after three months they realised the city would soon fall and agreed to a peaceful surrender to avoid just such a fate. The Latins now had to face a Moslem army which had gathered to halt their advance, fighting a great battle south of Cairo. Amalric came away victorious, but it proved to be a pyrrhic victory as Latin casualties were so great that he was forced to halt his advance to gather more troops from Cairo and Bilbeis. Amalric was so desperate for men that he sought to recruit the native Coptic Christians into his army, but they proved unreceptive to his requests, especially in Bilbeis where many of them had suffered at Latin hands during the sack of the city. Nevertheless, a sizeable Coptic contingent was raised and Amalric once again set out. The Christian army now besieged Damietta, with the help of the Byzantine fleet which sailed to join them. After three months the Byzantines were ready to leave, but Amalric decided to make an assault on the city, mostly using the Copts as it matter comparatively little to him if they suffered casualties. This finally assault succeeded in breaching the walls of the city and Damietta was taken. Much of the glory for this success was given to the Byzantines and the Latins, but it was the Copts who had truly proven themselves.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Here's the new chapter, showing the start of some serious problems coming up for the crusaders Hope you all enjoy!

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Chapter Eight
Blood and Sand

Following the capture of Damietta, Amalric decided to halt the war to allow him to reorganise his troops and gather more men and resources from the Levant. The Copts he had recruited were dismissed from service, although Amalric rewarded them well for their part in the campaign. The Byzantines were initially unhappy that the King decided against a march against Alexandria, a prize they coveted, so their fleet sailed against the city alone, despite the trade and financial concessions given to them in Damietta in return for their services during the siege. Hearing that the Byzantine were attempting to take the city for themselves, Amalric send a detachment under the Hospitaller Grandmaster Gilbert of Assailley to enforce his own desires on the city. However, the remains of the Moslem army in Egypt ambushed Gilbert and the crusader force en route to the city, capturing him and defeating his small force. The Byzantines still attempted to attack the city, but were eventually driven off after a series of actions around the walls saw the defenders succeed in preventing them from cutting off supplies. Gilbert’s ransom was paid remarkably quickly thanks to the spoils from the conquest of much of Egypt, which also bloated Jerusalem’s coffers, and he was back at his post in late 1170. Despite this fiasco, Amalric took Pelusium and al-Arish and began to fortify them greatly, using them as way stations for the journey from Egypt to the Holy Land. With the increase in trade along this route, both cities began to grow and with investment from the spoils of war they were quickly developed into formidable strongholds. The new territories gained were organised into the Principality of Egypt and the County of Damietta, although both owed suzerainty to the Kingdom of Jerusalem and were kept far more under the control of the King than the northern states.

Despite their successes in Egypt, the Latins were now faced with a serious threat, in the form of the new ruler of Mosul, Salah ad-Din, known as Saladin to the Jerusalemites. The Emirate had for the years since the death of Qutb been destabilised as different factions attempted to gain power, often supporting a Zengid claimant in order to do so. Few of the rulers had lasted any real length of time, until the Kurdish commander had set up his own puppet after a particularly bloody coup attempt which had convinced him he needed to intervene. By now he had gained the support of much of the army and populace for his participation in the various campaigns against the Latins and through the deaths of many of the other higher political figures during this anarchic period, leaving their supporters to fall to him. Having now instated himself ruler of Mosul in all but name and driven by a deep religious conviction, Saladin decided to launch a campaign against the Christians. His forces were unable to link up with the remaining Moslems in Egypt and the Levant was now a firmly Latin territory, so he decided to wait until Jerusalem was preoccupied so that he could strike. So in 1172 when Amalric launch yet another campaign in Egypt, hoping to finally capture Alexandria, Saladin launched an invasion of his own, marching on the County of Edessa. Harran was quickly placed under siege and the Moslems fought off Joscelin II’s army, killing the old knight in the process, leaving his son Joscelin III, only 13 years old, to defend the territory. It is no surprise then that the Moslems were able to capture Harran and Edessa within three months, as well as defeat a force from Antioch and Aleppo which sought to drive them back. In Egypt, Amalric had laid siege to Alexandria but now accepted their offer of tribute in lieu of conquest, quickly marching back to defend the northern borders which he had thought secure. Amalric gathered his forces in the Kingdom of Jerusalem and marched north, where he fought Saladin to the west of Edessa in a bloody battle that saw the smaller Saracen army fight the Latins to a standstill. A second day of battle saw Amalric once against fail to break the Moslem lines, whilst a group of Latin infantry were cut off from the main army and slaughtered before they could be reached. With casualties mounting and Saladin holding back the Latin army, Amalric decided to sign a truce. The Christians that had been captured during the fall of Edessa and Harran would be freed and Christians remaining in the lost cities would be allowed freedom of worship and be left in peace. Saladin agreed to the terms, promising to release the prisoners as soon as small ransoms were paid. The young Joscelin III was released shortly after and returned to the rump state over which he now ruled.

The war was disastrous for Amalric, showing that his northern border was not secure and highlighting the manpower shortages which were starting to become a real problem after his campaigns in Egypt. Although he had been able to rally a larger army than Saladin, he was becoming less and less able to replace those lost in battle and if things continued the way they were going soon he would be unable to defend his Kingdom. To this end, Amalric decided to elevate some of the Copts who had fought for him in Egypt to various minor noble positions, preparing them for an active role in the defence of their lands. This was to be met with outright hostility among some of the Latin nobles either though fear that their own influence would decline or through religious fervour that demanded no compromise with those they considered heretics. Due to this, such a scheme was unthinkable in the Levant, but in Egypt which was virtually devoid of Latins it could work. Although much of the Coptic population was still mistrustful or hostile to the Latins, for many this was the turning point which showed the two Christian denominations could work together and that there was a place in Latin Egypt for those Copts that chose to support the new regime. Nevertheless, this was taken as a sign of weakness by many and would result in many Latin nobles becoming far less supportive of their King. For Saladin the war had been a great success, cementing his position in Mosul as a champion of the Moslem faith and allowing him to set himself up as Emir upon his return without the need for a puppet. It also allowed him to launch campaigns aimed at uniting the neighbouring Moslem powers under his control, the first was Baghdad and the surrounding area which was firmly his by 1174 and this was followed by a campaign against the Turks in eastern Anatolia. They had been fighting a losing war against the Byzantines since the loss of Iconium and many were happy to be brought into a stronger Moslem state which they hoped would see their survival as a political force. The next region into which he expanded was to the north in 1175, into Armenia, and was to become the most costly of these wars of conquest. The Armenians proved hostile to his advance and the mountainous terrain compounded the problem, resulting in high casualties among his forces. Additionally, Amalric, who had been smarting since the loss of Edessa, used this chance to launch an attack on the city, whilst Saladin was campaigning far to the north. A Moslem force attempted to see off the Latin force, but was defeated and scattered, leaving the city to fall. Harran was next, whilst Saladin rushed south having left a portion of his troops in Armenia. He reached Harran just as the city was growing desperate, his arrival prompting Amalric to ask for peace now that Edessa was once again the Christian hands. Saladin, to save the city and avoid what would be a costly battle for both sides agreed and allowed Amalric to fall back to Edessa which was placed back in the hands of Joscelin. It was the last campaign Amalric was to personally take part in during his rule, as he sought to strengthen the Kingdom in preparation for future wars and replenish the depleted manpower of the Latins, although his vassals did spend some time establishing his rule over Lower Egypt in his name, taking the last few remaining cities and holds still in Moslem hands at his order.

In 1177 a son was finally born to Amalric and Maria who they named Godfrey after the first ruler of the Kingdom of Jerusalem, a great relief considering Amalric’s elder son, Baldwin, had leprosy and could not be expected to produce heirs or to rule the Kingdom for long. In the same year a Byzantine fleet also sailed for Alexandria once again, pausing at Acre to gather support from the Latins. Although Amalric refused to personally participate, he gave them support and a small contingent of troops to aid in the siege, resulting in the fall of the city later that year. The city itself was incorporated into the Byzantine Empire, but much of the spoils went to the Latins who participated and were brought back to Jerusalem. The next war would come in 1179 when a Latin force notable for a large number of Copts among its ranks, marched up the Nile and took Minya. Lower Egypt was now completely in Christian hands, whilst Upper Egypt remain outside of their control. Regrettably, in the same year Amalric passed away, followed the next by his ally Emperor Manuel.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Here's a map of the Holy Land, so you guys can see where the major cities, fortresses and states are OTL, sorry I can't give you an ATL map

 

[Luminous]

Hey there Dieu. This is what I have so far. I haven't drawn any of the advances save for the Byzantine, just what I imagined the borders might be. I'm certain there are some south of Trebizond. A few questions on the disputed territories, and if they are disputed.

I wasn't sure about the cities to the east of Aleppo, so I gave everything north of the Euphrates to Edessa. Partly of my sense of pretty borders, and partly due to Edessa being more convenient for administration than Damascus. It won't be much of a problem to change. I'm certain there are a few things that I have missed. I'll go through the updates the next time I have the spare time to make sure I didn't miss anything.

Edit: New Pic Added Edit: And a second

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Here's a new chapter to say thanks for reading and especially to say thanks to Luminous for his map

@Cuāuhtemōc
I read your excellent ATL on Cortes a while back, it was superb! And thanks for reminding me that the Nubian Christians exist I'd planned to do something with them, but forgotten about it by the time I actually got here

I'm not tremendously happy with some parts of this chapter, the dynastic bit in particular (I would have written more if i hadn't gotten a bit lost in it all), so if you have any revisions to suggest go ahead

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Chapter Nine
The Leper King

Baldwin IV became King of Jerusalem in 1179 with the death of his father, despite the misgivings of many of within the Kingdom. Concerns were raised because of Baldwin’s unfortunate condition of being a leper, ruling out the possibility of him producing any heirs and making it unlikely that he would be long for this world. The new King was also only 18 years old when crowned, but luckily for him the Kingdom faced no immediate wars or invasions as had so often happened in the past with the death of a monarch. In Egypt the Moslems were disorganised and weak, having splintered into different factions following the Latin and Byzantine conquest of Lower Egypt, their territory limited to Upper Egypt and the western fringes of the country where the Latins had so far been unable to penetrate, limited as they were by long supply lines and a shortage of manpower. Although the wholesale recruitment and acceptance of the Copts into the Latin system would have solved this, the remained a marginalised group, although they held far greater rights than the Moslems. Steps in the right direction had been taken by the raising of Coptic contingents for fighting in Latin wars, which necessitated rewarding them, often with money or positions of power, but for the time being they were kept from climbing any higher than the lowest positions of nobility. Because of this, the Coptic people remained largely cool to the Latin occupation, but the numbers of those who were sympathetic or even supportive to the new government was slowly growing. During this period, the Copts also experienced a cultural flourishing as they began to re-emerge as a major force, blending with imported Latin culture as the lords with more sense (often Latins who had grown up in Outremer) encouraged their new subjects as fellow Christians. Others were less politically astute and were oppressive in their enforcement of the Latin religion and ideas as the new system, these lords generally being newly arrived crusaders who were not used to compromise with infidels and heretics.

The Kingdom of Jerusalem under Baldwin IV also had another major advantage which had been denied the earlier Kings, much to the detriment to the strength of the state, a relatively secure land passage across Anatolia to the west. Following the fall of Iconium to the Byzantines in 1159 it had become possible to travel from Western Europe to Outremer without having to battle your way through the armies of the Turks, only the occasional raids menacing the area and even these were declining in frequency as the Byzantines re-established their authority in the region. This allowed crusaders and hopeful migrants to travel to the Levant, seeking the opportunities provided by the expansion of the Christian territories or to make the pilgrimage to and perhaps settle in the Holy Land. With this new ease of access and encouraged by the success of the Second Crusade and the Latin conquests since then, many hopefuls flocked to the region, resulting in Baldwin having a greater number of crusaders in the armies he raised throughout his reign than any King before him who had not been the beneficiary of a crusade. Although not all of these new arrivals decided to stay, they provided some relief to the manpower problem that had plagued the crusaders states since their inception.

Before the birth of Baldwin’s younger brother Godfrey only shortly before the death of Amalric, it had been presumed that the Crown would pass to one of his sisters and as such finding them suitable husbands had been of great importance. As such, Sibylla had been married William of Montferrat in 1176 and had provided him with a son named Baldwin the following year. However, since the succession had been secured, their marriages became less important to the welfare of the Kingdom and in 1180 Isabella, the King’s other sister, was betrothed to a member of the Ibelin family. However, Baldwin refused to accept the betrothal and demanded that she find another suitor, choosing Humphrey IV of Toron in 1181, resulting in their marriage in 1183. This disagreement was the start of the Ibelin hatred for the King but only a small setback in their quest for power, Balian of Ibelin marrying Maria, Baldwin’s stepmother, in 1181. It was at this time, however, that Baldwin removed his brother Godfrey from the care of Maria and the Ibelins, deeming it too great a risk. To prevent the Ibelins from climbing any higher, in 1184 the King had Sibylla, who’s first husband had died in 1177, married to Alexios Komnenos, third son of the second son of Emperor John II and so nephew of Manuel I. The King was growing increasingly fearful of the power of the great noble families within the crusader states, seeking to limit them as best he could whilst rewarding those loyal to him. But this situation was nothing new, Jerusalem having been troubled by the feudal system since its creation, with the nobles displaying a large amount of power and influence even for the time, causing instability within the Kingdom and undermining the strength of the Latins in Outremer. It was a problem that would continue to plague Jerusalem for some time, even as other European states became increasingly centralised.

Despite these troubles, in the second year of Baldwin’s reign great excitement was causing throughout the Kingdom, after envoys from up the Nile arrived in Egypt, from where they were brought to Jerusalem to see the King. They spoke of a Christian Kingdom to the south that was at war with the Moslems and wished to find out who had conquered Lower Egypt. Both sides were happy to find fellow Christians, the Makurian delegation being hailed as representatives of Prester John much to their confusion, but there was plenty of celebration in anticipation for what could only be the start of a profitable alliance. When the ambassadors finally set off to return, they were laden with gifts and given an escort as far as the borders of the Principality of Egypt. Regretfully, they never made it back to their homes, attacked by either some Moslem warlord or bandits both of which had become endemic to Upper Egypt. The remains of the Fatimid Empire that the Latins had not conquered had descended into anarchy since the fall of Lower Egypt as power struggles became the norm throughout the region. The area along the Arabia coast in which Mecca was situated had escaped the worst of this, remaining relatively stable compared to the Sinai and the remains of Egypt, but was too weak to attempt to wage war on the Latins alone. Due to the dangerous nature of travel in these areas and the desire of many Moslems to prevent the Latins and the Makurians from joining together, there were obvious problems with communications for the Christians. However, in 1183 Baldwin decided that it was necessary to send out a party to ascertain the fate of the ambassadors and to renew contact with the Makurians. A heavily armed convoy consisting of Latin knights and Coptic serjeants rode out on the King’s orders, carrying further gifts and a request for an alliance.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Another chapter for you Just to be clear, Baldwin dislikes the Ibelins more ITTL because they went ahead and had his step-sister betrothed to one of them and Balian managed to marry Maria. So he dislikes them as a family, but doesn't hold it against them when other do business with them.

Enjoy!

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Chapter Ten
The Regency Begins

Baldwin only participated in one campaign during his rule, when in 1183 Saladin began menacing the northern borders, raiding into Latin territory. Joscelin III was able to combat many of the attacks, but when Saladin launched a full invasion later that year, he quickly dispatched messages to request help from the other crusader states. Unable to face Saladin’s numerically superior force in the field, Joscelin retreated to Edessa and prepared for a siege, relying on his allies to come to his aid. An army was gathered comprising of troops from Antioch, Aleppo and Damascus to repel this threat, marching to the relief of Edessa. However, the leadership was divided and they often argued over what actions the army should take as each of the nobles attempted to assert their authority. This was to prove disastrous when Gauthier III, Prince of Damascus, demanded attack on a group of Saracens who had been harassing their advance. William of Aleppo and Bohemond of Antioch refused to participate, arguing that it was likely an ambush and giving chase would divide their forces. Outraged that they would not listen to him, Gauthier turned back with his men, leaving the Latin army significantly weakened. Pressing on, William and Bohemond were able to keep their army together despite repeated Moslem harassment and attempts to divide their forces. When they reached the Euphrates, they camped on the western bank of the river in preparation for the crossing. They were not expecting Saladin anywhere in the vicinity as they believed him to still be besieging Edessa, but the camp was somewhat prepared for a possible attack thanks to Moslem raiding parties they had tangled with during their approach. However, a night attack on their camp, thought at first to be another Moslem raid, turned out to be a full attack by Saladin’s army which had crept up on them during the night after a fast march from Edessa once it became know that the Latin army was advancing, although the Saracen infantry had yet to join battle. The Latins succeeded in rallying their troops during the attack, preventing the initial cavalry charges aimed at them from overrunning the camp and allowing them to survive until morning, whereupon Saladin’s infantry arrived. During this phase of the battle Bohemond and his guard played an instrumental part in rallying the Latins and forcing back the Saracens, fighting where the battle was thickest and preventing a group of Saracens from fording the river for some time. In the night attack the Latins had lost most of their horses and as such had been stripped of much of their army’s mobility, leaving them open to the Moslem cavalry and only the tenacious defence of the camp perimiter had kept them alive so far. Effectively besieged in their camp, the Latins attempted to attack the Moslem infantry as it crossed the river, but they were driven back by the enemy cavalry and by midday they had been overrun and forced to surrender. Bohemond was among those killed in the Battle of the Euphrates, whilst William was taken into captivity. The battle was a tremendous blow to the northern states, who lost much of their fighting strength.

After the great loss during this battle, Baldwin began collecting troops from across his domain to march north. Gathering men as fast as possible, the King rode north to prevent Saladin from striking at the now relatively defenceless northern states, meeting him in battle just north of Hierapolis. Although he was outnumbered, Baldwin’s troops were better supplied than Saladin’s, who had made a drive to capture as much territory before the Latins arrived. As such, Saladin’s large army was running low on water and there were serious shortages, weakening his men. The exhausted Saracens were cut through with relative ease by the heavily armoured knights whose charges shattered their lines and caused Saladin’s army to rout, inflicting great casualties on the fleeing enemy. It was to be the worst defeat of Saladin’s career, forcing him to abandon his campaign in Syria and fall back to his own territory. Baldwin was able to relieve Edessa, which had been in negotiations for surrender with the Saracens left behind to continue to siege when the Latins arrived, as well as regain the eastern territories in Edessa and Damascus lost to Saladin during the reign of Amalric.

The war was over and the eastern territories secured, but Baldwin himself was becoming seriously weaker. He had been blind and unable to walk since 1182 and participated in the campaign simply to bolster the fighting spirit of his men, playing little role in the planning. Godfrey had been crowned as co-ruler in 1183 to ensure his position after Baldwin’s death, but was still only a boy and as such the King had been relying heavily on Raymond III of Tripoli and Joscelin III for many important matters. Just prior to his passing Baldwin ordered Balian of Ibelin, Count of Damietta, to subjugate the Sinai in an attempt to remove him from the political scene long enough for others to secure Godfrey’s place as King at the suggestion of Joscelin. Baldwin had decided upon a council to rule as a regency for his brother until Godfrey came of age, but the different factions soon began fighting. The Ibelin faction was much weakened during the initial round of political fighting, as Raymond of Tripoli had been assassinated in the same year as the King passed (allowing Joscelin to convince the King to send Balian away) and Bohemond of Antioch had been killed in battle with Saladin, removing two of their strongest allies. Humphrey IV of Toron, Prince of Egypt, Gauthier III and Joscelin III were able to seize the regency and assemble an army in time to meet the return of Balian. They commended him on the fine work he had done in pacifying the Sinai (a job left completely unfinished as he had quickly returned as soon as new of Baldwin’s death had arrived) and asked that he return to his fiefs. With most of the powerful figures of the Ibelin faction out of the picture, Balian was forced to accept the new regency in what was basically a coup. And so it was that Godfrey became King in 1184. Had Raymond not been assassinated, it is highly likely that the Ibelins would have come out on top as Raymond had had the ear of the King (who kept him as a favourite despite his alliance with the Ibelins) for some time during the last days of his reign.

Raymond IV of Tripoli was relatively new to the political scene, having some experience ruling Antioch in his father Bohemond’s name, but now he suddenly found himself one of the most powerful men in Outremer, as in short order he had inherited Antioch after his father’s death and then Tripoli with the death of Raymond III, his godfather, without heirs. With the creation of the new regency, Raymond decided it was expedient to abandon his predecessor’s alliance with the Ibelins and join with the current rulers. Journeying to Jerusalem to pay homage to the new King, he made it clear he was loyal to the new government, much to their delight, although he did not cut all his ties with the Ibelins.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

@Luminous
Funny you should say that about Gauthier...

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Chapter Eleven
The Boy King

In the same year as Baldwin died, the men sent to Makuria returned with ambassadors from the Kingdom. In the chaotic situation that followed they were still treated with dignity, but it was not until the regency was firmly established that discussions were able to get properly underway. Trade discussions and a proposed alliance were both brought to the table and both sides went away happy that this was the beginning of a bright new future. Although a minor stir was caused when delegations began arriving from the other Christian states their neighboured Makuria, by virtue of their being the closest and the strongest Makuria was extended the warmest treatment. This relationship was further improved in 1186 when Salomo (Solomon to the Latins) arrived personally in the crusader states, having abdicated the throne and travelled north to find out more about the new arrivals in Egypt. He was treated with the privileges due to any western monarch and an alliance was concluded to extend Christian control over Upper Egypt. This would have the advantages of allowing far easier communication and cooperation between the Latins and the Makurians, would cement what promised to be a mutually beneficial alliance, extend Humphrey IV’s domains and eliminate the problems caused by having such an unstable region on the border. The Makurians were especially eager to go ahead with the plan because they had come under increasing pressure from the Moslems who fled south following the Christian conquest of Lower Egypt.

So in 1187 a campaign was launched to conquer the remnants of the Fatimid state in Egypt, with Humphrey IV leading the Latin army, whilst Joscelin and Gauthier remained behind to watch over the Kingdom and the young King. Marching south, Humphrey was successful in extending the Latin territory in that region, whilst the Makurians moved north. Although the problem of supply was somewhat mitigated as the Latin army followed the Nile, the mostly Coptic peasantry were largely hostile to them as until now the majority of the Copts who had gone south to the region were those who opposed the Latins and as such gave a biased view of what to expect. Despite this, the Coptic contingent that marched with the army provided a counter-view and evidence of Copts and Latins working together. Many of the people quickly changed their minds and the Moslems found local support for them diminishing. By 1188 the conquest of Upper Egypt was complete, with the territory split between Makuria and Jerusalem, the expedition being declared a complete success and cause for celebration in both countries. The Makurian King Georgios was eager for Humphrey and his army to proceed further south and aid in the conquest of the Blemmyes, a rival Christian kingdom in the area. Humphrey refused, saying that he could not in good faith attack a Christian nation without just cause and that he had to consolidate his gains. Although Georgios was disappointed, he remained gracious and would pursue his own invasion shortly thereafter. The Moslems in the region were scattered, having already been forced south they now found themselves pushed out once again, forced to either head west into the desert or east into the Blemmyes Kingdom from where many sailed to Mecca, destabilising the Kingdom and allowing Makuria the chance for a relatively easy conquest. Although Humphrey declined to participate in Georgios’ invasion, he did help reinforce Makuria and help secure its borders against the Moslem incursions which had become such a problem. Reports of trouble in Jerusalem reached Humphrey about this time and concerned him enough to make him cut short his stay. When Humphrey finally returned to Lower Egypt in 1189 he was hailed as a conquering hero, allowing for the regency to continue its original form, despite the problems it had faced while he was gone.

Whilst Humphrey had been campaigning in Upper Egypt with the Makurians, the Kingdom of Jerusalem faced a serious threat when Saladin once again invaded in 1188. The northern states had once again been defeated in battle, forcing Gauthier and Raymond IV to call up the army to face this grave threat. By the time they made it north, Edessa and the eastern part of Joscelin’s county had fallen, as well as the north-eastern fringes of Gauthier’s lands. Battle was joined and although the Christians only narrowly escaped defeat, neither side could claim victory. However, the next day the Latins decided to fall back despite the protests of Joscelin and Saladin took the opportunity to run down their retreating army, effectively wiping it out. Gauthier was killed in the battle, his fiefs going to his son, although Raymond and Joscelin managed to escape. Saladin, knowing that the Latins were now severely weakened, sought to capture as much territory as he could before they were able to raise another force. In short order he had taken the remaining western half of the County of Edessa, much of the County of Aleppo (including the city itself) and a portion of the Principality of Damascus. Although he planned to use this opportunity to attempt to drive deep into Outremer, Saladin ultimately offered peace to the Latins as news arrived that Humphrey had returned from his campaign in Upper Egypt and the Saracen army had become much weakened from an outbreak of dysentery outbreak that had been passed to them from the captured Christian cities which had been suffering at the time. The Fatimid remnants in Mecca had also struck into the crusader states during Saladin’s invasion, having been in contact with him, threatening the Kingdom’s southern border before Humphrey returned and defeated them. With the defeat of his allies in the south, a truce was made and Saladin was able to keep the lands he had taken so far. Joscelin was furious that peace had been made despite the loss of Edessa and became cold towards Raymond and Humphrey from then on, focusing his energies on the King, telling him stories of Edessa and how it was his duty as a Christian monarch to reconquer it, and also sending envoys to the Christian monarchs of Europe requesting help in defending the Holy Land and regaining that which had been lost. After the invasion, Raymond and Joscelin lost much of their popularity among the Latins, as they were blamed for the defeat. Humphrey became the most popular noble thanks to his victories in Egypt and in Jerusalem itself, although Godfrey was the most beloved in the Kingdom.

Godfrey was still young at this time, but was acknowledged to be a friendly and energetic boy who won the love of many who met him, although some found his lack of interest for academic matters to be infuriating and became annoyed with his constant activity. During his childhood, the three figures who had the greatest influence over the King were Humphrey (from whom he gained a kind manner), Joscelin (who instilled a sense of duty) and his sister Isabella who he was to remain very close to throughout their lives. When the war with Saladin came to an end, Joscelin, Humphrey and Raymond decided it was high time that Godfrey be found a suitable wife. Joscelin suggested his own daughters, whilst Humphrey and Raymond suggested a Byzantine to renew the old alliance. As the marriage discussions went on, Beatrix the daughter and heiress of the late Gauthier III arrived in Jerusalem arrived in the Holy City. A child herself, Joscelin had been given the regency over her lands by Raymond and Humphrey by way of compensation for the loss of Edessa. Joscelin now changed tack and suggested the girl as fit for the role of Queen, adding that it would incorporate Damascus directly into the royal domains, strengthening the throne and the Kingdom. Humphrey had himself hoped to marry one of his two sons to the girl and opposed the plan, but Raymond was won over by the intervention of William of Aleppo who was friendly to Joscelin as he too had had much of his lands taken from him by Saladin. Humphrey reluctantly agreed to the proposal when Raymond suggested that he be allowed to keep the territories in Upper Egypt he had conquered and that one of his sons marry Joscelin’s eldest daughter and heiress. This led to the betrothal of Godfrey and Beatrix in 1190 when he was 13 and she was 10. This was also the last success of Joscelin’s career as he passed away in the same year. The Ibelins had also tried to be heard on the issue of the King’s marriage, but were blocked from participating by Humphrey and Joscelin, although Raymond did pressure for them to be allowed to marry Ida of Cyprus, widowed heiress to the aged Matthew of Cyprus, into their family, a request which was grant in return for their agreement on the King’s marriage.

 

[Luminous]

Map of Egypt and Lower Nubia.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Thanks again to Luminous for his wonderful maps The chapter after this one (or maybe the one after that depending how it goes) will probably be a general one showing some the rest of the world (or at least the known world), which I want to get done before the Mongols arrive and all hell breaks loose The crusaders have done well surviving this long though, haven't they? But I guess it does help when you can summon huge armies to help you whenever anything goes wrong

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Chapter Twelve
Red Beard and Lionheart

The final great event that occurred during the regency was the Third Crusade. Called following the fall of the fall of Edessa and Aleppo, the Kings of France and England as well as the Holy Roman Emperor all took the cross in 1190 and began raising armies for the crusade. The venerable Frederick Barbarossa was the first to set out, at the head of an imperial army some 100,000 strong. Barbarossa took the land route through Byzantium and struck into the territory disputed between the Turks under Saladin and the Byzantines. Devastating the Turkish forces in the area, he swept through the region and into the Levant, reaching the County of Edessa in 1192. Here he was met by Raymond and William of Aleppo at the head of a relatively tiny army, with the King in tow. The boy would reach his age of majority the same year, but was happy to leave the planning of the campaign largely to the other, busying himself with riding, training and spending time with the men. Unfortunately a fever spread throughout the army whilst they were readying for an attack on Edessa, weakening the army and making William ill, forcing him to retire to Antioch where he would pass after a long period of illness. Despite this, the arm continued on and quickly retook the western portion of Edessa, only to be met with another disaster when they came to crossing the Euphrates. As the army was crossing, Saladin attacked and dealt a stinging blow when Germans who had pushed on ahead to be the first ones to cross the river were cut off from the rest of the army, Barbarossa personally encouraging his knights onward across to attempt to save his trapped men. The Saracens were able to cut down the German force which had crossed while holding off Barbarossa who was then subjected to a Moslem counterattack they routed his force which had only partially crossed. As the Germans desperately tried to reach safety on the other side of the river, they died in great numbers as the Moslem archers continuously fired at them, many of the men drowning in their armour. Barbarossa himself had his horse shot out from under him and drowned in the river during the rout. It was a stunning victory for Saladin that left some 23,000 Germans dead at the cost of 4,000 Saracens. Immediately after the battle, the majority of the imperial army turned to go home for the imperial election that would result, much to the outrage of Raymond and Godfrey in particular, who would have a sour view of Germans for much of his life, even stating that he preferred the company of Saracens. Nevertheless, some 8,000 Germans still remained in Outremer, under the command of Barbarossa’s son Frederick of Swabia and they were able to cross the river safely not long after. A second battle was joined as they neared Edessa, which was to be the first battle in which Godfrey took part. Throughout the combat he displayed great valour in mounting numerous charges against the Moslems and rallying his troops when they seemed ready to break, but it was at great risk to his own life. On two occasions during the battle, other contingents of knights had to ride to his aid and prevent him from being cut off from the army and Raymond was said to have personally reprimanded him for his foolhardiness after the battle. Nevertheless, they were able to win a close victory over Saladin who was forced to retreat from the field, allowing them to besiege Edessa.

The French and English crusaders set out in early 1192 to the Holy Land, led respectively by Richard I and Hugh III, Duke of Burgundy, and accompanied by Richard’s wife Alys, the French King’s half-sister. Richard’s own sister, Joan, had been a prisoner in Sicily since 1189 when her husband the King of Sicily died and the new King, Tancred, had her imprisoned and as such the crusaders stopped on the island to deal with Tancred. They demanded the release of Joan and that Tancred give aid to them, either financial or military. Tancred was willing to release Joan, but was unhappy with the amount of money demanded by the crusaders, leading to Richard seizing several towns and fortresses. After this, Tancred agreed to their demands, freeing Joan as well as providing the requested funds for the crusade, using money he had won from his raids into North Africa and from his war against the Holy Roman Empire in Italy. Following the acceptance of their conditions, Richard and Hugh continued on their journey. After a brief stop on Cyprus where they were entertained by the old Matthew of Cyprus, they reached the Holy Land late in the year, proceeding east and linking up with the remains of the imperial army which was besieging Edessa. Saladin had assembled a formidable army since his last battle with the crusaders and had returned to Edessa, besieging them in their own camp. However, the arrival of Richard and Hugh brought fresh supplies and raised morale for the beleaguered troops and they were able to take the city in January 1193. Following the fall of the city, there was a prisoner exchange as the surviving Moslem garrison was swapped for the crusaders captured before Hugh and Richard reached Edessa. It was decided to next take Harran before moving on to Aleppo and the other territories lost. Saladin shadowed the crusaders before attacking them within sight of Harran. Attempts by Saladin to draw away some of the knights were partially successful when a majority of the French cavalry were isolated and cut down before they could be reached. The battle was hard fought and neither side was able to decisively defeat the other, but the casualties sustained by Saladin’s men forced his withdrawal and allow the crusaders to take the city.

The crusaders were now divided over whether to pursue Saladin and attempt to decisively defeat him (which would allow for an easy re-conquest of the lands lost) or to proceed south to Hierapolis and Aleppo and attempt the re-conquest with Saladin still in the field. Richard, Raymond and Frederick argued for the former, whilst Hugh and William supported the latter option. Godfrey was also consulted, as befitting his rank, but for the most part the crusaders paid little heed to his opinion which was to pursue Saladin, although they did give him all due courtesy before eventually deciding to go after Saladin. In this time, Saladin had been unable to reinforce his army as his lands in Anatolia were being overrun by the Byzantines following Barbarossa’s campaign in the area, which had in turn prompted an Armenian uprising, followed by an invasion from the Khwarazmian Empire (fresh from finally conquering the remnants of the Seljuq Empire). Deciding that peace with the crusaders to allow him to deal with these other threats was his best option, he attempted to open negotiations but was rejected. Placing one of his generals at the head of the army and ordering him to hold back the crusaders, Saladin himself returned to his lands in the east with a portion of the troops to raise more men to keep his domains together. The Saracen army, weakened from its last battle and the withdrawal of some of the men alongside Saladin, stood little chance and the resultant crushing victory allowed the crusaders to go on to retake the eastern fringes of the County of Edessa, before marching south to retake Aleppo and the other fortresses and cities that had been lost. By the time they were finished, the crusaders had retaken all the northern territory that had been lost to the Moslems and secured the northern frontier. William of Aleppo did not take part in this final part of the campaign, instead returning to Antioch where his children and wife had been taken ill and eventually died. From then on William took little role in the running of his lands or the politics of the Kingdom, leaving his brother Robert to effectively act as regent in his stead, the deaths of his family leaving him a broken man.

At first glance it seems that Saladin’s abandonment of much of his army was a foolhardy move, but it saved him politically and he was barely able to hold onto his position as it was. The blame for the loss against the crusaders (which had already really been decided in the previous battle as it had so weakened the Moslem force) was placed on the general left in command, leading to his execution upon his return to Mosul. Saladin was then able to raise another army and march east to repel the Khwarazians before dealing with Armenia, putting down the Armenian revolt with great slaughter, leading to a mass migration from the Armenian highlands to Cilican Armenia, some even settling in the County of Edessa. Armenia in turn became home to the many Turks who fled east as the Byzantines extended their control further into the interior of eastern Anatolia, but a significant number of Armenians continued to hold on up in their mountains. Saladin signed peace treaties with the Byzantines and the Latins at this time, as his armies were too weak to recapture the lost territory after being force to fight on four fronts (against the Armenians, crusaders, Byzantines and Khwarazmians), focusing on defending his eastern border as the Khwarazmians were intent on the conquest of all his lands, not just the peripheries. Saladin died in 1195, shortly after reasserting his authority in Armenia. For the Christians, the crusade was once again a great success. Godfrey took the reins of power within the Kingdom, marrying Beatrix in the same year that Saladin passed and bringing Damascus directly into the Kingdom of Jerusalem, whilst the crusaders returned to Western Europe shortly after the conclusion of the crusade, although some did opt to stay in Outremer. Godfrey’s rein had begun with a great victory over the Moslems, but it remained to be seen if it would continue in such a vein.

 

[Luminous]

Here is a preliminary map of the Levant.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Chapter XIII
Out with the Old

Saladin was not to only great figure to pass within a few years of the end of the Third Crusade, as Humphrey died a year before him in 1194, leaving Egypt to his son Humphrey V, husband of Beatrix, Countess of Edessa. William of Aleppo died in 1198 having never recovered from the loss of his family, leaving the County to his younger brother Robert. Balian of Ibelin, the Count of Damietta, had died in 1193 and left his lands to his son Thomas. Raymond of Antioch would also die not long after, in 1198, his son Raymond-Roupen succeeding him. A new generation was coming to power in Jerusalem, spearheaded by Godfrey, whilst of the older generations only Matthew of Cyprus remained alive and in power, ruling his island and lavishly entertaining many of the crusaders on their way to the Holy Land, thereby earning himself a place in just about every chronicle song or poem written about the crusades during this time.

The young King himself found that his lands were largely without a major threat on the borders, Saladin having been defeated by the Third Crusade and his heirs squabbling over their inheritance, whilst in the south the border with Makuria was secured through their alliance. Godfrey spent much of his time hunting and jousting, even indulging in a number of affairs with the ladies of the court, although he remained close to his wife and fulfilled his duties as a husband. A young King with fire in his blood, he not only committed affairs in his younger days but he also launched a number of small campaigns aimed at securing the parts of the Kingdom that remained effectively outside of Latin control, feeling duty bound to put his mark on history. The first came in 1196, Humphrey V having requested the King’s aid in dealing with the Moslems who remained on the eastern fringes of Egypt and in the Sinai. Godfrey himself marched south into the Sinai, building a string of fortresses on the peninsular to ensure his control over the region in the future. Towards the end of the campaign, the King was out hunting when a group of Saracens attack his party, nearly killing him before he was able to escape. This event, combined with Raymond of Antioch’s condemnation of his foolhardiness in his first battle during the Third Crusade cured him of his young love for warfare, although whenever he did fight he was noted for his personal bravery. Next was Egypt in 1198, with Godfrey meeting Humphrey’s army in Cairo, from where they marched south. The new Prince of Egypt had disbanded many of the Coptic elements that had been a part of his father’s army, but the King became taken with them when he saw them during the expedition, taking a group of Coptic knights with him on his return to Jerusalem to be a part of his own army and encouraging Humphrey to return to the majority Coptic army of his father. Although this did not happen, it won the King the sympathy of many of the Copts in Egypt and he remained a favourite among them. Unfortunately the King failed to take note of the seaborne Moslem raids into Egypt and they continued to be a problem for some time. At the end of the campaign, Godfrey also took a detour to the Makurian border where he met with King Simeon. A lavish celebration was held by the Makurians who acted as generous hosts and the issue of the final border was raised. Godfrey agreed to finalise the border at Luxor, which had been used as the de facto border before then, leaving the city and everything south of it in Makurian hands. Humphrey made a push for a border further south but was overruled by his King and was plenty busy elsewhere in Egypt anyway.

In 1199 trouble arose when John, second son of the King’s sister Sibylla, died in mysterious circumstances that many blamed on the Assassins, including Sibylla’s first son Baldwin. Baldwin repeatedly begged the King to launch an attack on them as revenge to which Godfrey initially refused, but he continued even in public. Godfrey used the celebrations for the hundredth anniversary of the Kingdom as an excuse to delay, but eventually it became necessary to take action to protect his own reputation. In 1200 Godfrey once again assembled his army and began to move north, despite repeated entreaties from the Assassins who called for peace and for the King to return to the Holy city. Although sympathetic to their desire to prevent conflict, he felt duty bound to make war and was soon in their territory, reducing their castles one by one. Many Latins fell in the campaign, which was supported by a group of German crusaders who had arrived and were used mercilessly by the King to assault the walls of the Assassin fortresses. Halfway through the war and having taken horrendous losses, the surviving Germans left the King and marched home, outraged over their treatment, returning to Germany where they slandered Godfrey (although not unjustly) at the imperial court which became hostile to him. Nevertheless the campaign continued and even Raymond-Roupen arrived to take part. By 1203 the Assassins had been defeated and absorbed into the Kingdom of Jerusalem, Raymond-Roupen loudly complaining about it and demanding that the lion’s share of their lands be awarded to him, rather than just the fortress of Qal’at Ullaiqa. The King agreed to also hand al-Qadmus to him, but refused to grant him anymore of the captured territory, much to the Prince’s annoyance.

Godfrey sired three children with his wife Beatrix, all of whom were daughters. Named Isabella, Maria and Eleanor, they were born in 1195, 1196 and 1198 and were the source of much joy for the King who cared little that he did not have a male heir, although he did father a boy named Amalric in 1196 with a minor noble woman who he had an affair with. The girls were carefully watched over as they grew up, expected as they were to marry among the highest nobility of Christendom. Although Godfrey remained oblivious to the issue, many in the Kingdom were concerned at the lack of a male heir and manoeuvring over Godfrey’s nephews and nieces began. Humphrey V, the most powerful of these, was not particularly close to the King and was altogether different from his father. Although not cruel, he was not an especially warm man and was known for being rather thrifty, getting the King to pacify the eastern parts of Egypt for him and only campaigning in the west once Godfrey made it clear he would not march our into the desert just to extend Humphrey’s domains. The Prince had then sent an expedition under his brother Baldwin to secure the region and thereby extend Latin Egypt up to the border of Cyrenaica. Baldwin meanwhile was a relatively quiet boy who was most happy in his brother’s shadow and completely loyal to Humphrey, which eliminated him as a candidate for the throne in the eyes of those who hoped to use him. The third and final nephew was another Baldwin, the same as who had lost his brother to the Assassins. His begging had debased him in the eyes of many, especially in the King’s, but he was able to marry into the Ibelin family who themselves planned to use him in the future.

Trade during Godfrey’s rein flourished and the Kingdom became one of the wealthiest in Europe, which helped attract many in Western Europe who sought to earn a riches or a name for themselves in the Holy Land, especially as there were still fights to be fought against the Arab tribes who routinely raided the borders. Nevertheless, the Kingdom was largely secure, especially compared to its tumultuous earlier history and Godfrey was greatly adored by the people. Although successful in many ways, he did fail to rein in the growing independence of the crusader states and relatively poor relations with Humphrey and Raymond-Roupen compared to their fathers. Still, the mid and lower level nobility hero-worshipped him for his numerous acts of kindness and generosity.

 

[Luminous]

1. Oh, I didn't expect it to happen. I was just amazed that even the concept crossed my mind. Be a twist for the ages, it would.

2. Certainly not. I'm just certain there will be complaints as to the nobles the King simply took the easy option and drew a straight line.

3. Still, there will be some complaints (in the same vein as above) that he could have done something. Besides, the Armenians are settling in Edessa as well. So, seeing as no actions are being taken against them, even to remind that though they are allies, this is not their land...

4. Elder Humphrey was not a problem. This one will be. Might he end up aligning with the Pope and using that authority to try to gain more power and at the same time crack down on the Copts? That's the trouble I could see. Raymond-Roupen, though, is left isolated. He's annoyed at the king for not having lands granted, but I don't see him doing much against the King.

Also, maps: Finally added the vassal outline to Armenia.

And I left in the old Egyptian border for comparison.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

Just a short chapter, hope you all enjoy

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Chapter Fourteen
The Prince of Egypt

The County of Edessa had been viewed by Humphrey as of little concern when compared with his far more lucrative holdings in Egypt, despite his wife’s attachment to the land. The territory was often left in the hands of his vassals who were able to get away with acting with almost complete autonomy so long as the money continued to roll in. The recent influx of Armenian refugees had been left largely alone as Edessa had a relatively small Latin population and had been badly hurt by the numerous wars fought with the Saracens there and there were plenty of places that needed repopulating with a people seen as friendly to the Latins. However, Humphrey had also seen their arrival as a way to make more money and had been exorbitantly taxing them for the right to settle within his territory. At first they had tolerated it, but it was becoming an increasing problem for them as the tax burden grew, the local lords seeking to get as much from them as was possible. Some had complained to the Armenian King Leo, but until now he had paid them little heed and simply suggested that they move to his lands and help him establish an Armenian presence further into the interior of Anatolia. But many of the refugees were now becoming completely destitute and their King began to hear more and more stories of outrages committed against his people in their vulnerable state. Finally, in 1203 he reached his breaking point and began making protests to Humphrey, who paid them little heed and haughtily replied that they were his lands to do with as he wished. Deeply offended that he had been brushed off so rudely, Leo went directly to the King of Jerusalem and demanded that he do something about the situation. Godfrey was sympathetic to the plight of the Armenians and asked Humphrey if he would act with a gentler hand in the name of peace and kindness, but again Humphrey refused. Godfrey called the Prince to Jerusalem to reprimand him for his behaviour and to prevent a conflict with the Armenians, but Humphrey had grown angry at the King who had given away some of his lands in Egypt to the Makurians and now sought to tell him how to rule his own domain. The Prince refused to leave Cairo and summoned his own vassals to him, including the Ibelins in Damietta and the Copts who nominally owed allegiance to him. A race now began as Godfrey and Humphrey attempted to get as many allies as they could.

Godfrey was able to count on the support of the Armenians who were eager to back him as a defender of their people, but of the crusader states none were immediately in Godfrey’s camp. He had alienated Raymond-Roupen during the dispute over the division of the Assassin lands and Matthew of Cyprus was widely considered to be an old man on an island who would not take part in any war if he could avoid it. The Makurians could not be counted on, as although they would support Godfrey they were on the border with Humphrey and he was able to manipulate most of the messages send by the King. The Byzantines were a wild card, they could respect their old alliance with the King of Jerusalem, although it had not been renewed for many years and they had far more to gain if they took Humphrey’s. Humphrey also had few concrete allies, but had one major advantage in that he had the Pope on his side. Pope Innocent III had become increasingly concerned at Godfrey’s friendly relations with heretics and desired to see Papal authority in Outremer properly recognised and as such had allied with the Prince, also bringing the Holy Roman Empire into his camp, relatively easily as they were already hostile to Godfrey. On the other hand, France and England took Godfrey’s side, but both offered little in the form of concrete support, unlike Norman Sicily which took his side to spite the Holy Roman Emperor, with whom they had fought a number of wars that had seen them lose their possessions on the continent, bringing their powerful fleet with them. Things looked set to escalate into a full blown civil war when Robert of Aleppo died. Raymond-Roupen claimed the region as his own, a claim which Godfrey offered to accept if he would take the King’s side. He accepted and Godfrey’s faction was dramatically strengthened, scaring Humphrey who was said to have become terrified and inconsolable at the prospect of his own defeat when he heard. The Prince then travelled to Jerusalem as Godfrey had originally commanded and appeared before the King to beg his forgiveness. The King was initially furious with the Prince and condemned him in front of the entire court, even going so far as to say that such a disobedience was worthy of death. At this Humphrey began to weep and Godfrey began to soften, eventually forgiving him, ordering him to undertake a pilgrimage to Bethlehem to show his repentance, demanding the deliverance of Humphrey’s eldest son into his care and the reduction of the taxes upon the Armenians. The Prince accepted and fulfilled the conditions, eventually returning to Cairo to nurse his wounded pride.

As a result of Humphrey’s actions, relations between the Pope and the Kingdom of Jerusalem deteriorated completely. In 1205 Godfrey levied a particularly heavy tax on the Church despite many protests, resulting in an interdict being issued against the King and the Pope ending his encouragement and support of those who sought to travel to the Holy Land as crusaders rather than pilgrims. Godfrey in return began to exert as much royal control over the Church in the Kingdom as possible, until the Pope issued another interdict against all the royal domains (including the Holy City itself) for three months in 1206 until Godfrey backed down. Though their tit for tat battle had ended for the time being, the Pope and the King remained on decidedly cool terms that would occasionally blossom into outright hostility for the rest of Innocent’s papacy. In other foreign relations, things went rather a lot better than with Rome following Humphrey’s dressing down. The Armenians were incredibly thankful for the support Godfrey had given to them, culminating in the betrothal of Godfrey’s daughter Maria to Leo’s eldest son Ruben and the creation of an alliance between the two states, with Leo promising to respect the border between his state and Edessa, even with the settlement that had occurred. As a result of this, Godfrey was able to negotiate a settlement between the Byzantines and the Armenians for the division of the disputed territory, with two thirds going to the Emperor and the last third going to King Leo. In Makuria, they were in the process of finishing fully absorbing the Blemmeys into their nation (which finally ended in 1207) and were happy to have avoided what would have eventually been a conflict with a hostile neighbour, although from then on they were mistrustful of Humphrey and often unwilling to work with him.

 

[Dieu Le Roi]

I'm glad people are enjoying the TL!
I'm not sure how far I'm going to take this yet, so we'll just have to wait and see

I might some revisions to this chapter before I put the next one out, but hopefully it's okay. Enjoy!

EDIT: Forgot to say, I'm going to make some changes to the initially Latin-Makurian meetings, I realised I made a mistake with the names of their Kings

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Chapter Fifteen
The Golden Kingdom


The rest of Godfrey’s rein was largely quiet, as the nobles made no further dramatic bids to extend their power and the Kingdom flourished. Although not particularly noted as a patron of the arts, under his rule they flourished nevertheless as some of the finest examples of medieval architecture and books were created. The numerous monks in the Holy Land found themselves with an abundance for wealth as Godfrey gave plenty of money towards the construction of religious buildings such as churches and monasteries and as charity for the poor. Of course, corrupt men siphoned off some for their own gain, but for the most part it reached where Godfrey envisaged as he build public buildings and ensured the needy were cared for as best he could within the bounds of the feudal system. The numbers of monks and nuns during this time dramatically increased as the orders became better able to sustain themselves and were attractive to the peasants who had few prospects, leading to a great deal of books being written. Not only theological texts, but histories, stories and military as well as medical treatises were penned, with the Kingdom becoming renowned as a centre of learning. A particularly noteworthy piece being the epic poem ‘The Iron King’, a fairly inaccurate and dramatized depiction of Amalric’s conquest of Egypt, full of individual duels between the King and his enemies, but one which became incredibly popular. Unfortunately, Godfrey himself had no great love for education and left it largely in the hands of the Church and other institutions already in place, although they all expanded alongside the wealth of the Kingdom. Fortresses and castles were rarely constructed due to the relatively peaceful nature of the period, except in Egypt and on the northern border in Edessa and Damascus where the local lords were eager to ensure that they could withstand another invasion from the east. Cairo at this time underwent extensive fortification construction as Humphrey virtually bricked himself up in his capital, who by the time of his death had completed the construction of an outer wall and extra towers and gatehouses for the city.

The last war fought during Godfrey’s reign came in 1209 when the Ayyubids to the east launched an attack on Georgia. The Georgians fought valiantly, but were in the process of being defeated and having their mountain strongholds reduced when their King began appealing to other Christian states for help. The Armenians, concerned for the safety of their own people in the region who were living under Moslem rule, were sympathetic but would not join the war, however the Byzantines were eager to use their military strength and see if they could make any gains for themselves. Assembling a significant army, the Emperor marched along the coast into Moslem territory and linked up with the Georgians, driving the invaders out. However, this was far from the end of things. The Saracens in Mosul and Baghdad had created a strong state since the internal conflicts that plagued them after the death of Saladin and were not willing to give up so easily. A bloody war of attrition now began as the armies battled it out, many times each side seemed on the cusp of victory when it was pulled from them and the situation reversed. The Armenians in the Moslem lands suffered terribly during this period and the opposing armies took their food and their possessions, causing a famine in 1213 that saw significant numbers die of starvation. The Armenian King had previously been unwilling to act, but now felt that his hand had been forced. He called on Godfrey to honour their alliance and charged headlong into the war on Georgia’s side in 1214. Godfrey, for his part, was still hesitant to act but facing considerable pressure from his allies, he acquiesced. The Latin army crossed the border and began moving east, pushing towards Mosul itself. With this, the Abbuyids offered peace, which the Byzantines were resistant to accepting having dreamed of a great victory over their enemies. The peace treaty made few changes to the borders. Georgia made some token concessions to the Abbuyids, who in turn ceded their land on the Black Sea coast to the Byzantines who now had a land passage to Georgia. A token tribute was paid to the Latins and the Armenians for their small part in the war, whilst the population exchange between the Turks and the Armenians accelerated.

In 1224, two men admired throughout their lands passed away but in very different ways. Matthew of Cyprus died in his sleep (supposedly with a married noblewoman in his bed with him) at the age of 87 and having survived his daughters, delivered his beloved island into the hands of the Ibelins who had waited years to finally take possession of the Principality. On the other hand, Godfrey II died when a hunting trip ran on into the night and in the dark his horse stumbled and he fell, breaking his arm and a number of ribs. Although his companions brought him back to the castle where they were staying, his internal injuries were severe and he died the next morning at the age of 47. This, of course, left the Kingdom in a perilous state as he had no obvious male heirs. Although it seems he had planned to have one of his daughters succeed him, he died before this was properly arranged. With three daughters, three nephews and a bastard son, who should take the throne was far from clear and so began one of the most unstable periods in the Kingdom’s history.