Isaac's Empire 2.0

March 19th, 1212AD. Arkadioupolis.
As promised, here's a short story from the IE universe. This is the first thing I've done in storybook format for years, so I'd really appreciate some feedback on this!

March 19th, 1212AD. Arkadioupolis, Thrace.​

This stank.

All through Alexander’s life, he had dreamed of the moment that now awaited him. He had been brought up on the tales of his father’s military greatness, how the great George Kantakouzenos had come to the attention of the Emperor John himself during the Ladies’ War, at the age of just sixteen. As a small boy, Alexander had played at battle with his brother in the great palace of the Kantakouzenoi that sat proudly upon the flat plain of Troy. But it had always been Theodosios who shone in battle, Theodosios who earned the approval of his father, Theodosios who had gone on to lead the shattered remains of the Army of the East away from Manzikert and be treated to an ovation in the streets of Antioch for bringing the soldiers home. Six years ago, their father had died beaming at the successes of his heir, and Theodosios had claimed leadership of the family too.

It would be unfair to say that Alexander hated his brother. Theodosios had always been kind to him, eager to help with whatever small problems his brother had confronted. When Alexander had come close to descending into a life of wine-soaked indolence, Theodosios had been on hand to guide his brother out, to intercede with their shocked father and the disapproving imperial authorities. When Alexander had been discovered in bed with the young priest from Sardis, Theodosios had made sure the story was discreetly hushed up, and the priest was safely sent somewhere where his story would never be told. Alexander’s brother had always been eager to lend a little of his natural talent to those in the family who stood in his shadow. And he never demanded anything in return.

Alexander ground his teeth, shifted in his saddle, and shivered against the chilly spring rain.

His own career had been a considerably more chequered one. He had discovered, in the aftermath of the incident with the priest, that his father had always intended for his younger son to take up a career in the clergy, and it was only the tearful intercession of his mother that had saved the infant Alexander’s balls. Maria the Cretan had been low born, a pretty peasant girl who had the good fortune to catch the eye of the newly promoted Governor of Chandax when George Kantakouzenos was still young and passionate. The marriage had caused a small scandal at the time: a rising star marrying so below his rank. It had been, so far as Alexander was aware, a happy union though. Maria had duly delivered four Kantakouzene children- Anna, Theodosios, Theodora and finally (after a delay of some ten years) Alexander. He would not have been the youngest, but Maria had died in childbirth the day before the old Emperor John died. The little boy that had survived her, was thereafter named a child of ill-repute: some of the servants even had whispered that his birth had been a sign of the innate disloyalty of George Kantakouzenos, who, it was said, had prayed to God and all the saints for the death of his Emperor in exchange for the life of his son. For that George had the servants flayed and blinded and thrown into the sea, but the boy died regardless. Alexander would be the last child of the noble Patrician George Kantakouzenos. He did not recall his mother.

But that was not to say his life had been free of strong female figures. When his father and brother had brought him to the City for the first time, it was not his namesake the Emperor who had truly ruled, but rather the Empress-Consort Eirene. Six months had passed since the great bloodletting that had claimed the life of the Empress Dowager and half of the imperial House of Komnenos, and the early snowdrifts that were already piling up that October seemed to act as an eloquent metaphor for the savage winter that had come for the old ruling classes. Eirene had been charmed by the young Alexander’s singing voice, and insisted he spend more time in the company of the little princess Theophano, a sweet child of four. At the time, Alexander had been thrilled. At nine, he only saw that the Empress favoured him, not that she was in effect claiming a hostage from one of the strongest supporters of the old order. For ten years, Alexander had enjoyed the comforts of the palace, the favour of the Empress, and the company of the imperial children. But then Theodosios, well meaning as ever, had proved the loyalty of the Kantakouzenoi on the march back from Manzikert, and Alexander was no longer needed. He had gone back to the family estates, and there the drinking had begun. He did not remember there being a sober moment in the next five years. Certainly, when the news came that the City was enrounded by barbarians, he had been drunk, and when the news of liberation came, he was drunker still, and got his young nephews (for by now, Theodosios’ perfect marriage had yielded two perfect sons) roaringly drunk for the first time. Eusthatios Kantakouzenos, just thirteen years old, had spent a week vomiting after that. Anna Maleina, their mother, had never spoken to Alexander again. On reflection, though, this was probably more down to the descent of the Bulgarian Plague the following month than any lasting enmity. Theodosios’ wife had always been much too understanding for that.

In any case, though the wine had faded, Alexander’s favour with the Empress had not recovered. He’d held a couple of desultory offices in the inner provinces, rising at one point to be the Governor of the Islands the year after his father’s death, but of course that had come too late for him to have been anything other than a slight disappointment to George Kantakouzenos. He was, so everybody said, a carbon copy of his father at his age, but the thirty year old George had had the favour of an Emperor. The Empress Eirene had never spoken to Alexander after his departure from the court. Until now.

The news of the Italian revolt had been initially greeted with a shrug of resignation in the City. David Bringas was yesterday’s man, old enough to be Alexander’s grandfather. Besides, the Italians had risen in revolt before, to say nothing of the revolt of Joseph the Arab. It was not until the news came through that the young lord of the Bulgarians had thrown his weight behind the rebels that Eirene belatedly realised that Bringas’ rebellion was the greatest threat to her hold on the Empire since the great bloodletting twenty five years before. All the dominoes had then begun to collapse rapidly. Christmas found the frontiers in a state of confusion: Bringas’ outriders were descending on Thessaloniki, so some said, to seize Greece, while others claimed the rebel had sailed for the Chersonese to enlist the support of the savage Rus. When the real news had come through six weeks ago, though, it was one to chill the blood. All had expected attacks upon the flanks, but few could have predicted that the centre would not hold. Constantine Doukas, Grand Domestic of the West, had defected to the rebels. Panicking, Eirene sent for Theodosios, but he was snowed in in the Cappadocian highlands, and it would be weeks before he and his armies could move. Theodosios, though, helpful as ever, made a suggestion. His little brother was a perfectly adequate commander, and a loyal friend of the Empress. Why not promote him to command? Eirene had agreed: and here Alexander found himself, supreme commander of the Western field armies of the Empire of the Romans. It was a triumph: at a stroke, he had leapt to a position his father could only have dreamed of. Confronted, though, with the reality that the army of the West had now shrunk to just a few thousand men, triumph seemed for Alexander distinctly hollow.

“The men are in formation, Domestikos” reported his second in command. Isaac Palaiologos was a distant kinsman of Alexander’s, a nephew of his aunt Angelina Palaiologina on her own side of the family. Before this battle, the two had only met briefly: Alexander had been present at the baptism of the infant Isaac, and had occasionally exchanged words with him at court. Isaac had always chosen Theodosios as the better distant cousin to ingratiate himself with, though. For this, Alexander could not blame the boy. And boy was the right word for Isaac: one of the most senior generals in the Empire was yet to hit his twentieth birthday. He did, at least, have enthusiasm, although his attempts at growing a beard struck Alexander as laughable.

“Thank you, cousin. Go and take up your pla...”

He had meant to send Isaac further down the wall, to keep an eye on the unruly men from the Thracian provincial levy, but at that moment, from out of the rain he heard the sound of shouting and screaming, alongside the trumpets and drums of the rebel army. Below him, his mare whickered nervously, pawing the ground in fright at the sound. And it was a fearful din if Alexander had ever heard one, like half of hell had been emptied onto the muddy Thracian plain. Somewhere down below he vaguely saw a gatekeeper break and run, before one of the mounted archers of his own bodyguard put a stop to that. If I’m going down, he thought grimly to himself, these peasant scum aren’t abandoning me to meet the Devil all alone.

The screaming stopped as soon as it had begun, but the drums continued to pound. The rain was now coming down more heavily, soaking the vast cloth icon Alexander’s standard bearer clutched in a shivering arm. Looking up at the icon, Alexander briefly wondered whether he had ever seen a gloomier looking Virgin Mother. The face of the Christ-bearer seemed to be drained of her colour, alongside the rest of the world. Was it this grey when you died in a puddle of bloody piss, father?

Still. They held the town, and no amount of screaming could change that. The gatehouse he stood on was stoutly equipped and newly built, to better protect against the incursions of the Bulgarians. Bringas’ men would struggle to launch a successful siege in this weather, and Eirene had hoped that the rebellion would be washed away with the rain and drowned in the mud. It was an optimistic strategy, but one, Alexander considered, had at least half a chance of success. Joseph the Arab had seemed formidable for a while, but his revolt had come to a quiet end when the old barbarian had choked on a grape. Why should David Bringas have been any different?

It was the last hopeful thought Alexander Kantakouzenos ever had.

Around him, he heard the sounds of swords being unsheathed. What’re they doing? The enemy’s not in sight yet!

“Come off your horse, cousin. I’m sorry. It’s over now.”

Alexander heard the words coming from the lips of Isaac Palaiologos, he even saw the boy’s lips moving. But he did not register things, until he was lifted bodily from the saddle by one of the burly Englishmen that made up his escort. The barbarian- was it Edward, or Edgar?- seemed barely to notice the weight of Alexander’s grand ceremonial armour, and placed him on the floor. The Grand Domestic tried to splutter out a few words of enquiry, but his mouth had gone oddly empty. All that came out was a faint gargling noise.

“I’m going to surrender the town, cousin, but Bringas needs some sort of trophy to show to his men: I’ve heard there are troubles in the ranks, and they’re struggling for glory like rats in a sack. I need to give the old man something to reassert his authority, and I need to show him I can be trusted.” Isaac gave Alexander a look that was clearly supposed to convey sadness. “You do understand don’t you?”

Alexander could do little but splutter and blink. The rain was still coming down, and the drums continued to boom. Somewhere, somewhere entirely separated from him, Isaac Palaiologos was speaking to one of the Englishmen.

All of a sudden, Alexander found himself. Spinning round, he thrust his great sword from its sheath, and plunged it into the belly of an Englishman, sending the guard to his knees with a surprised shout. The mare now shrieked in terror and rose, kicking another Englishman full in the face, and sending Isaac Palaiologos slippering to the ground. Alexander backed away and shouted something to the peasants, anything to rouse their attention to treachery. Another Englishman came at him roaring, but Alexander had been trained for this even if Theodosios had won most of the praise. The Englishman’s ornate axe was unwieldy, and the man’s balance was not what it could have been. Quick as a cat, Alexander ducked the blow and his sword bit into the Englishman’s thigh, causing the barbarian to drop to the floor screaming: screaming until Alexander finished him with a quick blow to the throat. For a second he felt exhilaration, his heart pounding as loudly as the oncoming drums of Bringas’ army.

But then the arrow punched him, square in the chest. Alexander Kantakouzenos grunted, slipped, and fell flat onto his arse, smacking into the stone with a splat. He looked up, and all around him were the glowering faces of the Englishmen, their savage weapons raised. For an eternity, he glanced at them, considering his fate, and musing on the rank unfairness of life. He swallowed. He sighed. And the blade of an axe bit into his neck.
 
Superb.

That’s the beauty of the narrative. You turn “and the city was betrayed to the rebels,” into the veritable sensations of those on the ground. From a dull line in a text, we go to live, and die, with those individuals and nations we have managed to create.

Excellent piece BG. I look forward to another update, which hopefully will have a companion snippet of its own.
 
Superb.

That’s the beauty of the narrative. You turn “and the city was betrayed to the rebels,” into the veritable sensations of those on the ground. From a dull line in a text, we go to live, and die, with those individuals and nations we have managed to create.

Excellent piece BG. I look forward to another update, which hopefully will have a companion snippet of its own.

Really glad you enjoyed it. At risk of pitching the IE thread into mutual praise, the piece was largely inspired by your excellent writing for The Mauricians, which I would say is easily my favourite non-IE ERE timeline out there. If any IE readers haven't read Pururauka's stuff, please do so!

I really enjoyed the narrative. It really brought events down to a personal level. Keep up the exceptional work!
Thanks LP!

Would readers prefer a classic history book, or another short story, for the next update? The next one will of course be dealing with the Jurchen invasion of the Empire, so will be quite a big one for me to write. It might take a while, to warn y'all now...

I can probably do a short story rather more quickly, but that of course takes time away from the Jurchens!
 
Chapter Seventeen: Flame and Saltwater
Chapter Seventeen: Flame and Saltwater

"The Roman Empire was beaten, and bloodied, and raped in those years, and every dishonour befell God's chosen people for their sins"

Theodore Ritsos, Epirot monk of the fifteenth century, On the Scythian Wars



Nowhere, in 1229, better symbolised the return of Roman power and glory that the reign of George of Genoa had brought than the great fortified centre of Germanikeia.[1] Fifteen years previously, Rōmanos the Bastard had based himself at the then relatively small town prior to his great victory over the Sultan Tuğtekin at Apameia, and the victory had widely been credited to the blessings of the town’s bishop and its enthusiastic population. Following the fall of Damascus, the confiscated wealth of Syria’s unfortunate Muslim communities had flowed into Germanikeia, with the eunuch general lavishing fountains, churches and high new walls upon the fortunate city. Even the minorities benefited: in 1226, the city’s Jews were granted permission by the Bastard to construct for themselves a particularly lavish new synagogue, decorated with mosaics and marble. Such was the prosperity of Germanikeia that the Patriarch of Antioch himself had found excuses buy a splendid estate in its environs. The Empire, so it must have seemed by the 1220s, had resoundingly struck back.

It was then perhaps unsurprising that Šurhaci Khan, seeking to achieve a quick surgical strike to the imperial defences should have aimed not for one of the traditional centres, but Germanikeia. Sure enough, by late spring, when the city’s fertile fields should have been being planted by the local peasantry, an observer from the battlements would have seen only smoke and dust. The Jušen were coming.

The army that was descending upon Germanikeia was perhaps the largest and most formidable army that had marched out of Mesopotamia since the glory days of the Abbasid Caliphs. At its centre lay a core of veteran Jušen warriors, perhaps ten thousand strong. Alongside them, Šurhaci had called up levies from all of his subjects and hired mercenaries, so that the army was swelled by Iranians, Arabs, Armenians, Kurds and a whole host of other peoples.[2] Naturally, supreme command was held by the Khan himself but he was ably supported by his two young nephews, Abatai and Wúqǐmǎi. But the peoples of Germanikeia did not panic. Their city, as had been so clearly shown fifteen years before, had the favour of God, and in any case, their great general and his army were only a few weeks away. Germanikeia had enough stores to sit and wait for God’s inevitable retribution to fall upon the whore-worshipping barbarians.[3]

This strategy, though, relied on Germanikeia being a happy and united city, which, beneath the facade, it clearly was not. Germanikeia’s prosperity had been built on the backs of conquered Muslims, and it was unfortunate that in this city, unlike many others in the East, a large Islamic community continued to exist, even if it was trodden quite brutally underfoot by the haughty imperial authorities.[4] And predictably it would be the Muslims who spelt the downfall of the “Flower of the East”.[5] To their horror the citizens of Germanikeia awoke just a week into the siege to find the gates of their city had been opened by traitors within, and the Jušen army duly descended, aided by the gleeful Muslims. Germanikeia’s cathedrals and palaces were looted, its nuns raped, and prayers were offered to Allah and Muhammad in every Christian building that could be found. It was not only Muslims who profited. The Armenian contingent of the Jušen army, cheated of being able to seize the pretender prince Smbat due to their overlord’s grander designs, proved perfectly happy to take out their frustration in the name of Christ by beheading each and every monk they found in the large Chalcedonian monastery set up by the Patriarchate of Antioch. Nearly eight hundred years after the council of Chalcedon, some wounds still ran deep.

For the imperial authorities, the fall of Germanikeia to an army of pagans, Ishmaelites and heretics was a nightmare of biblical proportions: and worse was to come. In August, with the main Tagmata of the East assembled, two large armies set out, commanded by Rōmanos the Bastard and a protégé of his, one Eusthatios Kantakouzenos, respectively. The plan was for Kantakouzenos’ lightly equipped troops to harry and harass the Jušen force as it marched ponderously westward towards the wealthy cities of the Orontes Valley, before Rōmanos’ armies closed to deliver a neat kill. This strategy, cautious and methodical, had served Rōmanos well in his campaigns against the Salghurids, but Šurhaci Khan was a very different opponent. Employing speed and cunning, he contrived to avoid Eusthatios Kantakouzenos altogether, leaving the junior commander and his army blundering around the deserts without any clear idea of what to do next. Rōmanos now had to face the full might of the Khan alone, and here, his skills as a commander deserted him. Just fifteen miles downriver from the scene of his great triumph at Apameia, the Empire’s greatest general was cornered and annihilated, together with some eight thousand crack troops. The bloody head of the Bastard was sent to his half brother Leo Nafpliotis, with an order to surrender Prince Smbat. Šurhaci had done his homework well. Not only had he opened up the whole East to conquest more comprehensively than even Kürboğa: he had also taken steps to rip apart the united front of the Roman nobility so painstakingly reassembled by the Emperor.

The wave of bad news now came thick and fast. In December 1229, Antioch surrendered peacefully to Šurhaci, and duly reaped the rewards: the great Jušen army retreated from its walls, and the Khan himself, with just a few retainers and guards, entered the city with gifts for the Patriarch and local nobles. News of the extraordinarily generous treatment offered to Antioch soon saw most of the cities of Syria open their gates to the enemy, with the notable exception of Damascus, where an imperial garrison installed by Rōmanos twelve years before attempted to hold out. It was a disaster: Wúqǐmǎi and his men stormed the city, and subjected it to a sack even more savage than that which had befallen Germanikeia. With the Tagmata cut to bloody ribbons, and the guarantee of good treatment in case of peaceful surrender, it is hardly surprising that the whole frontier should have simply melted away. Come Easter 1230, Šurhaci Khan and his army were taking on provisions in Cilicia, and crossing the Taurus. A leisurely campaign of destruction across the Anatolian plateau then followed, with Iconium becoming the third city to act as an example to others. Stoutly fortified Caesarea was able to beat off a Jušen assault, thanks to the belated arrival of Eusthatios Kantakouzenos and his men, but Šurhaci was perfectly happy to place Kantakouzenos and his army under siege and retreat to Cilicia for the winter. The unfortunate general was forced to spend his Christmas and Epiphany celebrations dining on rats and vultures.

Šurhaci, meanwhile, had bigger plans in mind. With the Emperor George’s ability to respond now effectively paralysed, the Khan could prepare for the final humbling of the Roman Empire at his own pace. Accordingly, in 1231 an eerie silence fell across Anatolia. The great barbarian army never descended, and the surviving shivering peasants had only the wheeling birds and their scattered flocks for company as they wandered the desolate and smoking landscape. Kantakouzenos, the last great hope of the East, managed to escape Caesarea, but when he eventually reached Constantinople, he was a broken man. George could hope for no help from that quarter. God, it seemed, had abandoned the Empire utterly.

The following year, the hammer blow finally fell. Led by Abatai and Wúqǐmǎi, a Jušen army of some sixty thousand men wound its way through the Taurus passes, passed the blackened ruins of what had been Iconium, and then descended into the fertile lowlands of Bithynia. In May, the fields should have been being worked intensively in the good wealth, but instead a scene of weed-strewn abandonment greeted the brothers. The outlying communities had retreated two years previously to the great fortresses, and few had dared emerge since. Where once peasants had tilled the fields, and ambitious priests had sought plum seats, there was only silence and despair.

Accordingly, it proved little effort to wrest from the control of the locals the fishing towns of Abydos, Cyzicus and Moudania[6], with all of the villages in between them turned over to the supply of the bloated occupying army. With the coast secured, Abatai and Wúqǐmǎi began to requisition ships and boats, to begin a truly impressive feat of engineering on behalf of their uncle.

Šurhaci Khan had not allowed his time in Antioch to go to waste, and had taken care to acquaint himself with the history of the peoples he aimed to conquer. In his quest to knit Iran and Europe together into one realm, Šurhaci was most impressed by the behaviour of the ancient kings of Persia and accordingly portrayed himself, particularly to Iranian audiences, as the avenger of Greek injustices. Following this example, a fateful decision was made. Šurhaci would invade Europe by means of a colossal, man-made land bridge, with ships being sent from the captured ports of Cilicia and Syria to aid with construction.[7] By the end of July, preparations were complete, and the Khan himself set off from Cilicia to bear witness to the great crossing. Crossing Anatolia at double speed, the Khan and a picked group of a hundred or so close bodyguards arrived at Abydos in time to see the taming of the sea itself before Jušen power.

Šurhaci Khan himself was the first man to cross the bridge, the first of his people to set foot in Europe. Pointedly, he made a firm indication of his view of this new continent, pissing over the graveyard of a small ruined monastery on the European side of the straits. But by this point, on the sixteenth of August 1232, the light was fast failing, and a wind was sweeping down from the north-east disturbing the calm conditions. Accordingly, the Khan retreated to the Asian side of the pontoon to await the dawn.

With the seventeenth dawning into a hot and dry day, the crossing began. Initially, the Jušen horsemen, who formed the vanguard of the army, made slow progress, reassuring their nervous mounts as they passed along the line of boats. By mid-morning, though, the Kurdish and Armenian contingents had been able to start moving over. Everything was progressing smoothly before the Khan’s eyes: until the first ship appeared from the north-east.

How the ships had been concealed was unclear to the Jušen, and is indeed not mentioned in any of our otherwise unusually specific sources. What happened next, though, is doubted nowhere. As more ships emerged into view and swept down towards the suddenly horribly exposed Jušen column, a dazzling orange flame began to blaze into life, fanned by the hot wind. Mounted on the prows of the warships were a complicated system of pumps, canisters and nozzles, from which emanated a horrifyingly viscous boiling liquid. Panic rapidly began to break out along the length of the column, with warriors near the end leaping into the water with the hope of swimming to shore. It was all in vain, for the secret weapon of the Roman Empire burned even on the surface of the water. Within minutes, the Jušen bridge was aflame and falling apart, as the surface of the sea boiled and churned. The air was filled with screams, and the salt tang of the morning sea was rapidly replaced by the harsh scent of oil and burning human flesh. From the Asian shore, Šurhaci Khan could only watch in horror as his years of success came to a horrifying conclusion.

There was another observer to the Battle of Abydos. Some way back, upon a particularly large Roman ship, the Emperor George was watching, clutching an icon of the Virgin Mary. And the Emperor at that moment knew a truth, a truth that would soon spread to all of the communities of his shaken Empire. The Empire of the Romans was guarded by God, and the Romans were God’s chosen people. Doubt that fact, and God would rain down fury and death upon the Christian world. But hold true to the sacred allegiance of Heaven and Empire, and all would be well, for now, and forevermore.

Who, watching the death of Šurhaci Khan’s dreams of world empire amidst flame and salt water, could have possibly disagreed?



______________________________
[1] The Turkish city of Kahramanmaraş in modern OTL.

[2] Jušen armies are notably heterogeneous.

[3] Naturally, the principle Jušen deity, the sky-goddess Abka Hehe, is presented by bishops and priests as being nothing but a demonic prostitute.

[4] Generally, Islamic communities seem to have fled northern Syria when the Byzantine armies returned in the ninth and tenth centuries IOTL, testament to the fact that the religion was still small and lightly established even as late as three centuries after Muhammad’s death. It seems unlikely to me, however, that all Muslims would have left, especially with the profits to be made acting as middlemen between Constantinople and its Islamic neighbours.

[5] Even today, Kahramanmaraş is known for the production of orchids.

[6] Mudanya, on the Marmara, in modern OTL.

[7] Following the example of Xerxes of Persia, as told by Herodotus. The idea of “avenging Alexander” is also far from a new one.
 
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Now that's how you deal with someone attempting to cross the straits by bridge. :D

Reminds me a little of the Battle of Blackwater Bay from A Game of Thrones, season II. ;)

Now, how about a map of the Khan's empire by this point? ;););););)
 
Surhaci made the same mistake as Kublai Khan. Nomads are *not* at home on the water. Surhaci should have squeezed some tribute out of the ERE before going north to kick Russia in the junk.
 
This battle is pretty much the same as the one from IE1, which isn't a bad thing. Epic!

Very, very glorious

Surhaci made the same mistake as Kublai Khan. Nomads are *not* at home on the water. Surhaci should have squeezed some tribute out of the ERE before going north to kick Russia in the junk.

Now that's how you deal with someone attempting to cross the straits by bridge. :D

Reminds me a little of the Battle of Blackwater Bay from A Game of Thrones, season II. ;)

Now, how about a map of the Khan's empire by this point? ;););););)

Thanks for the comments, guys! I must confess, I was getting worried that this update would sink without trace!

As for the battle of Abydos, yes, it was more or less a straight copy of that in the original IE. I had been wondering what to have happen, but then ultimately decided that sticking with the original would be best, as it seemed pretty popular at the time. So, yeah, it's more or less a total recycle, albeit (I hope!) somewhat better written.

Regarding a map, I could theoretically do a rough one, but don't expect anything particularly artistically talented. Sadly, Ares96 says that he's unable to complete maps for me.
 
Very well written, though I do have a question:

The Jurchens had been in Roman territory for some time now. Šurhaci had learned of the wars the ancient Greeks fought against the Persians. Roman traitors to the Khan's court were many. So, why didn't he expect the Romans to use their fleet and take even the most basic of precautions ?
 
Will the Jurchen invasion follow a similar path to the Mongol ones in IE1? Will we see another invasion?

Spoilers!

I don't know what it says about me, but I found the second part a little bit hilarious. Keep it coming!

You're a sinister one.

Very well written, though I do have a question:

The Jurchens had been in Roman territory for some time now. Šurhaci had learned of the wars the ancient Greeks fought against the Persians. Roman traitors to the Khan's court were many. So, why didn't he expect the Romans to use their fleet and take even the most basic of precautions ?

Now, this is a question I did actually consider while writing the update. There are two answers I prepared...

The first is that IE, as an in-universe piece, is naturally going to pick up exaggerations from the writers of the ATL thirteenth century, and those writers are going to have a distinct interest in making the Roman victory seem as kick-ass and awesome as possible, striking down the silly heathens. So, if you want to interpret it that way, please do so. Were I looking at IE as an historian, rather than its writer or just an AH fan, I might be tempted to write off the whole traditional story of the Battle of Abydos as being an implausible exaggeration of what really happened.

The alternative is that the Roman navy hasn't really had much of a presence of late, with resources switching to the professional field armies, who are of much more use fighting off resurgent Bulgarians and various Turkish states in the east. It's entirely possible that Surhaci and his men simply didn't expect any sort of Roman fleet to turn up, because they didn't have a huge amount of evidence for the Romans having a large fleet. You only need a dozen or so fireships to cause utter chaos and devastation, after all.

Here's a quick map of the East immediately prior to the Jurchen attack.

1228.png
 
Is it safe to assume that Šurhaci's realm extends all the way to Manchuria? The map seems to indicate that its eastern limits are similar to the Timurid Empire
That would not be safe to say. See below.

The precise circumstances that brought the Jušen from the icy wastes of north-eastern China to the burning plains of the Iranian plateau need not concern us here.[1] Suffice it to say that, following a brief period of hegemony on the steppes to the north of a rapidly disintegrating Chinese Empire in the middle of the eleventh century, they suffered a number of defeats and by the 1190s the shattered remnants of their empire were led west by a visionary leader named Ātái Khan. In 1213 they wrested Chachqand, on the frontier of Saljūq Iran, from its local governor, but they suffered a heavy defeat in 1215 at the hands of the Sultan Kayqubād when they attempted to march further to Samarqand, thus preventing a generalised loss of Sogdiana.[2] There, the broken heirs of Ātái sat and brooded. Hopes of a return to the sun for the Jušen people appeared to be utterly in vain.
 
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