Right. That's why I prefer TL's where Germany doesn't sink into total nihilistic barbarism to be followed by crushing defeat.
Holding Out for a Hero: Gustav Stresemann Survives
- Thread starter Faeelin
- Start date
Right. That's why I prefer TL's where Germany doesn't sink into total nihilistic barbarism to be followed by crushing defeat.
Originally posted by Foreign Shadow
And we Poles prefer TLs where Poland is strong and independent. It doesn't have to be a Deutschbash, though.
Faeelin
Banned
This was true in 1924, 1925; but he was far from the only German to think so. I'd argue that this appointment of an Social democrat diplomat who recognized that Poland was "a member of the European family of nations" is a sign that he'd come to terms with Poland's existence, although he still hoped for a revision of the borders.
I still maintain that you overestimate Czechoslovakia's willingness to help Poland. But I digress.
.Faeelin
Banned
“I can only see that we must work with the left because parts of the right in Germany have gone mad.”-Stresemann, early 1929
The rise of the Deutsche Demokratische Volkspartei
The Thoiry agreement was extremely controversial in both France and Germany, but it was in Germany that it was most divisive. The German National People’s Party (the DNVP), the Stalhelhm, and other groups such as the National Socialists campaigned against it, but the agreement was immensely popular at home. It did, however, encourage talks between Stresemann, as head of the German People’s Party (DVP), and Erich Koch-Weser, head of the German Democratic Party (DDP), for something that had eluded the Republic since its inception: a united liberal party.
Such a party could not, of course, form overnight. The DVP was further to the right, and received a great deal of funding from big business which might oppose such a merger. Thus, the plan was put to the test in the election of 1928, where the DVP and DDP formed a “Patriotic Bloc”, This policy was put to the test in the election of 1928, where the DVP and DDP agreed to form a single list of delegates for Baden and Wuttemberg. The Patriotic Bloc did very well there, much to the chagrin of the DNVP.
The Election of 1928
The election of 1928, in many ways, was the vindication of Stresemann’s policies. The Social Democrats gained 22 seats in the Reichstag, while the German National Party lost 49 [1]. The DDP and DVP gained, together, an additional 6 seats, and the Center Party also gained ground.
Results of the 1928 election
Social Democrats 153
German National People’s Party 54
Center Party 61
German Democratic Party 34
German People’s Party 55
Communist Party 54
National Socialist Party 12
The temptation was obvious. Combining the two parties would make them the second largest party in the Reichstag, and in early 1929 the two parties formed the “German Democratic People’s Party,” or DDVP. [2]
[1] This is 19 more than OTL; a reasonable number given the success of Stresemann’s policies and his better health which lets him campaign. The Social Democrat numbers are as OTL.
[2] Nobody likes the name.
The rise of the Deutsche Demokratische Volkspartei
The Thoiry agreement was extremely controversial in both France and Germany, but it was in Germany that it was most divisive. The German National People’s Party (the DNVP), the Stalhelhm, and other groups such as the National Socialists campaigned against it, but the agreement was immensely popular at home. It did, however, encourage talks between Stresemann, as head of the German People’s Party (DVP), and Erich Koch-Weser, head of the German Democratic Party (DDP), for something that had eluded the Republic since its inception: a united liberal party.
Such a party could not, of course, form overnight. The DVP was further to the right, and received a great deal of funding from big business which might oppose such a merger. Thus, the plan was put to the test in the election of 1928, where the DVP and DDP formed a “Patriotic Bloc”, This policy was put to the test in the election of 1928, where the DVP and DDP agreed to form a single list of delegates for Baden and Wuttemberg. The Patriotic Bloc did very well there, much to the chagrin of the DNVP.
The Election of 1928
The election of 1928, in many ways, was the vindication of Stresemann’s policies. The Social Democrats gained 22 seats in the Reichstag, while the German National Party lost 49 [1]. The DDP and DVP gained, together, an additional 6 seats, and the Center Party also gained ground.
Results of the 1928 election
Social Democrats 153
German National People’s Party 54
Center Party 61
German Democratic Party 34
German People’s Party 55
Communist Party 54
National Socialist Party 12
The temptation was obvious. Combining the two parties would make them the second largest party in the Reichstag, and in early 1929 the two parties formed the “German Democratic People’s Party,” or DDVP. [2]
[1] This is 19 more than OTL; a reasonable number given the success of Stresemann’s policies and his better health which lets him campaign. The Social Democrat numbers are as OTL.
[2] Nobody likes the name.
Faeelin
Banned
Dancing on a Volcano
Germany’s economic troubles began in 1928, and by the spring of 1929 almost three million people were unemployed. Germany had a wide range of problems; industry was taxed greater than it was in other countries, and the Republic’s welfare system, while the best in Europe, consumed a large share of the government’s budgets. When combined with a fragile banking sector and the general collapse of international trade in late 1929 and early 1930, the German economy went off the rails. In doing so, it threatened to bring down the German Republic.
The Grand Coalition was held together mostly by a mutual agreement to revise the reparations agreement; once this happened with the signing of the Young Plan, there was an immediate dispute about what was to be done with the savings. The SPD wanted to use the money for unemployment insurance, while many in the DDVP wanted to cut taxes to stimulate the economy. Despite the best efforts of Streseman, the coalition fell.
Berlin, January 1930
Stresemann paced around the room, and on the smoky air. “You risk dividing the party.”
“No,” replied Bucher, a German industrialist. “You are.” He waved his hand around the room. “Look around, Stresemann. The economy’s going down the toilet because of the Socialists. Germany’s industries are crippled by heavy taxes and high waves, and they need to be cut. Yet you want to stay in the Coalition with the Social Democrats, who will simply squeeze us more to feed those too lazy to work.”
Stresemann scowled. “And you would let German workers starve? What happened to the Volksgemeinschaft?”[1]
Bucher shrugged. “This is in their best interest.” He walked over to the window, and looked at the streets below. “They’re letting off more workers every day because of the hold the unions have.” He made a washing motion with his hands. “If we could lower wages, we could keep more employees on. As it stands…”
Stresemann snorted. “As if the unions are really protesting, with things as they are.” He lit a cigar and thought. “This is just going to divide us further.”
“There is talk,” said Bucher, “that Hindenburg might let the next chancellor use rule by decree. What could you do with that power?” he asked.
Stresemann snorted. “Bad enough the Nazis call me a Jew, you want to make me a Judas?”
Bucher raised an eyebrow. “There’s talk,” he said, “of the rightwing defecting to the Nationalists. It would break the coalition, if nothing else does.”
After the meeting, Stresemann left the Auswartiges Amt [2], and walked down the street of Berlin. It was bitterly cold out, even for January. Yet many of the people on the street wore threadbare summer clothing, or jackets with holes in them. Even some of those in suits had patches in them, and there was a sense of desperation he hadn’t felt since the Ruhr occupation.
Stresemann stopped in a café for a cup of coffee, and listened to the conversation around him while pretending to read a paper. “It’s the Jews,” complained a fat man across from him. “How many of them do you think they’ve fired?”
Stresemann turned the page to the foreign affairs section, pretending to read about some other war in China as he listened for the response. “I wish it wasn’t true,” came the reply. “I’ve known plenty of good Jews. But it makes you wonder if Hugenberg isn’t onto something.”
Stresemann tossed some Reich marks on the table and left the café. Yet when he stepped out onto the street, he noticed a squad of SA me in their brown shirts swaggering down the street. The man next to him noticed his face, and muttered, “The thugs have been parading around for the last week. One of the bastards was shot in a brawl.” The man smirked. “Too bad they missed the rest of them.”
Stresemann ignored the man and turned away, anxious to avoid a confrontation, but one of the SA men recognized them. “You there, yid lover! Turn over anymore of the Fatherland lately? When Stresemann continued walking away, the voice took on a derisive tone. “Of course you’ll walk away. Just like you backed down from every other challenge the Fatherland was faced with.”
Stresemann turned around. “And if I argue with you, will you gun me down the way you did Rathenau?” [3] Without another word, he walked back to his office.
He had an appointment to make with the President.
German political cartoon. "Stresemann looks to the left, and to the right; he shall save me!"
Chancellor Streseman's Speech to the Reichstag, 1930
“The German people face grave difficulties. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet we must not distrust the future. The people of Germany have not failed; we are stricken by no plagues of locusts. Prosperity lies at our doorstep, and through common effort the German people can achieve it. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have asked for a leader of hope and change. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.
[1] Basically, the German people as one family. The Nazis got a lot of play out of it, but plenty of other people idealized the notion as well.
[2] Foreign Office
[3] A German Jewish politician gunned down by the right in 1922.
Sidenote: That is the creepiest cartoon ever.
Germany’s economic troubles began in 1928, and by the spring of 1929 almost three million people were unemployed. Germany had a wide range of problems; industry was taxed greater than it was in other countries, and the Republic’s welfare system, while the best in Europe, consumed a large share of the government’s budgets. When combined with a fragile banking sector and the general collapse of international trade in late 1929 and early 1930, the German economy went off the rails. In doing so, it threatened to bring down the German Republic.
The Grand Coalition was held together mostly by a mutual agreement to revise the reparations agreement; once this happened with the signing of the Young Plan, there was an immediate dispute about what was to be done with the savings. The SPD wanted to use the money for unemployment insurance, while many in the DDVP wanted to cut taxes to stimulate the economy. Despite the best efforts of Streseman, the coalition fell.
Berlin, January 1930
Stresemann paced around the room, and on the smoky air. “You risk dividing the party.”
“No,” replied Bucher, a German industrialist. “You are.” He waved his hand around the room. “Look around, Stresemann. The economy’s going down the toilet because of the Socialists. Germany’s industries are crippled by heavy taxes and high waves, and they need to be cut. Yet you want to stay in the Coalition with the Social Democrats, who will simply squeeze us more to feed those too lazy to work.”
Stresemann scowled. “And you would let German workers starve? What happened to the Volksgemeinschaft?”[1]
Bucher shrugged. “This is in their best interest.” He walked over to the window, and looked at the streets below. “They’re letting off more workers every day because of the hold the unions have.” He made a washing motion with his hands. “If we could lower wages, we could keep more employees on. As it stands…”
Stresemann snorted. “As if the unions are really protesting, with things as they are.” He lit a cigar and thought. “This is just going to divide us further.”
“There is talk,” said Bucher, “that Hindenburg might let the next chancellor use rule by decree. What could you do with that power?” he asked.
Stresemann snorted. “Bad enough the Nazis call me a Jew, you want to make me a Judas?”
Bucher raised an eyebrow. “There’s talk,” he said, “of the rightwing defecting to the Nationalists. It would break the coalition, if nothing else does.”
After the meeting, Stresemann left the Auswartiges Amt [2], and walked down the street of Berlin. It was bitterly cold out, even for January. Yet many of the people on the street wore threadbare summer clothing, or jackets with holes in them. Even some of those in suits had patches in them, and there was a sense of desperation he hadn’t felt since the Ruhr occupation.
Stresemann stopped in a café for a cup of coffee, and listened to the conversation around him while pretending to read a paper. “It’s the Jews,” complained a fat man across from him. “How many of them do you think they’ve fired?”
Stresemann turned the page to the foreign affairs section, pretending to read about some other war in China as he listened for the response. “I wish it wasn’t true,” came the reply. “I’ve known plenty of good Jews. But it makes you wonder if Hugenberg isn’t onto something.”
Stresemann tossed some Reich marks on the table and left the café. Yet when he stepped out onto the street, he noticed a squad of SA me in their brown shirts swaggering down the street. The man next to him noticed his face, and muttered, “The thugs have been parading around for the last week. One of the bastards was shot in a brawl.” The man smirked. “Too bad they missed the rest of them.”
Stresemann ignored the man and turned away, anxious to avoid a confrontation, but one of the SA men recognized them. “You there, yid lover! Turn over anymore of the Fatherland lately? When Stresemann continued walking away, the voice took on a derisive tone. “Of course you’ll walk away. Just like you backed down from every other challenge the Fatherland was faced with.”
Stresemann turned around. “And if I argue with you, will you gun me down the way you did Rathenau?” [3] Without another word, he walked back to his office.
He had an appointment to make with the President.
German political cartoon. "Stresemann looks to the left, and to the right; he shall save me!"
Chancellor Streseman's Speech to the Reichstag, 1930
“The German people face grave difficulties. Values have shrunken to fantastic levels; taxes have risen; our ability to pay has fallen; government of all kinds is faced by serious curtailment of income; the means of exchange are frozen in the currents of trade; the withered leaves of industrial enterprise lie on every side; farmers find no markets for their produce; the savings of many years in thousands of families are gone.
More important, a host of unemployed citizens face the grim problem of existence, and an equally great number toil with little return. Only a foolish optimist can deny the dark realities of the moment.
Yet we must not distrust the future. The people of Germany have not failed; we are stricken by no plagues of locusts. Prosperity lies at our doorstep, and through common effort the German people can achieve it. In their need they have registered a mandate that they want direct, vigorous action. They have asked for discipline and direction under leadership. They have asked for a leader of hope and change. They have made me the present instrument of their wishes. In the spirit of the gift I take it.
In this dedication of a Nation we humbly ask the blessing of God. May He protect each and every one of us. May He guide me in the days to come.
[1] Basically, the German people as one family. The Nazis got a lot of play out of it, but plenty of other people idealized the notion as well.
[2] Foreign Office
[3] A German Jewish politician gunned down by the right in 1922.
Sidenote: That is the creepiest cartoon ever.
Faeelin
Banned
Averting the Fall of Numenor
The policy of European union to which the search for a first bond of solidarity between European Governments ought to tend, implies in fact a conception absolutely contrary to that which may have determined formerly, in Europe, the formation of customs unions tending to abolish internal customs houses in order to erect on the boundaries of the community a more rigorous barrier against States situated outside of those unions.-Aristide Briand, May 1930
The German economy was battered throughout 1930, and Stresemann’s initial goal was to trim the budget. Unwilling to cut the salaries of government employees, or institute mandatory price controls, in an effort to curb the deficit he was forced to raise taxes [1]. As a compromise with liberals within the DDVP and the SPD, who were still the major Reichstag party, these tax increases were progressive, and fell heaviest on Germany’s wealthy. [2]
Yet to revive Germany’s economy, Stresemann believed it necessary to stimulate foreign trade Fortunately, this option became available early in 1930, thanks to the French Foreign Minister Aristide Briand. Briand was preparing for to propose a detailed memorandum discussing the formation of the European Union, but Stresemann wanted to see a concrete benefit for Germany before he would risk his career to support it. Citing the difficulties facing the German economy, Stresemann suggested that France either lower tariffs, or start by proposing an economic agreement among the European nations.
Briand’s reaction was mixed. He was sympathetic to Germany’s plight, but pointed out concern about the French trade deficit with Germany. At this Stresemann became belligerent, asking how German was supposed to pay reparations if it wasn’t running a trade surplus. Moreover, he pointed out, the majority of France’s trade with Germany as in luxury goods, demand for which would obviously decline given that “millions of [his] countrymen are unemployed.” Stresemann suggested that before the discussion of any major, controversial issues, it was best to begin with a general conference on disarmament and European tariff reduction.
There had been an earlier tariff conference on freezing tariffs at Geneva, in February. Hoover’s Smoot-Hawley Tariff scuppered plans, but, given the Smoot-Hawley tariff, it was agreed that perhaps best to act within Europe. [3]
The nations of Europe tentatively voiced support for the idea, resulting in the Brussels Conference, in July of 1930. France, Belgium, Holland, Norway, Sweden, Britain, Germany, Austria, and Denmark all agreed to a tariff truce, but America refused to swerve from the Smoot-Hawley Tariff,while British delegates in Ottowa were negotiating for Imperial Preference. Nevertheless, the steps had been taken towards a European tariff policy. [4]
The German situation only continued to worsen, however, and by the end of 1930 almost three million Germans were unemployed, and there was little hope of immediate relief. [5]
In September Stresemann mooted aloud that due to financial constraints, Germany might have to press for a reparations moratorium, and that in any case it had the right to postpone half of its annual payments for as long as it liked. When news of this broke out, there was immediate concern in Paris, and the French government responded by offering to hire German workers for construction projects in France. Stresemann readily agreed. [6]
Rouen, November 1930
Heinrich took another bite of sausage as he chatted with the Frenchman across from him. “This isn’t bad,” he said after a moment. “It’s not as good at the blatwurst, but it’ll do. If only I had a beer.”
Jacques snorted. “I’m sure you could find horse piss somewhere.”
Heinrich grunted for a moment. “And which of your sisters should I ask for some?”
“Just because German girls think we’re all hung like horses….”
Just then, the whistle blew. “Alright,” Heinrich said. “I guess we need to get back to work.”
[1] This is actually all good! The German depression was partly a deflationary spiral, so keeping more money in the economy is a good thing.
[2] As opposed to Bruning’s taxes on consumption. Again, a bad idea in a depression.
These reforms leave people moderately unhappy, but they really piss off the SPD. But then so did Bruning OTL.
[3] A US protective tariff that raised American tariffs to their highest point in history.
[4] OTL Holland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark agreed to a tariff truce in December, and Belgium was pushing for a truce as early as the fall of 1929. So with France and Germany going along, they also agree; and Austria follows.
[5] This is about a million less than OTL, but to everyone around it’s still absolutely awful.
[6] Cynics would say he’d planned something like this all along. Nazis would say he’s a traitor to the German people, but…
This was proposed OTL, but not until February.
The policy of European union to which the search for a first bond of solidarity between European Governments ought to tend, implies in fact a conception absolutely contrary to that which may have determined formerly, in Europe, the formation of customs unions tending to abolish internal customs houses in order to erect on the boundaries of the community a more rigorous barrier against States situated outside of those unions.-Aristide Briand, May 1930
The German economy was battered throughout 1930, and Stresemann’s initial goal was to trim the budget. Unwilling to cut the salaries of government employees, or institute mandatory price controls, in an effort to curb the deficit he was forced to raise taxes [1]. As a compromise with liberals within the DDVP and the SPD, who were still the major Reichstag party, these tax increases were progressive, and fell heaviest on Germany’s wealthy. [2]
Yet to revive Germany’s economy, Stresemann believed it necessary to stimulate foreign trade Fortunately, this option became available early in 1930, thanks to the French Foreign Minister Aristide Briand. Briand was preparing for to propose a detailed memorandum discussing the formation of the European Union, but Stresemann wanted to see a concrete benefit for Germany before he would risk his career to support it. Citing the difficulties facing the German economy, Stresemann suggested that France either lower tariffs, or start by proposing an economic agreement among the European nations.
Briand’s reaction was mixed. He was sympathetic to Germany’s plight, but pointed out concern about the French trade deficit with Germany. At this Stresemann became belligerent, asking how German was supposed to pay reparations if it wasn’t running a trade surplus. Moreover, he pointed out, the majority of France’s trade with Germany as in luxury goods, demand for which would obviously decline given that “millions of [his] countrymen are unemployed.” Stresemann suggested that before the discussion of any major, controversial issues, it was best to begin with a general conference on disarmament and European tariff reduction.
There had been an earlier tariff conference on freezing tariffs at Geneva, in February. Hoover’s Smoot-Hawley Tariff scuppered plans, but, given the Smoot-Hawley tariff, it was agreed that perhaps best to act within Europe. [3]
The nations of Europe tentatively voiced support for the idea, resulting in the Brussels Conference, in July of 1930. France, Belgium, Holland, Norway, Sweden, Britain, Germany, Austria, and Denmark all agreed to a tariff truce, but America refused to swerve from the Smoot-Hawley Tariff,while British delegates in Ottowa were negotiating for Imperial Preference. Nevertheless, the steps had been taken towards a European tariff policy. [4]
The German situation only continued to worsen, however, and by the end of 1930 almost three million Germans were unemployed, and there was little hope of immediate relief. [5]
In September Stresemann mooted aloud that due to financial constraints, Germany might have to press for a reparations moratorium, and that in any case it had the right to postpone half of its annual payments for as long as it liked. When news of this broke out, there was immediate concern in Paris, and the French government responded by offering to hire German workers for construction projects in France. Stresemann readily agreed. [6]
Rouen, November 1930
Heinrich took another bite of sausage as he chatted with the Frenchman across from him. “This isn’t bad,” he said after a moment. “It’s not as good at the blatwurst, but it’ll do. If only I had a beer.”
Jacques snorted. “I’m sure you could find horse piss somewhere.”
Heinrich grunted for a moment. “And which of your sisters should I ask for some?”
“Just because German girls think we’re all hung like horses….”
Just then, the whistle blew. “Alright,” Heinrich said. “I guess we need to get back to work.”
[1] This is actually all good! The German depression was partly a deflationary spiral, so keeping more money in the economy is a good thing.
[2] As opposed to Bruning’s taxes on consumption. Again, a bad idea in a depression.
These reforms leave people moderately unhappy, but they really piss off the SPD. But then so did Bruning OTL.
[3] A US protective tariff that raised American tariffs to their highest point in history.
[4] OTL Holland, Sweden, Norway, and Denmark agreed to a tariff truce in December, and Belgium was pushing for a truce as early as the fall of 1929. So with France and Germany going along, they also agree; and Austria follows.
[5] This is about a million less than OTL, but to everyone around it’s still absolutely awful.
[6] Cynics would say he’d planned something like this all along. Nazis would say he’s a traitor to the German people, but…
This was proposed OTL, but not until February.
Faeelin
Banned
Thank you.
Incidentally, contrary to the usual orthodoxy about how the GErmans didn't know how to respond to the Depression, there were quite a few people who suggested a stimulus; and before replacing Bruning does matter.
I would also like to point out that Stresemann was an advocate of deficits before his death, arguing that they'd do more to pressure the Allies than a deflationary policy.
Faeelin
Banned
To this day, historians debate the origin of the German banking crisis of 1931. Some blame bank failures in Hungary, while others attribute it to the high amount of foreign capital present in Germany’s banking sector, ready to be withdrawn at a moment’s notice. There are even those who attribute it to rumors that Germany would seek an end to reparations, creating a crisis of confidence in the banking sector. The causes are unclear, but the consequences were not. Only French loans, provided in return for political concessions, saved the German economy from collapsing…[1]
The French offers provoked a heated debate within Germany. While the DDVP and Social Democrats were willing to agree to French demands, the right called it a “second Versailles”, and the struggle took its toll on President Hindenburg.
July, 1931
Stresemann’s voice remained constant as he reiterated his demands to President Hindenburg. “Mr. President, we need that French loan.”
Hindenburg sat there for a moment, breathing listlessly. “Their demands,” he said after a moment. “Why should we obey them?”
Despite himself, Stresemann lost his temper. He was sick of coddling a man as fat and slow as a zeppelin who only listened to bitter junkers worried about their estates. “Because millions of Germans are out of work and on the streets, and listening to anyone who can promise them anything better. Because I took this office to help the people of Germany, not listen to the demands of arrogant generals. Because you have a duty to the German people to help them. And,” he continued, “If you don’t I will resign. I serve the Volk, not to the President.”
Hindenburg reeled as if from a blow. “It was easier to work with Müller. [2] He was polite, and he respected me.” Hindenburg shook his head. “But you’re just like the rest, always telling me what to do.”
Stresemann gulped, realizing he’d gone too far. “I only do so out of love for the Fatherland, the same as your son and comrades. But the fact remains that if we are to do anything, anything at all, then we need a semblance of stability.” He sighed. “We have Nazis shooting people in the streets, the Red Flag flying in Hamburg, and everywhere privation. If things get any worse,” he made a slicing gesture. “The only winners will be those who hate Germany.”
“That,” he continued,” is why we need to support disarmament. The Reich is strong, and will only get stronger. Yet before we can even think about avenging our defeats, we must put our own house in order.” Stresemann hesitated, and then plunged on. “Besides, the people do not want war.”
“Who does?” asked Hindenburg. “But we must be prepared.” He leaned back in his chair. “Why, I remember how we fought like devils at Tannenberg, the Marne, the Somme.” He smiled. “no enemy defeated us, you know. Not on the field of battle.”
“Oh, Christ,” Stresemann thought. “Here he goes again.” Aloud, he said, “That’s true, and your heroism was key to our victory. But even the soldiers of the war show no eagerness to fight another.” He gestured. “Look at the rallies attended by thousands in the cause of disarmament. Look at the way All Quiet on the Western Front flies off the book shelves even now.”
Hindenburg frowned. “I’ve heard of that book,” he said. “It’s full of lies.”
“Did you read it?”
“Why would I?” asked Hindenburg.
“Perhaps,” Stresemann said gently, “you might like a better understanding of what the war was like for the average soldier.”
Hindenburg scowled. “Are you saying I don’t understand?” he wheezed.
“If you don’t understand why people want peace, yes.” Stresemann frowned. He was being hostile today, but Hindenburg needed to hear something harsh. “I will make you a promise,” said Stresemann. “If you don’t understand the pacifists better after the book, I will oppose any talk of disarmament, or aid with France. I will listen to you, to your son, to junkers dedicated to abolishing the republic, to whomever you please.”
“Fine,” said Hindenburg. “I will read it.”
Stresemann was so pleased he didn’t even wrinkle his nose at the smell from Hindenburg’s bowel movement.
[/i]July, 1931[/i]
Hindenburg felt his bones creak as he stood up, wishing there was another way to get to Bavaria. But hunting would be an excellent break away from Berlin and politics. Smiling for a moment, he imagined shooting Thalmann instead of deer.
It was only when he got off the train that he noticed something was wrong. Instead of the silent crowds that usually came to pay their respects, there were men in brown standing around, and when they noticed him, they all cried out “Deutschland, erwache!”
Hindenburg scowled. Even here, it seemed, he would be harassed. “Go away,” he snarled. “Germany is governed by men and not thugs, and I have no time for you.”
August, 1931
The doors to Hindenburg’s study had been closed, and the women had left the room. As he lit a cigar, he turned towards Hugenberg, the leader of the DNVP. “You know, I’m worried about the Nazis.”
Hugenberg paused to take a puff on his cigar. “So am I.” He gestured around the room, encompassing books, a painting of Bismarck, and a window overlooking the estate’s grounds. “They have no understanding of such things.” He shrugged. “They are learning. Without me,” he continued, “they would actually be Socialists.” [3]
Hindenburg looked out the window, frowning. It seemed like night fell sooner than it had only a few years ago. “By refusing to collaborate with Stresemann, you’re making him rely on the Socialists.” He paused. “I’m not thrilled about it.”
Hugenberg hesitated for a moment. “To be honest, if we don’t harass Stresemann,” we’ll lose even more votes to the Nazis.” He chewed on the end of his cigar. “Cuban?” At Hindenburg’s nod, he continued. “Besides, what has Stresemann done? He’s too friendly with the French, if you ask me.”
Hindenburg’s voice took on a hard edge. “He’s too liberal for my taste,” he admitted, “but he is one of the finest men I have ever worked with, and his only goal is the salvation of Germany. Meanwhile, the men you consort with insult me in the newspaper, calling me senile and a Red puppet.”
Hugenberg spread his hands. “I wish I could help you. You know that I, personally, hold you in the greatest esteem.”
Hindenburg put down his cigar. “I wish I could say the same.”
September 1931
“Father, if you continue to allow these disarmament talks to go on then the junkers may withdraw their support.”
Hindenburg tried to explain it as best we could. “We need,” he said, “French gold. And peace.” [4] He could see the words that would convince his son in his mind, but for some reason he couldn’t say them.
“You would trust the French, after all they’ve done? You would abandon your friends and comrades?” When Hindenburg did not respond, his son said gently, “Perhaps it is best if I write letter for you, explaining your views.”
And all the hero of Tannenberg can do is bow his head in silence.
The following days lay hard on Hindenburg, as he is pulled three ways at once, and it is more than his fragile body can take, in the cold days of November.
Yet those who found his floor were comforted by his sedate state. He had fallen forward and lay on the floor as though sleeping. Those who found him saw that he could not have suffered long; his face had an expression of calm, as though almost glad the end had come.
[1] Stop building a pocket battleship, for instance.
[2] Muller, the Socialist Chancellor before Stresemann, was Hindenburg’s favorite Chancellor.
[3] Germany’s business leaders, and “conservative” right-wing nationalists believed they could tame the Nazis and use their mass support for their own ends.
Oops.
[4] There's rather more going on then Hindenburg is implying, but you'll see that soon.
The French offers provoked a heated debate within Germany. While the DDVP and Social Democrats were willing to agree to French demands, the right called it a “second Versailles”, and the struggle took its toll on President Hindenburg.
July, 1931
Stresemann’s voice remained constant as he reiterated his demands to President Hindenburg. “Mr. President, we need that French loan.”
Hindenburg sat there for a moment, breathing listlessly. “Their demands,” he said after a moment. “Why should we obey them?”
Despite himself, Stresemann lost his temper. He was sick of coddling a man as fat and slow as a zeppelin who only listened to bitter junkers worried about their estates. “Because millions of Germans are out of work and on the streets, and listening to anyone who can promise them anything better. Because I took this office to help the people of Germany, not listen to the demands of arrogant generals. Because you have a duty to the German people to help them. And,” he continued, “If you don’t I will resign. I serve the Volk, not to the President.”
Hindenburg reeled as if from a blow. “It was easier to work with Müller. [2] He was polite, and he respected me.” Hindenburg shook his head. “But you’re just like the rest, always telling me what to do.”
Stresemann gulped, realizing he’d gone too far. “I only do so out of love for the Fatherland, the same as your son and comrades. But the fact remains that if we are to do anything, anything at all, then we need a semblance of stability.” He sighed. “We have Nazis shooting people in the streets, the Red Flag flying in Hamburg, and everywhere privation. If things get any worse,” he made a slicing gesture. “The only winners will be those who hate Germany.”
“That,” he continued,” is why we need to support disarmament. The Reich is strong, and will only get stronger. Yet before we can even think about avenging our defeats, we must put our own house in order.” Stresemann hesitated, and then plunged on. “Besides, the people do not want war.”
“Who does?” asked Hindenburg. “But we must be prepared.” He leaned back in his chair. “Why, I remember how we fought like devils at Tannenberg, the Marne, the Somme.” He smiled. “no enemy defeated us, you know. Not on the field of battle.”
“Oh, Christ,” Stresemann thought. “Here he goes again.” Aloud, he said, “That’s true, and your heroism was key to our victory. But even the soldiers of the war show no eagerness to fight another.” He gestured. “Look at the rallies attended by thousands in the cause of disarmament. Look at the way All Quiet on the Western Front flies off the book shelves even now.”
Hindenburg frowned. “I’ve heard of that book,” he said. “It’s full of lies.”
“Did you read it?”
“Why would I?” asked Hindenburg.
“Perhaps,” Stresemann said gently, “you might like a better understanding of what the war was like for the average soldier.”
Hindenburg scowled. “Are you saying I don’t understand?” he wheezed.
“If you don’t understand why people want peace, yes.” Stresemann frowned. He was being hostile today, but Hindenburg needed to hear something harsh. “I will make you a promise,” said Stresemann. “If you don’t understand the pacifists better after the book, I will oppose any talk of disarmament, or aid with France. I will listen to you, to your son, to junkers dedicated to abolishing the republic, to whomever you please.”
“Fine,” said Hindenburg. “I will read it.”
Stresemann was so pleased he didn’t even wrinkle his nose at the smell from Hindenburg’s bowel movement.
[/i]July, 1931[/i]
Hindenburg felt his bones creak as he stood up, wishing there was another way to get to Bavaria. But hunting would be an excellent break away from Berlin and politics. Smiling for a moment, he imagined shooting Thalmann instead of deer.
It was only when he got off the train that he noticed something was wrong. Instead of the silent crowds that usually came to pay their respects, there were men in brown standing around, and when they noticed him, they all cried out “Deutschland, erwache!”
Hindenburg scowled. Even here, it seemed, he would be harassed. “Go away,” he snarled. “Germany is governed by men and not thugs, and I have no time for you.”
August, 1931
The doors to Hindenburg’s study had been closed, and the women had left the room. As he lit a cigar, he turned towards Hugenberg, the leader of the DNVP. “You know, I’m worried about the Nazis.”
Hugenberg paused to take a puff on his cigar. “So am I.” He gestured around the room, encompassing books, a painting of Bismarck, and a window overlooking the estate’s grounds. “They have no understanding of such things.” He shrugged. “They are learning. Without me,” he continued, “they would actually be Socialists.” [3]
Hindenburg looked out the window, frowning. It seemed like night fell sooner than it had only a few years ago. “By refusing to collaborate with Stresemann, you’re making him rely on the Socialists.” He paused. “I’m not thrilled about it.”
Hugenberg hesitated for a moment. “To be honest, if we don’t harass Stresemann,” we’ll lose even more votes to the Nazis.” He chewed on the end of his cigar. “Cuban?” At Hindenburg’s nod, he continued. “Besides, what has Stresemann done? He’s too friendly with the French, if you ask me.”
Hindenburg’s voice took on a hard edge. “He’s too liberal for my taste,” he admitted, “but he is one of the finest men I have ever worked with, and his only goal is the salvation of Germany. Meanwhile, the men you consort with insult me in the newspaper, calling me senile and a Red puppet.”
Hugenberg spread his hands. “I wish I could help you. You know that I, personally, hold you in the greatest esteem.”
Hindenburg put down his cigar. “I wish I could say the same.”
September 1931
“Father, if you continue to allow these disarmament talks to go on then the junkers may withdraw their support.”
Hindenburg tried to explain it as best we could. “We need,” he said, “French gold. And peace.” [4] He could see the words that would convince his son in his mind, but for some reason he couldn’t say them.
“You would trust the French, after all they’ve done? You would abandon your friends and comrades?” When Hindenburg did not respond, his son said gently, “Perhaps it is best if I write letter for you, explaining your views.”
And all the hero of Tannenberg can do is bow his head in silence.
The following days lay hard on Hindenburg, as he is pulled three ways at once, and it is more than his fragile body can take, in the cold days of November.
Yet those who found his floor were comforted by his sedate state. He had fallen forward and lay on the floor as though sleeping. Those who found him saw that he could not have suffered long; his face had an expression of calm, as though almost glad the end had come.
[1] Stop building a pocket battleship, for instance.
[2] Muller, the Socialist Chancellor before Stresemann, was Hindenburg’s favorite Chancellor.
[3] Germany’s business leaders, and “conservative” right-wing nationalists believed they could tame the Nazis and use their mass support for their own ends.
Oops.
[4] There's rather more going on then Hindenburg is implying, but you'll see that soon.