Blood, Iron, and Paper: Stresemann and Foreign Relations in the Early 1930s
When Stresemann assumed the presidency, Germany had among the weakest militaries in Europe. With only 100,000 men and little in the way of heavy weaponry. The German military, known as the Reichswehr, had sought to change this, urging rearmament in the 1920s, and one of their demands of Stresemann was that he rearm in return for their support.
First, few, if any, Germans thought it was fair that Germany’s neighbors were free to arm as they pleased. Versailles had forced Germany to disarm, but had pledged that the Allied nations would follow soon thereafter. Although both Britain and France had cut spending on armaments, their militaries were still much larger than Germany’s. Even Poland had a larger military, a gross injustice in the eyes of many Germans. It should come as no surprise that as early as 1928, Stresemann had supported a limited rearmament, increasing the Reichswehr to sixteen divisions, instead of the ten Versailles limited Germany to.Yet Stresemann was also a strong believer in the League of Nations and world peace, as his career illustrates. The 1930s witnessed new opportunities for the man behind Thoiry and Locarno, as well as new challenges.
China
On the morning of September 19, 1931 units of the Imperial Japanese Army launched an attack on Chinese forces in Manchuria, rapidly overrunning the region. China’s leadership was incapable of forming an effective defense, and by March of 1932 effective resistance in the region had ended. In desperation, China appealed to the League of Nations for help. [1]
Yet there were many in Western Europe who sympathized with Japan. Many in France, for instance, held that Japan’s invasion was a response to China’s efforts to get the “unequal treaties” revised, and therefore well deserved.
It should come as no surprise, then that Stresemann was worried about the precedent Japan’s actions set, and warned the League Council in October that it had to ask “or risk irrelevance”. In the end, of course, the League of Nations dithered; President Hoover was unwilling to place sanctions on Japan, while neither France nor Britain would risk war over some Chinese provinces. Yet Stresemann’s kind words would be remembered in Nanjing, and helped set in motion the Sino-German collaboration that would later become so important.
It also earned Germany good will which Stresemann used in the Geneva Conference on Disarmament in 1932.
Disarmament
The Genera Conference opened with fifty-nine nations attending, hundreds of delegates, and millions of petitions from around the globe supporting their work. Yet there were those who hardly considered the timing auspicious, and only Stresemann’s continued insistence made the Conference happen at all [2]. Progress had been made, with most nations agreeing to a one year armament freeze in November of 1931, but it was unclear how long the freeze could last. And even as the conference met, war waged in the Far East.
In Germany itself, disarmament was a contentious issue. Millions of copies of All Quiet on the Western Front were sold even as nationalists tried to get the film version banned. Student groups supporting rearmament emerged across Germany even as over a million people attended rallies in favor of disarmament. And behind the scenes lurked the Reicswehr, pushing for German rearmament even as France, Britain, and America had cut their budget for years.
France, for its part, came to the Conference with the appearance of strength. It had the second largest army in Europe, after the Sovet Union, but much of its equipment was woefully out of date. Its once vaunted air force was in shambles, with few bombers. Its high command was already focused on the concept of a line of fortresses to guard the French border, and was wedded to antiquated tactics. France’s Foreign Office declared that Germany must remained disarmed, and that France itself would only disarm further if every state was guaranteed “mutual, effective, and prompt” assistance against aggression. [3]
Britain’s position was, of the three nations, the most clearcut. Britain supported Germany’s efforts at a moderate revision, and it was universally held that France held the key to disarmament. This was the scene when the Conference opened.
It should come as no surprise that the powers ignored five years of negotiations conducted by their League Delegates and came to the Conference with various proposals. France proposed a League of Nations Task force, prohibiting bombers, regulations protecting civilian populations, and compulsory arbitration. [4] Heavy artillery, submarines, and other weapons of warfare could only be used on behalf of the League of for national defense. France did not hope to have these demands met, but the idea was to postpone discussion of Germany’s terms until after French elections in May.
Britain, meanwhile, proposed qualitative disarmament, under which all “aggressive weapons” would be abolished. This received widespread support, but also led to the formation of a subcommittee who was to determine was an “aggressive” weapon. The subcommittee proceeded to enjoy numerous sessions at Geneva’s finest restaurants before breaking for Easter with no real progress.
Stresemann, for his part, could not attend the Conference given that the German presidential campaign was still ongoing, but Germany’s delegates were sent with his proposal. France was to disarm further, and recognize Germany’s right to expand its military force. However, France would continue to have a larger military, and Germany would support the formation of a League of Nations task force. Furthermore, various “aggressive” weapons, such as bombers, could only be used by the League of Nations Task Force, or in self-defense. [5]
The reaction in France was one of horror. Although Briand [6] supported it, the leader of the French government, Andre Tardieu, was horrified. Never in his worst nightmare did he imagine that Stresemann would accept. Now any refusal would make it appear that he opposed disarmament and give the appearance that Germany alone favored peace in Europe. On the other hand, this is the Third Republic; any agreement he makes will probably be overturned by the next government five months from now.
What to do?
(Seriously. I have no idea what should happen now.)
[1] Where’s Sun Yat-sen when you need him?
[2] Bruning pushed the issue OTL, so why not Stresemann?
[3] Why doesn’t this apply to East Asia, where Japan is busy bombing Shanghai?
Lots of reporters get a kick out of the French response when Stresemann asks about this at the Conference.
[4] See 3.
[5] Bruning proposed a similar platform OTL, but in April rather than February when the conference opened. Stresemann is hoping to get French acquiescence and British support for German rearmament, and wants a victory for his presidential campaign.
[6] Who, IMO, gets at least a few more months if international relations are less stressful.
