¡Por la Patria, Viva México Fuerte! A Mexican TL

[Arkhangelsk]

Firstly, I'm aware that there are a couple other Mexico timelines floating around, but I want to (or at least try to) stray away from the usual fate Mexico gets stuck with. My goal is to create a large, stable, republican Mexico, with the PoD immediately after the War for Independence begins. This is my very first timeline, so constructive criticism is welcomed and encouraged. I hope you guys enjoy the timeline!

Arkhangelsk’s first Timeline​

¡Por la Patria, Viva México Fuerte!​

-“My fellow citizens of the Republic, on this most hallowed of occasions, I ask of you all to remember and honor the sacrifices the founders of our great nation made to make us proud to be Mexicans. On this, the Bicentennial of our independence let us all continue to build a just and free society, a society our founders envisioned and a society that strives to promote life, liberty and the common good of all.”
-President Patricia Jimenez Elba
(Excerpt translated from the Noticias Azteca, 16 September 2010)

Part I
Fight for Independence

Towards the end of the first decade of the 19th century, a group of like-minded individuals, prominent among them Captain’s Ignacio Allende and Juan Aldama, Miguel Dominguez-the Corregidor of Querétaro-and his wife Josefa Ortiz de Dominguez, and Miguel Hidalgo formed the core of a conspiracy to bring an end to colonial control of New Spain. Inspired by Enlightenment philosophy, the group of conspirators would meet at the home of the Dominguez’s and discuss, among other things, the possibility of independence, citing that both Madrid and the Vice regal government had failed to properly respect the rights of its subjects.

As Spanish control over the empire deteriorated, culminating with Napoleon’s overthrow of King Fernando VII in 1808, the time for the conspirators to act seemed eminent. Over the course of the year 1810, the conspirators in Querétaro began assembling armaments, clandestinely recruiting supporters, and even drafting a new government. The date was set for 8 December as the beginning of the uprising, but it was not to be. As word leaked of an eminent revolt, largely due to members of the Querétaro conspiracy betraying the cause, the rebels were forced to move the start of the uprising to October. Events took an unexpected turn that September when the authorities of Querétaro arrested Miguel Dominguez and several other conspirators. Forewarned of the authorities, Allende rode via horse to Hidalgo’s parish at Dolores in neighboring Guanajuato.

Upon arriving at Dolores on the evening of 15 September, Allende warned Father Hidalgo about the course of events in Querétaro. At this point Hidalgo decided the time had come to act. Aided by workers and followers, Hidalgo apprehended the Spanish Priest, Father Bustamante, and raised the famous rebel battle cry-the Grito de Dolores-the war for independence has begun. The following morning, 16 of September, Hidalgo, Allende and Aldama, along with four thousand rebels (mostly Indians), took Allende’s hometown of San Miguel where Allende’s regiment soon joined the rebel cause. After a dispute between Hidalgo and Allende on who should take military command of the rebel army, Hidalgo conceded to the two men to go along the Conspiracy’s original trajectory and have Allende and Aldama hold joint command, with Hidalgo as second in command. [1]

On 18 September the rebels moved on the village of Celaya, which was quickly taken and rebel forces grew tenfold. Allende, although wary about the capacity for restraint of the new recruits, who were mostly Indians with little or no military background, decided to move on Guanajuato, the capital of the intendancy. Allende and Hidalgo both promised the intendant of Guanajuato, Juan Antonio Riaño, that the citizenry would be treated humanely if he were to surrender immediately. Riaño instead vowed to never surrender, amassing the citizenry into the city granary (Alhóndiga de Granaditas) and utilize the buildings structure as a makeshift fortress until reinforcements from México City arrived. However, the strategic location of hills immediately surrounding the granary quickly turned the battle to the insurgent’s advantage. Coupled with the death of Riaño early in the battle, the insurgents soon overran Guanajuato, but not before massacring great numbers of Spaniards, even those who had surrendered. Allende’s and Hidalgo’s attempts to stop the bloodshed went unanswered, and by the end of the day 600 Spaniards and 2,000 Indians lay dead. Allende, angered at what the insurgents had done, began to rein Hidalgo in, aware that in many ways the Priest’s inflammatory rhetoric towards the Spaniards had made the Indian’s lose control. Hidalgo was made to understand that, although his inspirational language would continue to invite more people to the cause, more divisive words would be met with the Captain’s fury.

Through October 1810, the insurgents made headway in the west, capturing Guadalajara and Valladolid. Allende, who now was seen as supreme commander, began instilling proper military training and tactics to the insurgents, in preparation for an engagement with Royal forces, which had hastily asserted control over Querétaro and San Luis Potosí. In Valladolid, the insurgents were also empowered by more forces who were led by another powerful priest, Father José María Morelos. Through private funds, Allende and his army, 80,000 strong, planned to strike the Royalists at their source-México City. En route to the capital, Allende and his army met with a vice regal force under the command of General Torcuato Trujillo, near Toluca, which itself was only 60 kl from México City. Trujillo’s death early in the battle insured the insurgent’s victory. [2]

With México city literally in sight, Allende sent emissaries to Viceroy Venegas to surrender the city, but Venegas rebuffed them on threats they be shot as traitors. On 3 November insurgent forces began engaging Royalist forces under the command of Augustín de Iturbide, along the western edge of the city. In the meantime, Viceroy Venegas and other senior officials, fearing the worst, took flight to Veracruz. In street battles said to be some of the bloodiest in the war, the insurgents slowly took the capital. Iturbide, with the few troops available to him in México City, fought a battle of attrition against Allende, hoping to make seizure if the city a pyrrhic victory. It was not to be, on 6 November, Iturbide and several hundred of his remaining men retreated east to Veracruz. With fighting dying down over the course of the day, the leaders of the revolt took their victory to their advantage. The following day, Allende, Aldama, Hidalgo and Morelos issued the Declaración de Independencia y Libertad de América Septentrional (Declaration of Independence and Liberty of Northern America), whereby establishing an independent nation-los Estados Unidos Mexicanos-or the United Mexican States, a nation completely independent from Spain. The Declaration also promised several things, paramount among them the abolition of slavery and the tribute tax. At this point Allende was officially made “Captitán-general de las Americas.” Allende, through December would continue training his army. Aiding in this venture would be fresh rebel forces, a mix of Indian peasants and Creole/Mestizo soldiers, flooding in from the north. Growing to just below 100,000 men, a good portion newly freed slaves, Allende dubbed this “Las Fuerzas Armadas de la nación Mexicana.”

Upon hearing of México City’s fall, an infuriated Viceroy Venegas ordered his remaining forces farther north, under the command of General Félix María Calleja to fall back from San Luis Potosí to Veracruz, in order to better calibrate their next course of action. Venegas decided on a renewed assault on the insurgents beginning in January 1811, in order to drive them out of México City.

At the beginning of January, Allende lead the insurgent army east, capturing Tlaxcala and Puebla, although the latter proved to be a bit troublesome, as a sizable contingent of Royalist forces had been placed there on the orders of Viceroy Venegas prior to México City’s capture. With the vast majority of the Valley of México under the insurgent flag, Allende’s next move was to march on Veracruz. Not only would capture of the strategic port greatly bolster the insurgent cause, but Allende hoped to apprehend Viceroy Venegas, whom proved to be unwilling to any compromise whatsoever. On 8 January the Royalists and Insurgents engaged near the village of Santa Rosa Necoxtla, on the mountain slopes overlooking Veracruz, fighting to a stalemate. The Insurgents, though having the field advantage of overlooking the enemy, General Calleja proved to be a formidable opponent. After further engagements proved ineffective for either side, Allende and Calleja returned to Tlaxcala and Veracruz respectively. The rest of January would be characterized by sporadic fighting along the eastern rim of the Valley of México.

Both sides took this general reprieve to their advantage. Calleja and Venegas began to move Loyalist forces from Central America and Cuba to compensate for their low numbers. Although Venegas had petitioned the mother country for more troops and supplies just prior to the Insurgent seizure of México City, any help from Spain itself would be slow in coming. Spain itself was locked in a struggle for its own independence against Napoleonic France, and coupled with the Insurgencies simultaneously breaking out in New Granada, Perú and Río de la Plata, any help from Europe would be negligible for the time being. Allende also began to take advantage of the lull in fighting, this time further consolidating control of land already under Insurgent control. This included the Intendancies of Guadalajara and Valladolid, portions of Arizpe, Durango, Coahuila, México, Puebla and Guanajuato, as well as the Provinces of Nueva Santander, Nuevo León and Tejas. At this time, Allende also sent Pascasio Ortiz de Letona as liaison to the United States. Upon Ortiz de Letona’s arrival in Washington D.C. in mid-March 1811, Letona would continually lobby President James Madison and Secretary of State Robert Smith to support the “struggle for freedom of all America.” Although Madison was receptive towards the plight of the independence movements in Spanish America, his pressing international issues at the time were with the British, who were continually “impressing” American sailors caught at sea. These events, coupled with Madison replacing Smith with James Monroe as Secretary of State that following April, would make Letona’s progress for recognition slow in coming.

[1]Point of Divergence: In OTL Hidalgo ended up being Supreme Commander.

[2]In OTL Trujillo survives long enough to call a temporary ceasefire.

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This is all I have so far, I'm kinda busy with school so the next update won't be for a while I'm afraid.

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Here's the next update, this one has more meat in it

1811: The Revolution Spreads
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February proved to be the Insurgents first setback, as Calleja, with some support from Guatemalan troops launched a renewed offensive into the Valley of México from recently captured Puebla. Insurgent forces under the command of Ignacio López Rayón engaged Calleja immediately to the south of México City, but were unable to deter the Royalist advanced, forcing the Insurgent government to flee to Valladolid. Regardless of this victory, reoccupation would prove to be troublesome for the Royalists, as guerrilla bands would harass Viceroy Venegas upon his arrival to México City. Soon after Venegas ordered Calleja to pursue Allende’s Army into neighboring Valladolid, hoping that another blow would make the Insurgent cause crumble. Calleja, disagreeing with Venegas at first, feeling that the Royalists should better plan their next course of action, pursued Allende nonetheless. At the famous Battle of Taximaroa, the Insurgents managed to decisively halt Calleja’s advance, forcing a beaten Royalist army to retreat back to México City. Upon Calleja’s arrival to México City, Venegas confronted Calleja, blaming him for the Royalists ineffectiveness against the Insurgents. The resulting rift between the two men would have major ramifications several months later.

Allende, Aldama, Hidalgo, Morelos and Rayón, in the meantime, would relocate the capital to Guadalajara. For the next several weeks, the Insurgents began planning new strategies in combating the Royalists. Part of the strategy included a three-pronged attack: Morelos and twenty thousand men would move out from Valladolid (Morelos’s hometown), to garner support in Southern New Spain and to link up with rebel elements in the Yucatan Peninsula. Rayón would lead his own contingent of troops north, to link up with rebels in Tejas and hopefully make connections with Americans sympathetic to the Insurgent cause. The remainder, under Allende’s command, would push east, to retake México City and continue to Veracruz. By May 1811 the plan was in full motion, With Morelos’s Army capturing the port of Acapulco on 25 June 1811 and poised to attack Oaxaca. Morelos would continue to upset the Royalists and by October his Army was in control of Chiapas, in the Audiencia of Guatemala. Morelos’s arrival coincided with the beginning of a revolt breaking out in the city of San Salvador. Due to Royalists occupied in Guatemala City to defend the capital from Morelos and his men, coupled with the Royalists already taken out of Central America earlier in the year to face Allende, the revolt in San Salvador grew to encompass all the land between the Gulf of Fonseca and the Río Paz [1]. The Central American revolt all but assured Guatemala City’s fate, falling to Insurgent forces on 8 December.

Meanwhile Rayón and his men, after fighting Royalist forces in and around Zacatecas and Durango, would link up with Insurgents in Nuevo Léon. From his temporary headquarters at Monterrey, Rayón would unite all the Insurgent bands operating on the Gulf Coast and begin his conquest of Tejas, where a separate revolt similar to the one in Guatemala was unfolding. In June of 1811 a band of men under Rayón’s command raided Monclova, where they would free all the prisoners jailed there. Many of those jailed included Tejan Revolutionaries who had been condemned to death, such as Juan Bautista de las Casas. As a result of the new reinforcements, Rayón would push deep into Tejas and by late 1811 his army was situated on the Nueces River just outside La Bahía [2]. There the remaining Royalist forces had banded together to stop the Insurgent advance on San Antonio, the provincial capital. Though both sides suffered heavy losses at La Bahía, Rayón manages to take the village and move north. This alarming turn of events is more than enough for Governor Manuel María de Salcedo to evacuate San Antonio de Bexar. However, on his flight to Nacogdoches where an interim capital would be set up Salcedo was intercepted by Insurgents under the command of De las Casas, the very same man Salcedo had imprisoned and condemned to death several months before. The Insurgents would proceed to shoot Salcedo just outside San Marcos on 15 December 1811. With Salcedo dead the organization of the Royalist movement in Tejas significantly crumbled, with any significant Royalist forces moving to the Tejan coast and Nuevo Santander. Rayón and De las Casas, now in control of San Antonio de Bexar, proceeded to consolidate their position within the province, as well as establish informal connections with the United States. By the dawn of 1812, both Americans and Insurgents freely traveled between the U.S.-Tejan border, with the city of New Orleans becoming a major hub for Insurgent activity outside the boundaries of New Spain.

Meanwhile, Allende, Aldama and Hidalgo marched from Guadalajara on 30 May 1811, managing to retake the town of San Francisco de Tepatitlán with relative ease on 3 June 1811, in no small part thanks to the efforts of a local resistance cell lead by Juan Gutiérrez Castellanos, a local Insurgent Partisan who began harassing the Royalists as soon as they had retaken the area, earlier in the year [3]. The first major engagement between Allende and Calleja since the previous spring would be near the birthplace of the Independence movement itself, just outside Guanajuato in late June. With the help of larger popular revolts similar to the one in Eastern Jalisco, Allende managed to deal a decisive blow to Calleja, forcing him to move north to San Felipe. With the Insurgent army in pursuit throughout July and early August, Calleja set up defense around the city of San Luis Potosí. Engagement would ensue once more in mid-August, where the Insurgents and Royalists fought to a stalemate, with Calleja retaining San Luis Potosí. Already a Royalist stronghold, Allende knew he would have to fight hard for every inch of ground in this area of New Spain. As frontal assaults were proving null, Allende decided to use the geography to his advantage once more. On the evening of 31 August 1811 a contingent of several thousand Insurgents under the command of Juan Aldama made their way around the mountains to the city’s southwest in order to attack Calleja’s southern and western flanks simultaneously. All the while Allende would renew his push into the city. In the early morning hours of 1 September 1811 Allende attacked Calleja’s eastern flanks, anticipating that Calleja would act on information given to him by spies on the movements of the Insurgents and focus on his western flank, which was exactly the case. Calleja attempted to supplement his eastern flank with some of the troops available to him, but fearing he would not have enough to face the impending attack from the west he did not spread his forces very far. When Aldama and his force did begin their attack around noon Calleja’s western flank proved more resilient than previously anticipated, as the Insurgents were proving incapable of breaking any of Calleja’s lines. The dynamic changed completely however around 2pm when Insurgent artillery struck an ammunition wagon, causing a massive explosion that killed scores of Royalists and injured Calleja [4]. This momentary lapse in Royalist organization was all that was needed to break the western flank and allow the Insurgents to capture most of the city. By late afternoon Calleja was in Insurgent custody and Royalists not captured by Allende spread into the wilderness of the Sierra Madre Oriental. Most of September was characterized by the Insurgent capture of Rioverde and Los Valles. On 1 October, one month after the Battle of San Luis Potosí, Allende would capture Tampico on the Gulf of México, giving the Insurgents an Atlantic port. The remainder of 1811 would be characterized by the creation of the Mexican Navy in Tampico, utilizing captured Spanish warships. Subsequently harassment operations would be performed on Veracruz and other ports along the Gulf Coast, as well as increased interaction with Americans in New Orleans.
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1812: The Continental War and the Cádiz Constitution
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It had now been over a year since the beginning of the war for independence against Spain, and it seemed that every day the nature of the struggle changed. In November 1810, when the leaders of the Revolution met in México City consensus was, for the most part, achieved that the struggle was being fought in the name of Fernando VII, the deposed King of Spain. By 1812 many of the leaders were beginning to have reservations regarding the deposed monarchy, but made no public statements so as to aid in recruiting more people to the cause, as many common folk still had not warmed up to the idea of gaining complete independence from Spain. The public consensus on independence would make a swift veer in the opposite direction by the end of the year as the situation for the Royalists continues to worsen.

In the north, Rayón managed to make a very important ally in the form of Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara. A native of Nuevo Santander, Gutiérrez was a fervent supporter of the Revolution, initially aiding Rayón in his campaign through Tejas a year earlier. Acting on orders from Rayón, Gutiérrez would embark on a visit to the United States early in 1812. Joining Ortiz de Letona, both men would gain an audience in the House of Representatives on 22 March 1812, where they pleaded legislators on aid for Mexican Independence, citing how foreign aid was instrumental in the United States very own independence. A great number of Congressman were moved my the speech, and gain a great deal of interest in the conflict, if nothing else for the incentives it provided the United States in real estate. In particular Spanish Florida had been coveted by many Americans for several years now, and snatching them from a weakened Spain seemed like the perfect chance. Regardless, President Madison was weary of inciting war with Spain, seeing as war with a greater power such as Britain loomed over the horizon.

Interestingly enough, the next earth-shattering event to rock New Spain occurred across the Atlantic, in Spain itself. Ever since Napoleon’s invasion of Spain four years prior, the fledgling Spanish Government was forced to seek refuge at the coastal city of Cadíz. The resulting Cadíz Cortes, which included several members from Spanish America and the Philippines, would promulgate the famous Cadíz Constitution of 1812, the first in Spanish history and one that utilized many liberal enlightenment ideas. Upon its publication in New Spain several months later, it would change the face of the War for Independence completely.

As information on the new Constitution slowly made its journey across the ocean, a new conflict was about to come to life. Tensions between the United States and Great Britain, had finally reached fever pitch by the summer of 1812, with President Madison asking Congress for a Declaration of War on Great Britain on 1 June. On the 18 June the war was on with the American invasion of Southern Ontario, thus delaying the chance for any desirable American aid to Mexico.
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Map of the World as of late 1812

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[1] OTL El Salvador
[2] Present day Goliad, Texas
[3] A fictional ancestor of mine, my family is from San Francisco de Tepatitlan, or known today as Tepatitlán de Morelos, Jalisco...hehe
[4] hehe...read about OTL's Battle of Calderón Bridge.
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...ok, it's really late here, and I'm very tired, so I'll continue the update tomorrow.
​

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Revamped 1812

I'm going ahead with implementing GreatScottMarty's ideas into the timeline, so in order to do that I redid the beginning of 1812. Also note that the update for all of 1812 will be longer, as I will be flushing out the details of America fighting both in the Caribbean and New Spain. I'm currently working on the war itself now, so for now enjoy this little update

1812: The Rebellion Escalates! Enter the United States(Part 1)​

It had now been over a year since the beginning of the war for independence against Spain, and it seemed that every day the nature of the struggle changed. In November 1810, when the leaders of the Revolution met in México City consensus was, for the most part, achieved that the struggle was being fought in the name of Fernando VII, the deposed King of Spain. By 1812 many of the leaders were beginning to have reservations regarding the deposed monarchy, but made no public statements so as to aid in recruiting more people to the cause, as many common folk still had not warmed up to the idea of gaining complete independence from Spain. The public consensus on independence will make a swift veer in the opposite direction by the end of the year as the situation for the Royalists continues to worsen.

In the north, Rayón managed to make a very important ally in the form of Bernardo Gutiérrez de Lara. A native of Nuevo Santander, Gutiérrez was a fervent supporter of the Revolution, initially aiding Rayón in his campaign through Tejas a year earlier. Acting on orders from Rayón, Gutiérrez would embark on a visit to the United States early in 1812. Joining Ortiz de Letona, both men would gain an audience in the House of Representatives on 22 March 1812, where they pleaded legislators on aid for Mexican Independence, citing how foreign aid was instrumental in the United States very own independence. A great number of Congressman were moved my the speech, and gain a great deal of interest in the conflict, if nothing else for the incentives it provided the United States in real estate. In particular Spanish Florida had been coveted by many Americans for several years now, and snatching them from a weakened Spain seemed like the perfect chance. The speeches by the Mexican Delegation also forced many congressmen to reconsider their stance on future expansionist policies to the south and west. Although there was still some residual animosity felt for Canada by the United States, many congressman from New England opposed outright war with Britain, seeing any gains made in invading Canada and dueling Great Britain on the seas as too few, insignificant and costly in the long run. “The Mexican Lobby,” as it came to be known, would continue to persuade congressmen to their cause, mostly northerners but a few southerners would make up the Lobby’s ranks. Throughout the spring of 1812 the Lobby would not only try to get Madison to pay attention, but also gain the support of Speaker of the House Henry Clay, who was a strong advocate for war against Britain. On the evening of 7 April, about two weeks after they were granted an audience in the House of Representatives, Letona and Lara met with Speaker Clay in order to discuss a possible compromise: México would be willing to renounce any claims to Florida and Cuba, as well as conceding portions of Tejas and the northern territories to the United States in exchange for money and supplies (and possible military support!) for the Insurgent army in the fight against Spain (Allende and the rest of the Insurgents would not know of this deal for several months, but would more or less accept valuable support). Although up to this point Clay supported war against Great Britain, being the de facto leader of the “War Hawks” in Congress to fight against Britain, the prospect of fighting Spain, who could not seem to control its own territory on the Iberian Peninsula let alone its American colonies, and stand a reasonably good chance at not having to worry about Spanish retaliation (the same could not be said about a fight with the British) seemed enticing. The next day Clay would inform President Madison about the compromise, adding that even if Canada is taken, the fact of the matter was that the Royal Navy should not be one to be trifled with. There was still the question of British impressment of American sailors, but it was also known that France was guilty of doing the same to American sailors, as well as the fact that Britain had not yet yielded to Napoléon. Both Clay and Madison also acknowledged that keeping in good relations with Britain meant greater access to trade, which would appease both Northerners and Southerners. Finally, before addressing the issue with Congress, Madison met with Britain’s Envoy to the U.S. Sir Augustus Foster, affirming peace between the United States and Britain and the possibility of war against Spain. Foster, although surprised by this revelation, welcomed Madison’s news and did not immediately object to American aims against Spain, but was not sure what Prime Minister Perceval would make of it. Afterwards, on 2 May 1812, President Madison stood before a joint session of Congress to ask for a declaration of war against Spain, citing Spain as a deterrent to liberty and democracy in the Western Hemisphere. After much deliberation in both the House and Senate, Congress formally declared war against Spain on 18 May 1812 with the House of Representatives voting 93-35 and the Senate voting 23-9.

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Questions, comments, suggestions?

I'm currently also dealing with school and other life matters, so updates will be slow, but this is my baby and I intend to keep it alive!

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Interlude...

I'm currently working on the next update, so for the mean time...here's a map!

Just a quick thing I managed with my Photoshop and Paint powers combined. I thought it would make visualizing some of the locations better with this...so enjoy!

[Addendum] I finally made a proper map, this one also shows the whole of New Spain (minus the Philippines) complete with important cities as well as an overlay of prominent indigenous nation at that time.

Viceroyalty of New Spain in 1810

1. Intendancy of México
2. Intendancy of Guanajuato
3. Intendancy of Valladolid
4. Intendancy of Guadalajara
5. Intendancy of Zacatecas
6. Intendancy of San Luis Potosí
7. Intendancy of Veracruz
8. Government of Tlaxcala
9. Intendancy of Puebla
10. Intendancy of Oaxaca
11. Intendancy of Mérida
12. Intendancy of Nuevo Santander
13. Intendancy of Nuevo León
14. Province of Tejas
15. Province of Coahuila
16. Intendancy of Durango
17. Intendancy of Sonora
18. Government of Nuevo México
19. Province of Alta California
20. Province of Baja California
21. Intendancy of Chiapas
22. Intendancy of Guatemala
23. Intendancy of San Salvador
24. Intendancy of Comayagua
25. Intendancy of León
26. Province of Costa Rica
27. Province of Florida
28. Intendancy of Habana
29. Intendancy of Puerto Príncipe (incl. Santo Domingo)
30. Intendancy of Santiago de Cuba
31. Intendancy of Puerto Rico

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Here's the next update! I've been slow due to midterms, and since it's the end of the year I'll be busy for several more weeks (unfortunately I end term about 4 weeks later than everyone else, on June 11). All this means is the next update will most likely come after June 11, although I may get lucky and be able to shoot one out before then...but I doubt it...

Anyway, without further ado...

1812: The Rebellion Escalates! Enter the United States(Part 2)
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The Spanish-American War of 1812 as it became to be known was initiated by Lieutenant Colonel Winfield Scott and General William Henry Harrison, with Scott leading several thousand men out of New Orleans into West Florida, easily taking Pensacola on 15 June 1812, before moving east along the Gulf of Mexico. Harrison, leading a sizable contingent of soldiers as well would exit through Georgia, taking the town of Cowford[1] before engaging a minor force of Spanish soldiers (minutely supplemented by Native Americans) just north of the capital San Agustín. The Spanish were easily defeated, forcing Governor Juan José de Estrada to flee and leave the capital to its fate. By the end of June, just as news of the American declaration of war was reaching Europe, Both Scott and Harrison had cut across Florida largely undeterred, with Scott’s Army standing on the Withlacoochee River while Harrison’s Army stood along the St. John River near Lake George. Back in Washington D.C. President Madison received a surprise visit from British Envoy Foster, informing the President that Parliament had recently put an end to the impressment of American sailors [2], much to Madison’s delight. As the campaign in Florida was proving a huge success, Captain Isaac Hull of the USS Constitution lead a squadron of five frigates into Havana Harbor on the evening of 29 June 1812 and commenced bombing the Fortaleza de San Carlos de la Cabaña, the largest fortress in the Americas. Built after Britain’s capture of Havana in the Seven Years’ War, the fortress was built to ensure Spain would never lose Cuba again. Over the next several days the Americans would bombard La Cabaña relentlessly, but the Spanish would not submit. Even after reinforcements from Washington arrived, as well as two frigates, fresh from Tampico, from the nascent Mexican Navy, the NRM República and the NRM Anáhuac, the Spanish fortress would not surrender. In order to supplement the smaller fortress Castillo Del Morro, La Cabaña was built at the front of the canal connecting Havana Bay with the Caribbean Sea and as such any attempt by an enemy ship to enter the bay was nothing short of suicide. On 8 July American Marines landed east of Cojimar, northeast of Havana itself, and began to set up batteries to begin bombardment of La Cabaña from behind, in a similar move to the British half a century earlier. The siege of La Cabaña lasted well over a month, before the walls burst open to Americans on 12 August. The Spanish fought tooth and nail in order to keep the fortress, but to no avail. On 13 August the Spanish Commandant of the Fortress abandoned La Cabaña and renewed his defense at El Morro. The situation for the Spanish continued to deteriorate further, as El Morro was within direct line of sight from the frigates out at sea. With bombardment coming from both land and sea, the Spanish considered relocating once more to Havana proper, but doing so would inevitably open the city to shelling from the batteries located across the canal. This would be a repeat of the British bombardment of Havana in the Seven Years’ War, so in the end the Spanish stood down, surrendering Havana to the Americans on 15 August 1812. In the ensuing confusion of the American occupation, Governor Juan Ruiz de Apodaca and several generals fled the capital, heading eastwards. By mid-September the Americans controlled most of coastal Cuba west of Havana, as well as a corridor running from Cuba to the Gulf of Batabano, cutting the island in half. By this point both Scott and Harrison had met up near Marco Island in southwestern Florida, effectively controlling the entire peninsula save for a pocket of resistance in and around Charlotte Harbor.

Battle of Havana, 1812

Gulf of México and Caribbean Sea, September 1812

1812: Morelos and the Yucatán Campaign
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At the start of 1812, Morelos and his army were beginning to move back north from Guatemala, deciding to launch an invasion of the Yucatán Peninsula. By mid-January Morelos was advancing north and west, easily taking Huehuetenango on 25 January and by the first week of February were engaging Royalists to the southeast of Comitán, in Chiapas. The battle was a large one, one that Morelos had not fought since December, but in the end the Insurgents emerged victorious. This was, in no small part, thanks to the newest recruits to Morelos’s Army: Native Americans, in particular Mayans from the Guatemalan highlands. By March Morelos had taken the capital at Chiapa [3] and the village of Villahermosa, in southern Veracruz [4]. Towards the third week of March Morelos was poised to reach the coast as he neared Ciudad del Carmen. The Spanish had kept a garrison in the city, but it had been stripped of some forces in order to protect Royalist strongholds farther north. After a six day siege the Royalists under José Joaquín de Arredondo gave in and Ciudad del Carmen fell to Morelos on Easter Sunday, 29 March 1812. Morelos and his army proceeded to march along the Gulf Coast, before being stopped by Arredondo’s Royalist army south of Campeche on 15 April. The Fort protecting Campeche’s southern flank, El Fuerte de San Miguel, had been heavily garrisoned several days prior in preparation to Morelos’s arrival. Morelos would begin to bombard the Fort in a siege that would last nearly three months. The siege would be remembered for its sanguinary nature, as large amounts of men on both sides would lose their lives. As April turned to May, and May turned to June, Morelos was becoming hard pressed to find a victory, as the Royalists were giving Morelos his toughest battle yet. On the morning of 21 June, however, everyone in and around Campeche, both Insurgents and Royalists, woke to the surprise of booming cannons from off the coast. A contingent of frigates lead by the USS Essex, sailing from Cuba, began to attack Spanish positions in and around the city. Later on in the day Morelos would be informed that the United States has declared war on Spain, and has pledged to offer military and economic support to the fledgling Mexican Republic. The American support from the sea, as well as the much needed morale boost from the arrival of the Americans was all that was needed to begin to make headway into the city. The Royalists attempted a last ditch effort to fight from the Fort San José, but by that time most of Campeche had fallen, and by 2 July Arredondo and his remaining Royalists had fled north towards Mérida, allowing Campeche to fall to the Insurgents, and giving them another port on the Gulf coast. Campeche would serve as a temporary headquarters for Morelos, as the battle for the city did serious damage to his army and thus would make time for a much needed reprieve. During this reprieve Morelos would add more troops to his ranks, namely Mayans from the countryside, Royalist defectors, and by personal decree from Morelos freed slaves. Morelos would also receive desperately needed guns, food and clothing from American Suppliers out of New Orleans. Feeling rejuvenated Morelos and his men would renew their offensive in August aiming to take the Intendancy’s capital at Mérida. On 14 August Morelos and an army of 14,000 men would disembark from Campeche, intent to remove the last vestige of Spanish control on the Yucatán Peninsula at Mérida. After marching for several days the Insurgents reach the outer walls of Mérida, and begin to engage Arredondo’s force of about 2,500 men. Although Arredondo commands a better equipped and better trained military, the sheer numbers he faces ultimately overwhelm his forces and he ultimately leaves Mérida to fall, and in the early morning hours of 21 August escapes into the darkness of the peninsula’s interior with several of his most trusted officers, among them a young cadet by the name of Santa Anna. Morelos then proceeds to arrest the Intendant of Mérida, Manuel Artazo y Torredemor and over 1,500 Royalist soldiers, before placing an Insurgent government in charge of the Intendancy and proceeding to move back down the Gulf Coast.

New Spain as of late 1812
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[1] OTL Jacksonville, Florida
[2] Parliament did indeed put an end to Impressment in April of 1812.
[3] OTL modern-day Tuxtla Gutierrez, Chiapas.
[4] Formerly Veracruz, today a part of the State of Tabasco.

Comments? Questions? Critisism?
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[Arkhangelsk]

um...I'm so...so sorry for the extreme delay...I've had the misfortune of a jury duty summons immediately after school went out and a horrible case of the old writers block after that...so can ya forgive me guys

Anyway, here's a little update, I'll get to work on the next one!

El Plan de Zapopan and Calleja's escape!
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Of all the fronts in the Revolutionary war, Allende is believed to have faced the most challenging. After he led his army in a lightning campaign through central New Spain for most of 1811, Viceroy Venegas ordered several thousand troops to form a defensive line that ran from Pachuca to the Gulf of México, north of Veracruz. The negative impact for the Royalists was that it left most of their other fronts as mere skeleton lines with little chance to face the larger Insurgent armies. According to Venegas, “extreme measures must be set forth in order choke the rebellion off at the source.” Future testimony also reveals Venegas would constantly rant on about how his “incompetent generals” could not subdue a pack for traitorous soldiers and “that damned priest!” The latter an obvious reference at one of the friendlier epithets the Viceroy used for Hidalgo.
For Allende the first half of 1812 was a lackluster shell of his performance the preceding year. Pushing south from Tampico in March Allende would be halted near the ruins at El Tajín, engaging a Royalist force lead by his old enemy Agustín de Iturbide. After several bouts that were inconclusive, Allende would retreat north to re-examine his battle strategy. Following a suggestion from one of Morelos’s subordinates [1], Allende would begin a four-month campaign of guerrilla warfare that would wreak havoc on Royalists troops throughout northern Veracruz. As Allende was preparing to execute his new strategy, he received news from up north of the United States entry into the war on the Insurgent’s side, as well as the possibility of American aid arriving in Tampico, giving Allende’s army a well needed morale boost. In late July the plan went into motion as two contingents lead by Juan Aldama and José Mariano Jiménez would cross into the mountainous regions of Nuevo Santander, San Luis Potosí and Veracruz under Royalist control, area prime for guerrilla warfare.
Allende would join the guerrilla war at a later date, as he was aiding in the creation of an actual government to represent the Insurgent cause. Ever since the proclamation of autonomy for New Spain was declared in November 1810, the Insurgents had been trying to set up governance for the areas they controlled, as well as a base for the eventual liberation of the colony. The process was initiated then and there in Mexico City at the start of the Rebellion, but Calleja’s re-conquest of the Valley of México during the winter of 1811 put any governmental plans on hold. A fledgling congress had been created in Guadalajara later in 1811, but no supreme legal document held it together. Allende was no political guru, but he was fully aware that for the foreseeable future any government he would be fighting for would need to greatly support the military. In August Allende would arrive in Guadalajara in order to give is remarks on what is needed of any future government. Later known as the Plan de Zapopan, named after the Guadalajara suburb it was drafted in, this document outlined several important points, among them: ​

• A congress would be set up to represent the 17 intendancies and provinces that make up New Spain.
• This congress would be tasked to appoint a president to preside over the congress.
• The president of the congress (serving in the name of Fernando VII) would be in charge of appointing ministers within the government, as well as ministers to represent the nation in foreign lands.
• The congress would be in charge of creating a treasury and coining money.
• This document will serve as a temporary constitution until a formal constitutional convention can be called for.

President Andrés Quintana Roo
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The delegates present at the congress voted to appoint Andrés Quintana Roo, a lawyer from Mérida, as President of the Congress. Upon taking office, Quintana Roo’s first action as President was to appoint Ignacio Allende as Generalissimo of the entire Insurgent Army, as well as pledging the Insurgent government’s full support for the military. Allende, now feeling it necessary to return to the field, left Guadalajara in early September to return to Tampico before leading his army south. Upon his arrival to Tampico, however, Allende would be told grim news. Mere days prior to his arrival Félix Maria Calleja, the feared Royalist general captured after the Battle of San Luis Potosí, had been broken out of his jail cell in Tampico, his location unknown to any of the Insurgents. Shocked and enraged, Allende ordered a manhunt for his former military commander, but to no avail. After several days, Allende called off the search, claiming that by this point in time Insurgent resources would be better utilized in fighting the bulk of the Royalists and hopefully get Calleja among the crowd as opposed to focusing on one single man. Therefore, on September 20, 1812, Allende would lead his army down the mountains of Nuevo Santander and into northern Veracruz to face off against Iturbide’s Royalist force. Meanwhile, deep in the mountains of central New Spain, a certain vengeful Royalist general, entourage in tow, was making his way south towards México City to pay a visit to a good friend in the Viceroy's mansion. [2]


[1] A reference to Vicente Guererro
[2] Do I smell a coup d'état...​

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Questions? Comments? Suggestions?
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[Arkhangelsk]

Sorry (again) for being so slow, aside from being a grade A lazyass, I've been vacationing in Indiana for the past two weeks, which has, incidentally enough, broken my writers block...so um...horray!!!

Anyway, here's a new update, enjoy guys!
​

1812: "El Golpe contra Venegas" and the Cadíz Constitution

Portrait of Viceroy Calleja
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Several days after Allende joined the rest of the Insurgent army in its push south, a young scout reached Allende bearing grave news. Apparently in the early morning hours of 29 September 1812 Félix María Calleja and several high ranking Royalist military figures launched a coup d’état against Viceroy Venegas in México City. The Insurgent leaders understood that if there was a man more radical, more authoritarian than Venegas, it would be Calleja. Allende knew this better than anyone else, considering Allende served under Calleja’s command as an officer during the previous decade. Allende immediately sent out the order to exercise extreme caution in future military engagements. Personally, Allende had not been expecting his former superior to go so far as to launch a coup d'état against the "Royalist bastion" that was Venegas.

Not wasting any time getting comfortable with his new title of Viceroy, Calleja purged México City of all Insurgent elements, jailing anyone with Insurgent sympathies, and executing those avowed Insurgents, sometimes in public spectacles in the city’s main plaza. By mid-October Calleja’s government spanned out from the Valley of México into portions of Puebla, Veracruz (including the port) and Tlaxcala. Around this time Calleja would receive news from the fledgling Spanish government, concerning a new constitution coming out from the Cadíz Cortes. Dismissing most of the liberal initiatives found in the constitution, Calleja found methods of using the constitution however he saw fit. For instance he ordered the immediate confiscation of all Inquisition lands in order to give the Viceroyalty’s coffers some desperately needed revenue. He also reorganized the Treasury, forcing tighter scrutiny of Vice regal income and expenses [1]. To the average New Spaniard, it would seem normalcy was finally returning to New Spain (On the surface it would seem), as order was being restored to the areas under the Viceroy’s control. These heavy handed tactics, while effective in the interim would produce more enemies for Calleja than he would like, and in places he’d make sure to check the least. It would not take very long for news of the Cadíz Constitution to get by Calleja’s censors and into the hands of the Insurgents. Almost simultaneously Insurgent newspapers ran stories of “Viceroy” Calleja’s utter rejection of Spain’s legitimate government, running New Spain as if it were his own plaything. This news, coupled with what the Insurgents described as atrocities and massacres conducted by Calleja’s regime would be hallmarks of the Insurgent propaganda effort.

Through the winter and spring of 1813 Allende’s guerrilla campaigns brought some successes. Allende’s army managed to halt any Royalist inroads north or west. These victories would be short in coming as 1813 wore on, however, as Calleja’s economic and military reforms were bearing fruit. Allende also had to contend with an urgent sense of fatigue among his ranks. In order to prevent too much collateral damage during these campaigns, Allende made example of looting and vandalism, in an attempt to gain more popular support. As a result it became more strenuous to sustain a guerrilla war of any sorts. To top it all off, on the morning of 10 March 1813, Allende received word that several thousand battle hardened Spanish troops, fresh from fighting the French in Spain, had just set foot in Veracruz, answering Calleja’s overtures of finally breaking the Insurgent’s cause before it was too late.

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[1] Viceroy Calleja (In OTL he becomes Viceroy in 1813 rather than 1812) does the same, reorganizing the Treasury and such.


Questions? Comments? Suggestions?

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[Arkhangelsk]

A new update in roughly 24 hours...yes yes it must be a sign of the apocalypse...

It's kinda remarkable I think, all of a sudden I've gotten this sudden urge to write it all down again...think the opposite of a writers block. Anyway, here's a new update, hope you guys enjoy

1813: Battle for Valladolid; Arredondo vs. Morelos v.2
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Allende therefore regrouped all his forces and sent immediate orders to march on Valladolid. Allende’s reasoning was that the new Spanish arrivals would be sent to México City in preparation for a push towards the de facto Insurgent capital, Guadalajara. Feeling cautious he left Juan Aldama with a force of several thousand Insurgent troops at Tampico, knowing that Calleja, while not focusing on Tampico, will attack just to cover all the possible Insurgent strongholds. By April 1813 Allende and his men were well within the Bajío [1], before getting word of Royalist forces advancing on Guadalajara. Allende’s army would intercept the Royalist force, led by Manuel del Rio on 1 May, northwest of Pátzquaro. The battle, while inconclusive, did manage to halt the Royalist march into Jalisco, saving Guadalajara. Unfortunately, the Royalist force all but vanished from Allende’s striking range the morning after, before he was informed that del Rio’s force merged with another Royalist band, under the command of Colonel Joaquin Arredondo, this time with all eyes set on Valladolid. The Insurgent force left to defend the city was significantly smaller than the Royalist army, and fell to them on 10 May. On orders from Viceroy Calleja, Arredondo and his men rounded up as many Insurgent soldiers as they could and on the morning of May 12 executed them en masse in Valladolid’s central plaza. Arredondo recorded 39 Insurgents killed, though modern historians put the death toll in the hundreds [2]. Moving at lightning speed, Arredondo’s next target, Uruapan, fell on May 27, suffering a fate similar to Valladolid. At this point Arredondo’s strategy became evident to the Insurgents: a new strike on Guadalajara from the south. The two combatants, Allende and Arredondo, found themselves racing towards Arredondo’s next major target: Apatzingán, which unlike Arredondo’s previous targets would not go down without a fight. In the end Arredondo would reach Apatzingán first on 7 June, but upon his army’s arrival he would get the surprise of a lifetime: coming face to face with his former adversary, Jose María Morelos!​

Jose Maria Morelos​

After his successful Yucatán Campaign Morelos and his troops reentered the interior and attempted to take Puebla. After several weeks of siege Morelos briefly took a portion of the city before the battle ended, with a Royalist victory. After another unsuccessful strike at Puebla, Morelos made his way to Iguala, where he received news of an impending attack on the Insurgent capital. As he drew nearer to Apatzingán Morelos was informed of Arredondo’s recent capture of Valladolid, as well as his intent of taking Apatzingán. Wasting no time Morelos set up batteries on the hills overlooking the city, as well as sending squads of expert guerrillas to harass the Royalist troops entering through the valleys east of the city. The main battle would commence on 7 June, and would continue with neither side gaining any leverage until Allende’s army out-maneuvered the Royalists and all but destroyed Arredondo’s army. Despite this Arredondo managed to flee the battlefield before the battles conclusion, thus eluding capture for the second time. Nevertheless, the Insurgents would be able to recapture Uruapan and Valladolid and by the late 1813 retake Taximaroa, completely liberating the Intendancy of Valladolid. At this time the Insurgents began planning for a new offensive beginning in late winter or early spring of 1814. The two main Insurgent commanders, Allende and Morelos, reached several conclusions. Paramount among them, as news was arriving of Napoléon’s decreasing power in Europe and, more specifically, the reestablishment of Spanish government with Francisco VII as king, the possibility of even more Spanish troops, battle hardened after years of fighting the Grande Armée was very great. They both resolved that the only way they can win the war now was to drive the Spaniards “off the continent,” in the words of Morelos. One minor issue of conflict was the question of a complete declaration of independence, as in total separation from Madrid. Morelos felt the time was ripe to issue such a declaration, but Allende pressured Morelos to wait for a while longer, until war in Spain came to a halt.

[1] The Bajío is a region of México that encompasses the middle of the country (i.e. Guanajuato).
[2]Arredondo was known for being extremely inhumane and ruthless during his OTL campaigns in Texas. For the record he was a major influence on future dictator Santa Anna.

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Questions? Comments? Suggestions?
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[Arkhangelsk]

Update time! I've managed to finally end the war for independence, so now I can begin the fun process of nation building. For those familiar with early XIX century México the ramifications of the Independence war ending 5-6 years earlier should be immediate. Whatever ideas you guys have, throw them at me I'd be more than happy to consider them for the TL!
Anyway, without further ado...

1813: The end of the Cuban War
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The war in the Caribbean between Spain and the United States had been a success for the latter, for the most part. After several weeks of success the Americans were halted temporarily near Camagüey, before resuming their push east on 15 June 1813. After their defeat the Spanish on the island put up a final futile defense, but ultimately resigned to sacrificing Cuba to save New Spain. From July to October 1813 the Spanish tried to evacuate as many people, such as troops and lay people, off the island via the port Santiago de Cuba, before that city fell to the Americans on 18 October. Nearly all of the evacuees, among them deposed Captain General Juan Ruiz de Apodaca, would land at Veracruz and join the Royalist movement, with the remainder traveling to Spain. With all of Cuba under American jurisdiction, Winfield Scott was appointed to be Military Governor of Cuba, tasked with the job of pacifying the island and restoring some semblance of order. With fighting in Cuba all but over, the United States focus shifted solely to naval superiority over Spain. Beginning in November 1813, the United States began a naval blockade stretching from the Yucatán Peninsula to Havana and from Havana to Florida. This strategy, while not completely effective in negating the Spanish from entry into New Spain, would force incoming Spanish ships to travel farther south (as traffic would have to sail south of Cuba and Hispaniola in order to access the continent), thus compromising the supply line to the Royalists in New Spain.​

1814-15: Endgame; the Battle of México City and the March to Veracruz
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Back in New Spain, the Insurgent leaders met in Guanajuato, preparing for a charge at San Juan del Río, the nearest city under the control of Calleja. This attack, led by Allende and the Aldama brothers, would start in March of 1814, passing through the “birthplace of independence” in Querétaro before proceeding to engage Calleja’s Royalists. Morelos, in the meantime, would return to the south where his forces would push from Iguala north in order to take Cuernavaca, another Calleja stronghold. Allende’s charge would break through San Juan del Río on 5 April, pushing deep into Royalist territory before being slowed down by a force lead by Iturbide near the ruins of the Toltec capital at Tula near the end of the month. Iturbide and Allende would continue to shadow each other throughout May and into June, before fighting once more southeast of Pachuca on 11 June. The fight resulted in an Insurgent victory, but this news did not matter as much for Allende as did the news he received regarding the war in Europe. Apparently King Fernando VII had been reinstated to his throne in Spain and had rescinded the liberal Cadíz Constitution, claiming that the Cadíz Cortes had created the document in his absence, and thus it was an illegal document and the Cortes itself an illegal assembly. Judging that this was the moment both he and Morelos had been waiting for Allende personally declared full and total independence from Spain, claiming that “the right of the citizenry to form a just government does not originate through the will of a king, no less one sitting on a throne an ocean away. Rather it originates within the hearts and minds of the people, and only in them will the right to pursue a government that serves the people be found”. Within the next several weeks Morelos and his lieutenants Guerrero and Matamoros would issue similar statements, and on 18 August 1814 the Supreme Insurgent Cortes in Guadalajara would sever all ties to Fernando VII’s government. The president of the Cortes, Andrés Quintana Roo, whom up until then was serving his capacity in the name of “Fernando the desired,” renounced all ties with the king, and instead styled himself the “servant of the people.” The ramifications of Fernando VII’s “betrayal” would be far reaching indeed, as the nullification of the Cadíz Constitution would create a wide rift among the Royalist ranks, in terms of those more liberal-minded Peninsulares who just recently paraded the fact that the king championed the Constitution. This event would also cause many Criollos which had yet to decide which cause to join, or those among the Royalists who found Fernando VII’s absolutism too much to bear, to throw their lot with the Insurgents. The one man who was not affected much by the king’s change of heart was Viceroy Calleja, who embraced the king’s point of view and used it as an excuse to exercise a much harsher rule on his subjects. The end result was that, even with a stream of veteran soldiers from Spain landing at Veracruz (the stream becoming a trickle as the Spanish found it difficult to get much around the American blockade) the Insurgents slowly made valuable inroads into Royalist territory, taking Cuernavaca in June, Xochimilco in late August and by December Allende’s army had taken Ecatepec, once again within sight of México City.
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General Agustín de Iturbide
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In January of 1815 the Royalists would receive another major blow, with the defection of General Agustín de Iturbide to the Insurgents. Iturbide had recently being suspected and tried for alleged embezzlement of military funds, as well as testimony of disturbing and cruel behavior by some of his officers. Regardless Viceroy Calleja chose not to pursue the issue further and had Iturbide return to the field, but the incident embarrassed him and severely shook his trust with Calleja. Furthermore, Iturbide began to notice the writing on the wall and figured he would much rather be on the winning side of this war no matter who was the victor. It was not much of an understatement to say Allende was surprised about Iturbide’s sudden change of heart, considering both men had been mortal enemies for the past five years and of course did not trust him. Over the next several weeks both men would meet in private, discussing the terms by which Iturbide would join the Insurgents. Finally in early March Iturbide made it official and incorporated his force with Allende’s army. Needless to say Viceroy Calleja did not take the news very well (rumor has it Calleja threatened to shoot the boy who gave the him the message, frightening him so much he literally ran well passed the city limit, of course this story was not documented and should be considered hearsay). At this point Calleja knew defense of the capital would be a waste of manpower and left México City to its fate, as he and the upper echelons of his government, like his predecessor, fled to Veracruz on 30 March. Exuberant crowds greeted Allende’s Insurgent force as they entered México City, which was in Insurgent hands for the first time in four years. Morelos would arrive in México City one day later, uniting the whole of the Insurgent army, now a force of 75,000 battle hardened soldiers. In the intervening weeks between México City’s capture and Allende’s march to Veracruz, the Insurgents made sure to carefully plan out how to further engage Calleja. The Insurgent Cortes would also take the opportunity to relocate from Guadalajara to México City.
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The Insurgent Army enters México City, 31 March 1815
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The Insurgents would commence their final operation against the Royalists in mid April 1815, with Allende pushing east towards Tlaxcala and Morelos towards Puebla. Tlaxcala fell in short order, and by the end of the month Allende had reached the outskirts of Xalapa. Morelos was not as quick in pacifying Puebla, but by the beginning of May had managed to run Arredondo out of the city and managed to hoist the Insurgent banner in the central plaza. After the fall of Puebla Morelos made short work of the retreating Royalists, capturing Orizaba on 12 May, then Córdoba on 15 May. By the end of the month Morelos engaged Arredondo to the southwest of Veracruz, resulting in stalemate. The same occurred with Allende, who was located northwest of the city, so after several rounds of correspondence the Insurgents decided to siege the city, knowing full well they had Calleja back up in a corner. The situation was so bad for the Royalists that the few ships that managed to get passed the American blockade were being sent back out to sea. Calleja’s predicament went from bad to worse on 10 June when over 20 American war ships entered the harbor at Veracruz, destroyed the few Spanish war ships anchored there and began bombardment of the port. The Royalists were now trapped, with no means of escape and no chance to win against the combined might of the Insurgents and their American backers. After several more days of siege, Calleja sent an emissary carrying a white flag for surrender on 16 June. The next day, on 17 June Calleja and Arredondo formally surrendered to both the Insurgents and the Americans, thus moving Calleja, Arredondo and roughly 13,000 Royalist soldiers into Insurgent custody. The Siege of Veracruz proved to be the final major battle in the war, as all major opposition to the Insurgents had been apprehended or had managed to escape the Viceroyalty. King Fernando VII was furious at the news of the Royalist capitulation, at first choosing not to recognize the surrender at Veracruz, though eventually he too recognized that for now there was nothing more he could do.
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Questions? Comments? Suggestions?

I'll try to have the next update up ASAP (which will concern the treaty that formally ends the war). After that things might get a bit slow...well, slower than usual since I start school on the 13th. Other than that...I hope you guys enjoy the update

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[Arkhangelsk]

Hey guys, back from hiatus. Had a bit of a writers block for most of break...that and I celebrated my 21st birthday last week and been busy with other family stuff, so the update was slow in forming. Anyway, here she is, enjoy!

1816: The Constitutional Convention

The Constitutional Convention
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The arrest of Calleja and Arredondo, as well as other prominent Royalists would not mean the end of all fighting in New Spain. Minor holdouts of die hard Royalists would continue to oppose Insurgent rule for quite some time. Most prominent of these holdouts included the fortress San Juan de Ulúa[1] in Veracruz harbor which would oppose Insurgent control until early 1818. Allende and Morelos, now regarded as the undisputed leaders of the revolution, also faced the task of reeling in the fringes of the former Viceroyalty such as the Californias and Nuevo México in the north as well as the former Captaincy General of Guatemala in the south, which was currently being torn apart by Spanish and Central American forces. Then there was the daunting task of building a nation from the ground up. Nearly 300 years of Spanish administration has not prepared the former Viceroyalty for governing itself effectively. Both Allende and Morelos returned to México City soon after their victory at Veracruz, and even though they met jubilant crowds they brushed aside festivities for the urgent task laid before them. Both men called for a constitutional convention in México City within the next month, to allow each state to send a delegation to the capital. Some of the most prominent figures in attendance (Allende and Morelos aside) included Miguel Hidalgo who led a delegation from Guanajuato, Ignacio Lopez Rayón from Michoacán, Vicente Guerrero from México state, and Andrés Quintana Roo who lead the delegation from Yucatán. To the chagrin of most Agustín de Iturbide joined the delegation from Michoacán, which was led by its native son José María Morelos. To his dismay, José Miguel Ramón Aduacto[2] was absent, as he was leading the charge against the Royalist holdout in Veracruz Harbor. To compensate he would constantly write and maintain contact with the delegation from Durango over the course of the convention.

The constitutional convention commenced on 16 July 1815 at the former Viceroy’s Palace in México City’s city center. The assembled delegates’ first order of business was to elect an individual to preside over the convention. This was not made easy, however, as the delegation was torn between the two men of the hour, Generals Ignacio Allende and José María Morelos. In order to not prolong the issue, Morelos yielded to Allende, stating that “it was [Allende] who precipitated the revolution, so the honor should be his alone.” For the record, Morelos would be a valued voice and a major contributor at the convention.

The first task the delegates sought to tackle involved the structure of the nation’s new government. Both Allende and Hidalgo, who were both privy to the ideas of the Enlightenment, advocated for an independent legislature, executive and judiciary with checks and balances (obviously taking a page from Montesquieu and their northern neighbor). The Centralist faction, led by Iturbide, was in disagreement, as they sought a powerful executive with power exceeding that of the other two branches. While both Allende and Morelos agreed that a powerful executive was needed to unite the nation, they both saw past Iturbide’s ulterior motives and ambitions, and both men sought to check them. Iturbide, as well as several conservatives sought to install a parliamentary monarchy, with the possibility of inviting a royal from Europe to take the throne of México. This idea was famously refuted by Miguel Hidalgo, responding to Iturbide, “All the trouble ridding ourselves of one king to adopt another!” Discrepancies like this and others like it aside the Convention managed to draw out how the new government would look like:

• The supreme executive power would be vested in one individual, styled the President of the United Mexican States, who would serve one four year term with the allowance of reelection.
• The supreme legislative body of the nation would be styled the National Congress. Bicameral in nature, it would be divided into a lower house (Chamber of Deputies) and an upper house (Senate).
• The supreme judicial body would be in the form a Supreme Court of Justice.
• The nation would be a federation, with the former Viceroyalty’s intendancies being converted into states. The federation would be composed of 18 states and four territories, with each state required to be republican in nature.
• Slavery was abolished, as well as the Inquisition and caste system.
• Roman Catholicism would be the supreme religion of the nation.

The constitution was for the most part accepted by the majority of the delegates and on 17 January 1816 was voted for approval by the Insurgent Cortes to replace the Plan de Zapopan as the supreme law of the nation. Not all was well however, as voices of dissention (primarily Iturbide’s) were the root of tension as the Convention wore on. In one particularly heated spat, Iturbide stormed out of the Convention after arguing with Vicente Guerrero over the reasoning of the abolition of slavery (eyewitness testimony claimed that Iturbide also made issue of Guerrero’s racial status).

After the constitution’s promulgation by the delegates copies were sent to each state for ratification. The Constitution of 1816 officially came into effect on 10 August 1816 when San Luis Potosí became the 10th state to ratify (ratification only requiring a simple majority). With the Congress now taking shape, national elections were called for the presidency with Election Day being set for 23 October. From a pool of essentially every major Insurgent leader, the popular General Ignacio Allende would be elected México’s first President, and Andrés Quintana Roo as his Vice-President. Upon receiving the results, Allende is reported to have taken a long while to meditate on how far he had come from discussing conspiracies in the little house in Querétaro, and how he was going to transform México into an actual nation. Indeed México had cast off the shackles that linked her to Spain, but the real fight from within was only beginning.

[1] Essentially the same as OTL, just a few years earlier.
[2] Doesn't ring a bell, today he's better known as this guy.

----------------------------------------------------------------------

Questions? Comments? Suggestions?

Hope to get the next update up soon, it's gonna feature everyone's favorite Venezuelan Libertador.
​

 

[Arkhangelsk]

A little something new...

The next update, as usual, is still cooking in the oven, so amid my homework I decided to submit something that's different, considering all of my updates have been in encyclopedia format thus far.

A small note before I begin, the Palacio Nacional is the same building as OTL, as well as being formerly known as the Viceroy's Palace prior to independence.

Anyway, without further ado...

March 10, 1817
Palacio Nacional
México City

President Ignacio Allende was sitting on the rim of a fountain in one of the Palace’s numerous courtyards, seemingly lost in thought. All morning long he had been confined to his office reviewing congressional bills and memos that had been piling onto his desk since before he took the oath of office. For days this has been his routine, to look over the paperwork and occasionally stroll the courtyards, though the latter he’s been doing much more frequently as of late. Naturally the shade the large oak trees provided made the mid day sun bearable, and allowed for the breeze passing by to feel cool as it flowed across Allende’s skin. The trees in the courtyard also gave sanctuary for countless birds, whose chirps melodiously fused with the fountain’s running water, filling Allende’s ears and painting a picture of peace and relaxation in his head. Allende abruptly snapped out of his daydream when he heard his name being called, and to his pleasant surprise it was the voice of his old friend Juan Aldama.

“Ignacio, I’ve been looking everywhere for you, how have you been my friend?”

Allende quickly sprang up and embraced his friend and former lieutenant. “Truthfully speaking, I’ve been better Juan, I’ve been better,” mustering a smile as he let go of his friend.

Aldama chuckled with laughter. “The more I see you like this the more I’m beginning to realize your job is not one to be envied. For everything you have done I do not think the nation would fault you for taking some time to rest.”

“I’m alright Juan, I enjoy these little respites into the courtyards, and it really helps after being stuck in my office for several hours. All the same I’d rather not get too complacent down here, after all…” Allende paused and looked up into the oak branches, “yo soy el siervo de la nación.” [1]

Aldama chuckled some more. “Is that Morelos speaking?

Allende followed his friend and chuckled as well.

“I guess you can say that, he did come up with that title after all.”

There was a brief pause before Allende broke the silence.

“Well how can I help you Juan, I assume you didn’t come looking for me just for small talk.”

“Yes, there are a few things I wanted to talk to you about. Since the Inauguration I haven’t had the time to talk to you. I have been corresponding with Bernardo Gutiérrez and he told me a few interesting things about the northern territories.

“If you’re referring to the debacle in Alta California over who is the rightful governor I already know. I swear it’s like Calleja continues to haunt me even after all this time…regardless I’ve sent a messenger to Monterey instructing Solá to stand down, as the legitimate governor of the province is Argüello.” [2]


“But how do you expect to enforce your ruling? California is so far flung the natives barely have got a clue that Spain no longer has dominion over us. As far as they’re concerned the world around them could sink into the sea and their lives would remain uninterrupted.”

“What are you getting at?”

“My point is, our hold on the Northern territories is tenuous at best, and has gotten worse since we have transitioned from colony to republic. Anyway, Bernardo and I were discussing his tenure in the United States, and he couldn’t stop and notice that many in their government are rather vocal about territorial expansion.”

“Yes I’m aware about that as well, and though I’m not all too keen about ceding portions of the former viceroyalty we do owe our independence to their recognition and intervention against Spain. If my memory serves James Monroe is now President of the United States. Within the next month or so their Minister Plenipotentiary should be arriving, assuming our own envoy to Washington is correct. We should finally be able to formalize our respective border, and I’ll formally recognize their claim to Florida and Cuba.”

“Yes you’re right, and if Bernardo is right about the norteamericanos? What is to say they may not want more land with the passage of time? We already have the British and Russians coveting the north, what’s to stop the United States from joining them?”

“You’re probably right, but even if you are, how exactly are we going to assert our presence up there, not with an empty treasury…and then I have Iturbide running around making my life all the more difficult.” Allende made sure to say the name Iturbide with as much disdain as he could muster.

“How are you going to handle Iturbide, he’s bound to compromise the health of the republic with little effort.”

Allende pinched the bridge of his nose and took a deep breath. “No doubt, unfortunately he’s grown quite a following among some of the conservatives…and I’m quite disposed to the theory that so long as Calleja remains in the country Iturbide conspires to set him free.” [3]

“Best be careful with your tongue, lest you have Iturbide and his cohorts soil your good name.”

“Iturbide has been out for my head since 1810, save for his defection at the end of the war, the least I have to worry about is slander. I’ve already talked to Andrés, as well as Morelos and Rayón about Iturbide. For now we will be cautious and attempt to isolate him, but the moment he steps out of line I will not take any chances”

Aldama sprang up from the fountain. “Right! You can depend on me to stand by your side señor presidente.”

“Thank you Juan, there is no person on this earth I’d rather trust my soul with than you.”

Aldama smiled at his childhood friend. “Well, before I depart, as my time here is waning, I mean to finish telling you of my conversation with Bernardo in full. Namely he suggests a military expedition to the Northern territories. Its primary purpose is to effectively inform the californios that they no longer grind under the Spanish yoke, and to recognize their part in this republic. Secondly, but just as important, is our chance to survey the region more closely, for future habitation by colonists, both foreign and domestic…of course our lot take precedence. For my part, I would like to volunteer my services to lead this expedition, if you don’t mind.”

Allende stood up so he was level with Aldama. “By all means, I’ll make the proper arrangements for you and your troops.” Allende placed his right hand on Aldama’s shoulder. “Be careful out there.”

“Thank you Ignacio.”

As Juan Aldama turned and strode off, Allende stood and froze in thought. At times he still found it hard to believe that he had come a long way since 1810. He wondered if any of his fellow conspirators from Querétaro like Miguel and Josefa Dominguez, or Miguel Hidalgo, or even his friend Juan Aldama would have thought he, Ignacio Allende, would lead New Spain not as viceroy, but as the elected leader of a republic. Allende then thought of how he would have never achieved such prominence under Spanish rule, perhaps his peninsular father, but never himself. Even now most of México's masses, be them Mestizo, Indian or Black were not afforded the same privilege criollos like himself had. Allende knew what he had to do, even if it took his entire life and beyond to fulfill.

“We have created a republic, now we have to make it free.”
----------------------------------------------------------------------

[1] A phraise originally attributed to Morelos, translates as "I am the servant of the nation." For TTL I'm thinking the phrase can be adopted by the Presidency, a nod at Mexico's new found republicanism.

[2] Pablo Vicente Solá was made governor of Alta California by Calleja in OTL in 1815. Solá was a staunch Royalist and was governor until 1822. TTL Solá is naturally at odds with Allende and so refuses to falter in his loyalty to Spain, and he feels Alta California would do well to share his sentiment.

[3] This might need some further explanation. At the current point in the TL Calleja, the former Royalist Commander is imprisoned, for obvious reasons. As his former lieutenant Iturbide is seen with wary eyes by many Insurgents, seeing as he is very opportunistic and the moment the republic faces rough weather Iturbide could...and would contemplate the thought of freeing Calleja. Needless to say Allende will not give Calleja (or Iturbide for that matter) the benefit of the doubt.

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Okay I lied, TODAY shall be when I make the update.

Reigning in the Extremes: Guatemala and California

President-elect Allende spent the intervening months between his election and inauguration preparing for what he felt was his toughest challenge yet. His office was untested, and he was well aware of the magnitude of the new nation's problems. The nation’s coffers were empty, much of the countryside was in ruin, and marauding bands of former royalists were scattered all over throwing the countryside into even more ruin. All this was seemingly not enough, however, to drown the spirits of many, as celebration for their newly acquired independence continued will into 1817. Perhaps no town or village celebrated harder than San Miguel el Grande in the new state of Guanajuato, home and birthplace of the nation's new leader. The troubles facing the young nation did not stop Allende from spending a few weeks in his hometown to partake in the celebrations. It also did not stop his son, Indalecio Allende Herrera[1]from becoming acquainted with a beautiful young woman by the name of Adélia Jacinto Vargas. Adélia quickly fell in love with the junior Allende, and needless to say the feeling was mutual. Before long they were engaged, and marriage soon followed on 27 December 1816. After final preparations General Allende made his move to México City, were in the final weeks to his inauguration on 1 March Allende would begin forming his Cabinet. With final preparations set forth 1 March 1817 arrived and Ignacio José de Allende y Unzaga would formally become the first President of the United Mexican States. Upon taking office Allende would send 1,500 troops to Veracruz, as reinforcements for General Fernández. Allende would also approve a contingent of troops, under the command of Morelos’ lieutenant Vicente Guerrero to aid Insurgents in Central America. The Revolution in Central America, which was heavily suppressed by the Spanish in 1812, was experiencing resurgence, undoubtedly stemming from the Insurgent victory in the former New Spain. The renewed rebellion however was without clear leadership and was locked in a stalemate with the Spanish. Departing on 5 March from México City, Guerrero would stop, first in Chilpancingo, then in Acapulco in order to accumulate supplies and troops. From Acapulco Guerrero would then march along the coast, entering Soconusco in late March, where he had his first engagement with Royalists immediately south of Tapachula. Guerrero made quick work of the weak force, which quickly disintegrated and fled to their base in eastern Guatemala. From Tapachula Guerrero would then reach Guatemala City on 8 April. From Guatemala City Guerrero would formally begin his campaign against the Spanish, with a massive thrust at San Salvador. Despite some stiff resistance, Guerrero’s troops managed to defeat the Spanish north of San Salvador on 20 April. Wasting no time, Guerrero shifted his attention north, immediately invading Comayagua[2] where, despite the toll the tropical climate was taking on many of his troops, took both the capital at Comayagua and the neighboring village of Tegucigalpa. It is here where Guerrero is informed that the last Central American Intendancy of León had conceded to the Insurgents. With all of the former Captaincy-General in the Insurgent camp, Guerrero and his men turned back towards México City.

Vicente Guerrero's Guatemala Campaign
​

Meanwhile to México’s northern extreme General Ignacio Aldama was charged with a military expedition to Alta California and Nuevo México, collectively known as the Northern Territories. After making the arduous trek from México City through the Bajío, Zacatecas, Durango and Sonora Aldama and his forces would enter San Diego on 2 April 1817. The commandant of the Presidio there welcomed Aldama and his men, allowing them lodging there. Here Aldama would find out that the dispute between the governorship of the territory had been settled, Solá remaining in Monterey while Argüello setting up shop in Baja California Territory. Aware of Solá’s Spanish sympathies, Aldama sent a dispatch to meet with the governor immediately. Upon Solá’s agreement to meet up, Aldama left San Diego on April 20, following the route of the former Camino Real[3] along the coast. Despite losing a few of his men to Indian attacks two days north of San Juan Capistrano Mission, Aldama managed to reach Los Angeles on 30 April, where he would finally meet with Governor Solá, who had also made the trek from Monterey to Los Angeles to meet with Aldama, based on an agreement made prior. Besides being largely uneventful, the meetings achieved their stated goals of attaining Solá’s loyalty to the Insurgent government, as well as ensuring free passage through the Territory.
With the legalities aside, Aldama could begin the exploratory phase of his mission, beginning with the area due north of Los Angeles and San Gabriel. Aside from the San Fernando Mission in the foot hills to Los Angeles’ north, the proceeding mountains were largely unexplored, and what lay beyond them a mystery. Running on notes from the famous Portolà Expedition some 40 years before, Aldama would proceed through the Santa Clarita valley, and after crossing several mountain passes finally caught a glimpse of the expansive San Joaquin Valley floor on 16 May. Upon descending Aldama discovered both wetlands and grassland, and upon stumbling onto the Posuncola River’s[4] flood plain, and during a flood due to snow melt, the existence of fertile soil. It was not long however before hostilities broke out between Aldama’s men and the local Yokuts tribe. The Mexican’s defeated the Yokuts with relative ease, but Aldama knew better than to remain in the hostile area for too long, and so on 26 May crossed the Posuncola River and continued north. As the Mexican’s continued to traverse the valley (which seemingly had no end in sight), Aldama came across a large body of mixed marshland and water, which according to his notes he identified as Lake Tulare. After several more weeks the valley floor gave way to hills and ridges and finally on 12 June Aldama reached the coast, and within sight of Monterey. After several days in the capital he and his men followed the Mission trail south, reaching Los Angeles on 2 July and San Diego on 15 July. After leaving several of his troops who had decided to remain in the territory, Aldama would make the final stretch of his journey back to México City, finally arriving on 22 August.


***

[1] Considering Allende is never killed in Chihuahua in 1811, neither is his only son Indalecio. Here I have him survive the war with his father, and expect him to be important later on.
[2] Archaic name for Honduras.
[3] Kinda weird for México to have a "Royal Road" if it's a republic.
[4] Posuncola was the name of the Kern River prior to California's annexation in OTL.

I'll post a map like the one for Guerrero's campaign later.
​

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Here's a mini update, something fun that I came up with today, and a little piece of what the next update deals with; the first two and a half articles of the Adams-Ortiz Treaty.

***

TREATY OF AMITY, SETTLEMENT AND LIMITS BETWEEN THE
UNITED STATES OF AMERICA, AND THE UNITED MEXICAN STATES

​

The United States of America and the United Mexican States desiring to consolidate on a permanent basis the friendship and good correspondence which happily prevails between the two Parties, have determined to settle and terminate all their differences and pretensions by a Treaty, which shall designate with precision the limits of their respective bordering territories in North America.

With this intention the President of the United States has furnished with their full Powers John Quincy Adams, Secretary of State of the said United States; and the President of the United Mexican States has appointed Pascacio Ortiz de Letona his Secretary with Exercise of Decrees, and his Envoy Extraordinary and Minister Plenipotentiary near the United States of America.

And the said Plenipotentiaries, after having exchanged their Powers, have agreed upon and concluded the following Articles.

ARTICLE 1
There shall be a firm and inviolable peace and sincere friendship between the United States and their Citizens, and the United Mexican States and their citizens, without exception of persons or places.

ARTICLE 2
The United Mexican States cedes to the United States, in full property and sovereignty, all the territories which belong to them, situated to the Eastward of the Mississippi, known by the name of East and West Florida, as well as the island of Cuba. The adjacent Islands dependent on said Provinces, all public lots and squares, vacant Lands, public Edifices, Fortifications, Barracks and other Buildings, which are not private property, Archives and Documents, which relate directly to the property and sovereignty of said Provinces, are included in this Article. The said Archives and Documents shall be left in possession of the Commissaries, or Officers of the United States, duly authorized to receive them.

ARTICLE 3
The Boundary Line between the two Countries, West of the Mississippi, shall begin on the Gulf of Mexico, at the mouth of the River Colorado in the Sea, continuing North West, along the Western Bank of that River, to the 32d degree of Latitude; thence by a Line due North to the degree of Latitude, where it strikes the Rio Roxo of Nachitoches, or Red-River, then following the course of the Rio-Roxo Westward to the degree of Longitude, 100 West from London and 23 from Washington, then continuing on a Line due West to the edge of the Watershed of the Mississippi River, and following it to the 40h degree of Latitude; thence by a line due West to the degree of Longitude, 114 West from London and 37 from Washington, then continuing on a Line due North to the 42d degree of Latitude, then continuing on a Line due West where the Boundary Line meets the Pacific Ocean.

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Hey guys! sorry for the long time no update, been kinda busy these last few weeks since term ended, but don't worry, here's a little update to kick this girl off for the summer.

This installment kicks off what's going on in the rest of Spanish America, beginning with Venezuela and Nueva Granada (Colombia). This isn't much actually, its pretty much a summary of things that happened in OTL, but I figured to give a little background on the area before letting the butterflies do their magic.

The Beginnings of Revolution: Nueva Granada

Simón Bolívar in 1812​

The war in New Spain was by no means the only place to demand the fury of the Spanish Empire. Indeed by the end of 1810 nearly all of Spanish America had taken up arms against the metropolis. In events predating the Grito de Dolores, the Viceroyalty of Nueva Granada was already convulsing with revolutionary fervor, as autonomous juntas were sprouting all about the Viceroyalty, deposing the local Royal authorities. In August 1809 the very first autonomous junta overtook Quito, with similar juntas popping up across Nueva Granada over the next few months such as in Santa Fe de Bogotá and Cartagena. Unfortunately most of these juntas would be stamped out as the Spanish authorities tried to maintain order. In April 1810, however, the revolutionary spirit had crossed into the Captaincy General of Venezuela, with the deposition of both the Royal Governor and the Captain General in Caracas. Led by famed Venezuelan nationalist Francisco de Miranda and a young ambitious local criollo by the name of Simón Bolívar, the movement would band together similar juntas that had already followed Caracas’ lead. They convened a congress several months later, and in a bold move unseen anywhere else in Spanish America, declared complete and total independence from Spain, with the establishment of a republic on 5 July 1811.

Almost immediately the newborn republic was out of its league, as the Spanish began to fight back and retake the renegade territory. One did not have to search hard, as the Venezuelan intendancies of Guyana and Maracaibo held a strong Royalist element and did not react well to separation from Spain. Despite the Republican’s best efforts Venezuela remained divided as neither side refused to budge. It was then without warning that disaster struck the infant republic. On the afternoon of 26 March 1812 a devastating earthquake tore a path of death and destruction through Northern Venezuela, all but destroying Caracas and killing an estimated 15,000-20,000 people. The earthquake also proved to be the final nail for the coffin of the “First” Venezuelan Republic, as most of the devastation was centered among the provinces held by the Republicans. Taking this as a sign of divine retribution on their part, the Royalists went in for the kill, with the capitulation of Miranda’s forces on 25 July. Bolívar meanwhile escaped Venezuela and by the following year was leading a contingent of soldiers from the newly formed United Provinces of Nueva Granada in a campaign to retake Venezuela from the Spanish. True to his word Bolívar would triumphantly enter Caracas on 6 August 1813 and reestablish the Republic. Unfortunately for the Republicans they had no time to rejoice as a new threat emerged, charging out from the Llanos or southern plains. A seemingly ragtag, but ruthless, army of mestizo Llaneros (including many freed slaves) led by their blood thirsty leader José Boves set out across Venezuela to bring down the Republic, as they saw it as a sign of Criollo privilege. Unable to stop Boves and his hordes Bolívar relented once more, leaving Caracas to the Royalists a second time. Bolívar would return to Tunja, the capital of the UPNG, and once again lead its armies, this time against rebels in Bogotá and Santa Marta who refused to accept the authority of the UPNG. Bolívar managed to reel in Bogotá in December 1814, but Santa Marta resulted in a loss for the young general as Cartagena refused to allow Bolívar passage to Santa Marta, forcing Bolívar to attack Cartagena instead. After an inconclusive siege and the looming threat of Reconquista by the Spanish (fresh from combat in Europe, as well as from their recent defeat in Mexico) Bolívar resigned the Viceroyalty to its fate and left Cartagena for Jamaica in May 1815. There Bolívar would attempt to garner support for the Independence of Spanish America from the great powers (specifically Britain but without much to show for it). As 1815 drew to a close Bolívar would decide to cross the sea once more, leaving Jamaica in December for Veracruz, where he would hope to acquire any help from the new Mexican Republic.
------------

Questions? Comments? Suggestions?

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Hi guys! Sorry for the delay (again!) in updating, been traveling the last few weeks. I'm in Indiana at the moment but I've been working on the timeline on my downtime here, and safe to say I have another update for y'all.

Liberación: The Short and Brilliant Career of Simón Bolívar

"The Great Liberator"​

Bolívar would sail into Veracruz harbor in the opening days of 1816 to find the port roaring with cannon fire. The harbor fortress San Juan de Ulúa was one of the few Spanish holdouts in México and was proving to remain a thorn in the side of the Méxicans until the bitter end, though upon landing most dock hands assured him it was only a matter of time until the Spanish gave up. After a day trip inland Bolívar would be greeted by Juan Aldama, Ignacio Allende’s adjutant, in Veracruz’s capital, Jalapa. From there Aldama would escort Bolívar to México City, where he would receive a hero’s welcome. Almost immediately the two military leaders befriended one another, and got to work discussing what to do about their shared enemy, Spain, as well as the fate of South America. Allende pledged to Bolívar that “México will stand by its patriotic brothers in their most trying hour of need.” Despite the advice of some of his advisors against such a bold move, Allende went ahead and, at the behest of Bolívar, to form a legion composed of Mexican Insurgents willing to continue the fight in South America. The Legion gained vast numbers over a short period of time, and by the end of Bolívar’s stay in México had recruited well over 5,000 soldiers, still fresh from fighting Calleja the previous year and willing to kick Spain out from their hemisphere once and for all. The Legion was also supplemented by 500 Americans under the command of Augustus Magee, who had fought for Mexico against Spain in Tejas.[1] On 29 June 1816 Bolívar bid farewell to Allende, with Allende wishing him the best in the looming conflict. Disembarking from Veracruz Bolívar would land in Havana where he would petition military aid from the United States. In the meantime Bolívar and his entourage of nuevagranadenses which followed him into exile would lay out their plan to beat back the Spanish in South America. On 4 August Bolívar got a relatively positive response from President Monroe, stating that Americans wishing to join Bolívar in South America were welcomed to do so, and that the United States government would supply Bolívar with munitions and financial support. With an American “Legion” of 4,000 men and growing, Bolívar set out from Havana on 13 August for Venezuela.

Bolívar and Santander in Cúcuta, 1820.​

In what would later be termed the beginnings of his “Liberation Campaign,” Bolívar would land on the Isle of Margarita on 24 August 1816, taking the island with relative ease. With a base set up near the Venezuelan coast, Bolívar would join forces with Santiago Mariño and launch several attacks on the settlements along the sea before establishing a beach head near Cumaná on 27 August. Bolívar and Mariño would overwhelm the Spanish garrison there and proceed to march south, into the Llanos of Venezuela. They would rendezvous with Manuel Píar north of Angostura where Bolívar’s combined force would take the city, the Spanish having been weakened there due to a prolonged siege conducted by Píar for the previous several weeks. It is here in Angostura that Bolívar would reestablish the Republic of Venezuela in the late fall of 1816. Angostura proved to be a true gift for Bolívar, as the city provided a commanding presence on the Orinoco River, giving him and the Republicans access to foreign trade. The Orinoco also allowed the Republicans to penetrate deep into Nueva Granada, as rebel forces in Casanare under the command of Francisco de Paula Santander were able to integrate themselves with Bolívar’s army relatively easily. These combined forces of hardened troops, both from Venezuela and from abroad were, despite their might, not able to retake Caracas over the course of 1817 and into 1818. They were, however, easily capable of holding off the Spanish from Bolívar’s position on the Orinoco, in large part thanks to the Llaneros who knew this region of the viceroyalty extremely well. Repeated attempts by the Spanish, under Napoleonic War veteran Pablo Morillo, failed again and again, ensuring that Bolívar would have a secure base of operations. With the war in stalemate, the Republicans moved to centralize their authority, with the creation of a new congress in the spring of 1818. Upon the opening of its first session Bolívar would unveil his next plan of action: the liberation of Nueva Granada proper. The plan would entail traversing the Llanos during the rainy season, when the Llanos transforms into a virtual lake and combat operations cease for several months. Without any resistance Bolívar intended to cross the Andes and retake Bogotá, from where he would take Morillo by surprise and attack from the last place he’s expect Bolívar to be. The plan met near unanimous disapproval from the Congress, as well as from Bolívar’s officers, including the “Master of the Llanos” José Antonio Páez. The consensus on the plan was short of suicidal. Undeterred by this, Bolívar, accompanied only by Santander, pressed forward and in early June 1818 set out with nearly 5,000 troops in one of the most daring campaigns of the whole war in South America, rivaled only by San Martin’s famous Crossing of the Andes a year earlier. Most of June was spent “wading” through the Llanos, the environment causing many of Bolívar’s men to succumb to Malaria and other tropical diseases. From the lowlands of the Llanos Bolívar’s army would immediately ascend the passes of the Northern Andes. Despite losing even more men due to the extreme cold, Bolívar pressed forward and on 1 July emerged from the Andes and into the heart of the Viceroyalty. Taking the Spanish by total surprise at the famous Battle of Turmequé Bolívar would overrun Boyacá in mid-July and Bogotá soon after. With his objectives met and Nueva Granada at his disposal, Bolívar felt it was time to liberate Venezuela once and for all. In September Bolívar entered Venezuela with nearly 7,500 men, and in no time began to make inroads into once fervent Royalist territory. As Morillo began to lose more ground and men, he was handed with even more misfortune. In the fall of 1818 revolt erupted in Spain against the once “desired” Fernando VII.[2] The revolt was such that reinforcements originally meant for Morillo never disembarked from Cádiz as they were needed to fight their own countrymen. Morillo felt there was no alternative left for him, and so in December he sent feelers to Bolívar for a ceasefire. Bolívar accepted and in a rare display at the treaty signing in Trujillo, Bolívar and Morillo embraced as a sign that, for the time being the fighting was over. The respite of course did not last long, after the six-month ceasefire Morillo’s successor (Morillo having been recalled back to Spain to deal with the revolt) Miguel de la Torre reinitiated the war. This move failed spectacularly for him, as Bolívar easily defeated his Royalist force in late July 1820. Like his victory at Bogotá one year earlier, Torre’s defeat signified the liberation of Venezuela. Arriving in Angostura on 10 August Bolívar was hailed as a hero of South American independence. Addressing congress on 17 August he proclaimed the union of Venezuela and Nueva Granada as the Republic of Colombia. After moving the capital from Angostura to Cúcuta Bolívar, now President of Colombia, unveiled his next plan of action: the Liberation of Quito. After the proclamation of a ceasefire in January many areas of the crumbling Viceroyalty began to reassert their own independence, such as Quito and Guayaquil. Bolívar sought to integrate these areas into Colombia, but the feeling was not entirely mutual. Bolívar sent a contingent under one of his lieutenants, Antonio José de Sucre, to reel in these fringe territories, but various thrusts into the region by Sucre met little success. Feeling the need to put more pressure on the Quito front, Bolívar entered the fray in February 1821. After some initial gains into the last vestiges of Royalist control in the now defunct Nueva Grenada, notably his victory at the Battle of Pasto in April 1821, Bolívar would meet his match on the battlefield outside Quito. A bullet wound to the shoulder forced Bolívar to seek medical attention, but the wait had been long enough that the wound became infected. “The Great Liberator” would die in his sick bed on 12 May 1821 in Quito, which was secured in Republican hands.[3]

Death of the Great Liberator, 12 May 1821.​

----------
[1] Augustus Magee as in the Gutierrez-Magee Expedition. TTL it's more successful and Magee's OTL 1813 death is averted.
[2] It's pretty much the same Riego Revolt of OTL, just earlier. The outcome however will be different, and I'll expand on it when I cover Europe.
[3] Didn't see that coming did ya?

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Here's the next update!

Allende's First Term: 1817-1821​

With the simmers of the War of Independence just beginning to cool off and a shattered economy following his every move, Allende began to exercise his executive power in order to remediate the nation’s ills. In May of 1817, with the ratification of the Adams-Ortiz Treaty by the Mexican Congress, Mexico was formally recognized as a sovereign nation by another (though the United States Congress would delay in ratifying the treaty for several more months). Despite this Mexico needed formal recognition from a world power…a European power. Spain was out of the question, as Fernando VII was much more interested in retrieving his crown jewel as opposed to recognizing the new owner. France, while more open to talks, remained uncertain. That left Great Britain, which, as luck would have it had an interest in Mexico.

Britain began to show its interest in Mexico as far back as 1814. As the wars in Europe were winding to a halt, British commercial interest began making contacts with the then fledgling Insurgent government (ignoring protests from Spain), aware of the benefits that an independent Spanish America would reap. Allende would spend the entirety of his first term seeking British recognition and investment (though México would see no official treaty with Great Britain until Allende’s second term). Nevertheless, investments made by private commercial interests (mostly British but some from the United States as well) made some headway in nursing the war-torn Mexican economy back to life. This included the reestablishment of Mexico’s mining business, with the reopening of the Zacatecas mines at Alvarado and Sombrerete, among others, in 1818 and 1819 respectively. Commercial interests were also aided by the capitulation of the last Spanish holdout in Mexico in Veracruz harbor in August 1820. The effects of Veracruz’s delayed “liberation” were somewhat profound. The prolonged battle forced other ports to pick up Veracruz’s slack, such as Tampico and Campeche, and the infrastructure added to these ports between 1816 and 1820 allowed for Tampico’s upgrade to city status in 1821 (Campeche would not follow suit until the end of Morelos’s first term in 1829).

Allende’s first term is also credited with the creation a national military academy in 1819. Spearheaded by Allende’s son Indalecio, the academy would utilize the existing infrastructure of the old headquarters of New Spain’s Inquisition and grow from there (in the words of President Allende, “a fitting end to a symbol of Spanish oppression). At the opening of the academy’s first class in 1820 President Allende, speaking to the new cadets, stressed “the need to remain strong in the face of an uncertain world.” Allende would constantly confer to his Secretary of War José María Morelos the need to remain on guard against any possible enemies of the republic, be it Spain (who was still perceived to be a major threat by Allende and his upper brass well into the 1820’s) or any other nation “that would dare threaten our peace and sovereignty.” Technically speaking Mexico was still at war with Spain even after San Juan de Ulúa, with Mexico’s support of the rebellions in South America in the form of men and supplies. Spain would not sign a treaty with Mexico officially recognizing its independence until the 1830’s. As to the fate of the many Spanish prisoners-of-war still in Mexican custody, Allende ordered the immediate expulsion of the most high profile Royalists, namely Calleja and Arredondo. There were calls for their executions by many in Allende’s government, though for reasons still unclear Allende sent them off on a British flagged ship to rendezvous with Spanish authorities charged to escort them back to Spain. As for the remaining Royalists (the majority being Criollos) Allende offered them a general amnesty, if they pledged loyalty to Mexico. Most would accept the offer.

1820 saw the second presidential election in the nation history, as well as the solidification of the country’s political fault lines. Nominally Allende was a non-partisan candidate, owing to the belief that endorsing one faction would undermine the nation’s already weak political cohesiveness. In regards to the nation’s main political factions, Allende was more in tune with the Federalist Party (or rather, had an easier time working with the federalistas than with the Centralists, who were wielding their star firebrand Agustín de Iturbide to challenge Allende). Allende would comment on how it seemed providence had destined both men to be pitted against one another. The contest itself was not one for the ages. Despite the mess of an economy Mexico was considerably better off at the moment then it was in 1816, as the chaos of the Independence wars had subsided and general law and order was closer to 1810 levels than ever before. All this coupled by Allende’s continued popularity ensured his reelection on 1 October 1820. Iturbide was quick to challenge the results, but his protests were heard little beyond most Centralist circles. Iturbide soon conceded to Allende, and would instead devote his time to aid in the growth of the Centralist Party.

"The Federal Cactus" that Allende had to ensure stuck together.​

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Update time! I wanted to post this before term began again, but this update was really troublesome for some odd reason...oh well, I hope you guys enjoy it. ^^

Author's note: This update covers James Monroe's term in office, and aside from the few butterflies you'll notice in the update it's the same as OTL. After this update I believe things will have deviated enough from OTL that the resemblance between our two worlds will be much more pronounced.

The Presidency of James Monroe: 1817-1825​

Like his Mexican counterpart, James Monroe would come to power in the United States in early 1817 (Monroe would be inaugurated in March, Allende one month later in April), and much like his Mexican counterpart he would be embroiled in a diplomatic quagmire regarding the Spanish Empire. After the United States’ acquisition of Florida and Cuba in 1812-13, the war between the United States and Spain quickly cooled down as Spain was forced to relocate more and more of its resources to its vain attempt towards retaining its American Empire. With México now independent, and American territorial ambitions temporarily satiated, Monroe quickly sought to end hostilities. Despite the able capacities of his Secretary of State John Quincy Adams, Spain would not recognize American ownership of Florida and Cuba until 1819, after Spanish liberals overthrew King Fernando VII and initiated a period of liberal rule in Spain. Florida had been formally turned into a territory a few years prior, in 1817, after a lengthy campaign waged against the indigenous Seminole. Cuba meanwhile would remain under military rule until 1830. Like Florida, it was the scene of conflict, though in Cuba’s case it would be an insurrection by members of the European elite who formerly ruled the island (notwithstanding a concurrent, though exclusive, slave revolt during the same time period). Though the unrest would dissipate sometime in the mid 1820’s, the issue of turning over the island to civilian government proved contentious in Congress, where many were concerned over Cuba’s predominantly large population of Spanish speakers, as well as the island’s large black population. (For comparative purposes Cuba’s total black population around 1820 (roughly 320,000) nearly matched the total population of the state of Georgia (340,000). Indeed as the black population of Cuba exceeded 50% of the island, some in the United States (mostly from the South) would begin to establish themselves on the island in order to prepare it for an eventual “assimilation” with the mainland. Elsewhere Monroe’s foreign policy remained close to that of his predecessor and fellow Virginian James Madison. Supported by Secretary of State John Quincy Adams and (to a larger degree) Speaker of the House Henry Clay, Monroe would continue to establish connections with his nation’s new southern neighbor. Despite recognizing México Monroe stopped short of recognizing the rest of the new nations in South America until his second term. Of course trade was already in full swing between the United States and Colombia once the ports on the coast of Venezuela were liberated in 1820. Diplomatic relations would commence in full in October 1821. Elsewhere, trade with Río de la Plata had been active since the Madison Administration, though recognition would not arrive until 1822, followed by Brazil in 1823.

Domestically Monroe dealt with various troubles throughout his first term. Economic downturn hit the United States very hard during the latter half of his first term, in large part due to debt incurred by the war with Spain. Despite these economic woes Monroe still managed to win the 1820 elections by a very healthy margin. Luckily enough the downturn was all but over by 1822 with interventions by both Monroe and Congress. Elsewhere Monroe oversaw the admission of Mississippi and Alabama as new states into the union, in 1817 and 1819 respectively. The following state to apply for admission, Missouri, would run into a problem, however, regarding the interests of the Congress. After the admission of Alabama parity had been reached between Free states and Slave states in the Senate. Missouri petitioned to enter the union as a Slave state, which would give the Southern states an advantage, an unnerving proposition for the North. The issue would languish in Congress until 1820, when a compromise was reached, allowing Missouri to enter as a Slave state in conjunction with Maine as a Free state. As part of the compromise new states formed from the territories would be barred from entering the union as Slave states north of the 36°30’ line of latitude (the southern boundary of Missouri all the way to the Pacific Ocean. Not all were in agreement to this compromise, such as former President Thomas Jefferson, who remarked on it as “the knell of the Union.” Following tradition Monroe declined a third term, tossing up the 1824 Presidential Election as a contest between John Quincy Adams, Henry Clay and William Crawford. [1] Unfortunately for Crawford, he would not live to see 1824. In the summer of 1823 Crawford fell ill, and after an erroneous diagnosis by an inexperienced doctor received a fatal dose of poisonous digitalis. [2] With no clear opposition in the West and South Clay handedly won the election, with 181 electoral votes to Adam’s 78. On 4 March 1825 Henry Clay would be inaugurated as the 6th President of the United States, with John C. Calhoun as his Vice-President.

United States Presidential Election, 1824

Speaker of the House Henry Clay (DR-KY): 181 EV
Secretary of State John Quincy Adams (DR-MA): 78 EV

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[1] No War of 1812 means Jackson never got his moment of glory, so he remains in the military...unless you guys can suggest something better.
[2] In OTL Crawford suffered a major stroke for this but didn't die...ATL's doctor gave him just a little bit more digitalis, and that's all she wrote.

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Update time! Figures I decided to hash out an update during midterms, but eh, I'd much rather type out my timeline as opposed to a paper. Also apologies for the update being a bit short and/or lacking, like my update on Madison this one has been sitting around collecting dust, so I got fed up and wrapped it up one way or another.

México's first transfer of power: 1821-1828

Ignacio Allende and José María Morelos: the two men who would shape México during it's first quarter century of existence.​

One of the central issues that would define the latter half of the Allende Administration would be the issue of the feudal Hacienda System, a relic institution dating back to the 16th century. The system found a fierce critic with José María Morelos, the new republic’s Secretary of War. He noted right away that México’s progression would be hindered by the inequality imbedded into the current state of society. Naturally Morelos sought to right this “most heinous of wrongs,” but to his dismay and aggrievement many in congress did not see eye to eye with him. Iturbide and his posse of centralistas, who represented the interests the hacendados (and in most cases they themselves being the patróns of their own haciendas) sought to block any attempts by Morelos to introduce any legislation that would possibly do away with the haciendas. Indeed the idea of scrapping the hacienda system was revolutionary all its own. Many of his fellow Insurgents, while sympathetic with his ideas, were more grounded with the belief that altering the social fabric soon after México had finally found some piece would be disastrous. President Allende was of this opinion, but he nonetheless spoke regularly with Morelos over the institution’s eventual dismantling. One idea that gained traction would be of granting hacienda owners incentives, in the form of monetary compensation. Allende knew, however, that it would be an idea that would take years to actually implement nationwide.

Another issue that came to a head at this time was the status of México’s remaining peninsular population. Despite the call by many Méxicans to expel the remaining Spaniards, Allende dissuaded against such a move. Whether it was the fact that he understood the human capital they held and how México could benefit from them, or simply the fact that Allende’s own father was a peninsular, Allende made sure to resist any attempts to expel them. In fact, despite the trickle of peninsulares leaving México on their own accord, several thousand Spaniards would arrive in Veracruz between 1824 and 1827, mostly refugees from American Cuba. On the continued advice from General Aldama and Secretary Gutierrez de Lara, Allende would encourage new migrants to México to settle in the north, with a sizable portion of Cuban peninsulares eventually settling in San Antonio de Béxar and various other locations in Tejas and Coahuila. This policy would continue after Morelos succeeds Allende in 1825 as Spaniards, mostly Spanish liberals, would make the trek from Spain itself as it continued to be rocked by instability. Despite Morelos’s dislike of gachupines[1], Allende would continually pressure Morelos to stop short of expulsion.

On the international stage México would finally receive formal recognition from several European states, beginning with Great Britain in 1825 (just as Allende would end his term as president) followed by France in 1828 and The Netherlands in 1830. Back in its own hemisphere México would see the return of its legion from South America, with the Wars of Independence there finally petering out by 1825. Some Méxicans would stay in Colombia for varying reasons, but most would leave the country now headed by Francisco de Paula Santander as repeated liberation attempts into Perú produced abysmal results.[2] To México’s north several American citizens would begin talks with the Méxican government over the possible migration of several hundred Americans into Tejas. As legalities were settled the first anglosajones would make their way into Tejas in 1828.

James Heweston, Irish-born American who would settle one of the first American colonies in Tejas southeast of San Antonio de Béxar.​

***
[1] Just in case for those who may not know, gachupines was term used to describe Spaniards, and it was usually used in a derogatory manner. Also, peninsular is a more formal term for gachupines, namely those Spaniards born in the Iberian Peninsula...again just in case some of you did not know.
[2] Spoilers.

I won't promise an update any time in the next few days or weeks, but if I do manage to pull something out of my ass soon it will be concerning South America...and expanding on that spoiler above in much more detail.

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Aaaaand here's a map of the world as of 1824.

 

[Arkhangelsk]

Update on Europe!

Ugh, finally now that school is out for winter I can update. Now I know I said the next update would be on South America...well I lied. I was working on that particular update when it occurred to me it would be best to cover some events in Europe first (of course events in Spain being paramount, since the South American update covers certain things you'd need to know about in Spain).

The Spanish Liberal Insurrection and the Neapolitan Revolution of 1821

Fernando VII of Spain, followed by the Cortes Generales, which ruled Spain briefly from 1820 to 1821. ​

In the aftermath of the Napoleonic Wars, Spain continued to be a nest for war, as the once mighty empire convulsed with rebellion and renewed invasion. In December 1818 a mutiny rocked the port city of Cadíz in southern Spain [1]. Discontented soldiers, wary of the prospect of traveling across the Atlantic to fight a losing war rose up against Fernando VII’s government. The mutiny, led by liberal members of the officer corps, seemed to waiver at first, as there was little public support seemingly evident. Within a matter of weeks, however, it spread like wildfire throughout southern and western Spain, and by the beginning of spring 1819 a rebel army was on the march towards Madrid. The rebel’s aim was the restoration of the 1812 Constitution by the King. After several months’ worth of skirmishes the rebels entered Madrid in late June 1819 and effectively placed Fernando VII under de facto house arrest. Fearing for his life Fernando reinstated the constitution and even went as far as to embrace the Liberal cause, or at least put on a show that he was. Most liberals, many of whom still vividly recalled the horrors of Fernando’s return in 1814 and subsequent purges, were not amused by the King’s show of support. In fact Fernando did much more to harm his credibility in the face of his own supporters, as questions emerged as to his ability to rule as an absolute monarch.
With vast numbers of the army defecting to the Liberal cause, the few forces still willing to fight in the name of the King were forced into the Pyrenees, launching periodic assaults on liberal forces but too weak to do much else. From here Fernando’s supporters petitioned the great powers for support. Indeed the events in Spain prompted Great Britain, France, Russia, Austria and Prussia to meet at the start of 1821 in order to discuss any means to deal with the “Spanish Question.” The negotiations were at a standstill over the issue of France sending its own forces into Spain in order to restore order. The deadlock came to an abrupt halt in May 1821 when the powers received news of the apparent assassination of Fernando VII as Royalists attempted to rescue him from his house arrest. Due to the confusing and chaotic environment in which Fernando met his end, there has never been clear consensus as to who killed him. Many liberals had plenty of reason to kill Fernando, but in the various events throughout Fernando’s reign that diminished his absolute authority in the eyes of his subjects, such as his acquiescence to Napoleon in 1808 and his relatively light handed approach to the recent revolution, his most ardent supporters quickly grew disillusioned with him. Regardless, the powers, alarmed by the turn of events in Spain gave France the prerogative to invade. Nearly 60,000 strong, the French army would barrel into Spain in July, decimating the Liberal army as it attempted to stop the second French invasion of its homeland in a quarter century. By mid-August the French had entered Madrid and had pushed the rebels into Andalusia, Taking Seville on 29 August and Cadíz several weeks later on 10 October. With French backing, conservatives soon returned to rule in Madrid. As Fernando VII had yet to produce an heir, the throne passed down to Fernando’s younger brother, the Infante Carlos. After a brief period of pacification the Infante would be crowned in Madrid on 17 January 1822 as King Carlos V. One anonymous liberal would commentate soon after Carlos V’s ascension that “despite my utter hatred for ‘el Deseado,’ at least he would listen to our pleas before killing us.”

King Carlos V of Spain​

Meanwhile, half way across the Mediterranean Sea, a similar revolt to the one of 1819 in Spain would surface in the Kingdom of Naples on the Italian Peninsula. Unlike in Spain, however, the Neapolitan revolt of 1820 would accomplish so much more than anything that came out from the Spanish debacle. Despite a series of reforms initiated by King Gioacchino I at the start of his reign in 1808, many liberals demanded more [2]. As in Spain, and for the most part emboldened to act by the revolt of said country, the Liberal movement in Naples was led by the Neapolitan military officer corps. Several months following the events in Spain, the Neapolitan Liberals, led by the General Guglielmo Pepe, marched on the city of Naples and demanded that Gioacchino accept a liberal constitution along the lines of the Spanish Constitution. Gioacchino gave in to the Liberal’s demands and had a new constitution created for the Kingdom, proclaimed and signed in May 1821. The constitution’s key points were its emphasis on constitutional monarchy, as it placed sovereignty in the people as opposed to the king. The constitution also placed a few restrictions on the gentry and the church, though Gioacchino was wary of giving too many concessions, lest he provoke the Austrian giant across the Adriatic. Regardless of this the constitution placated many of the liberal’s demands for greater reform. The reforms also lead to warmer relations with Great Britain, which until recently had been supporting the neighboring Kingdom of Sicily, whose Bourbon monarch Ferdinand III ruled with an absolute fist…or at least as absolute as he could, as the restive Sicilians continued to resent the continued presence of the foreign Bourbons in the island. Gioacchino also managed to strengthen his relationships with many Liberals across the Italian Peninsula, many of whom were also strong proponents for Italian Unification. These relationships in turn would cause Gioacchino himself to embrace the thought of unification. Over the next few years, as Naples would grow in wealth and power in the wake of the Muratian reforms, it would come to the forefront of eventual Italian unification.

King Gioacchino I of Naples​

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[1] Samething that happened in OTL, just one year earlier. Of course another difference is despite beginning earlier it also ends earlier.
[2] Yes that's Joachim Murat. In TTL he doesn't run off to Napoleon's side during the 100 days, and despite the odds manages to retain his throne in Naples.