I would expect that Maine would, at worst (or best from the Klan point of view) be very divided, and likely not rebel. If it did rebel, I'd anticipate a lot of conflict within Maine. Also, if Maine's government did turn traitor, I can see a "Joshua Chamberlain Brigade" being raised from loyal Mainers.

well remember, the leadership and populace are not one in the same. just because the state of maine goes for the klan, doesn't mean the entire populace will hop on. and yes, the front in maine will get its attention when the second insurrection happens :)
 
well remember, the leadership and populace are not one in the same. just because the state of maine goes for the klan, doesn't mean the entire populace will hop on. and yes, the front in maine will get its attention when the second insurrection happens :)

I would anticipate that Maine as a whole would be VERY harsh with the people who supported the second insurrection. In the south, it can be seen as trying again; in Maine, I think a lot would see it as betrayal of all the state fought for in the Civil War. I also suspect that a lot of other New Englanders will see it as treason of the rawest sort.

Maine has LOTS of woods for bushwackers to hide in...
 
1928-1928 Chapter 6: Bloody Illinois
Chapter 6 - Bloody Illinois
(Warning: Picture of Lynching)
The Absurd Fallacy among the Great Men of Europe - (The Fall of America, Sir Winston Spencer-Churchill, 1953, London Publications)
In the slow, chilly months of Winter 1928 the last thing on my mind was the United States of America. I was concerned with the drudgery of my day to day life; the blooming of the flowers and the stirring of my tea. In hindsight it seems so very obvious. The Klu Klux Klan had unleashed a terror never before seen in the American South, and the American population was becoming increasingly polarized over class, race, and opinions on the Klan. The Republicans looked to be securing the presidency, I simply thought they would surely sweep away the Klan like a pest on a windowsill; without a second thought. This suggestion was utterly ludicrous, and it involved a suspension of reality so magnificent I can hardly believe I thought it. My only consolation was that this thought seemed to be held by every politician, from Josif Stalin to Hermann Müller. Yet, as it should have seemed so obvious, this utterly failed. Willis would implement a plan so widespread and ubiquitous across the American South that the Democratic Party was effectively banned throughout all the nation, that would need to be executed perfectly to avoid the South erupting into a violence not seen since the Civil War. And so, as we all should have known, it failed.


The Democratic Primary of 1928
The belief that the election of 1928 would end in a Democratic defeat and the Republicans in control was even held by the most prominent Democratic statesmen. The mood at the Democratic primaries were more than somber, almost defeatist. The ballot numbers were low, but the question of leadership was not in doubt. The Klu Klux Klan arrived at the Primary with little fanfare, not to pick a Klan-loyalist candidate for the election, but to ensure that the primary would not entertain an anti-Klan candidate. Al Smith, the Anti-Prohibition Catholic who opposed McAdoo back in 1924 was quietly and unceremoniously arrested and escorted from the convention with an entourage of Southern police officers and Klansmen. Thomas J. Walsh, a well-known Progressive Democrat like Franklin D. Roosevelt, was forced to take Roosevelt's path in political retirement when he was forced to leave the convention by a group of Klansmen, and told he could no longer participate in Democratic Party politics. Several other fringe politicians were allowed to discreetly leave before the voting was to begin. This purge of non-Klan Democrats would ensure that the Democratic Party would continue to collaborate with the Klu Klux Klan, even in the likely event of a Republican victory.

Although disgraced and with low approval ratings, William McAdoo seemed like the most sensible choice. He had allowed the Klan to grow into an organization almost ten million strong, and therefore the Klan had cemented its power base in the American South. The Klan was discredited and humiliated by their inability to decisively control the elections in places like Colorado and Illinois in 1926, but they had grown far stronger in the last two years, and they were the Democrat's only hopes to win in 1928. Obviously, the Klan would be the true power behind the primaries. The candidates who ran only ran because the Klan allowed them to, and therefore no policy of theirs could be found disagreeable to the Klan.

The two candidates who were taken seriously by the Democratic establishment were Missouri Senator James A. Reed and previous President William McAdoo. McAdoo represented the purest form of the Southern aristocracy, prioritizing state's rights to the core and a staunch defender of the current system, only biased against the groups prevalent in his home environment, unconcerned with any 'global conspiracies'. His opponent, James A. Reed, had a history of virulent racism and anti-immigration. He had said
"no man not of the white race ought to be permitted to settle permanently in the United States of America" and had a long history of opposition to immigration bills. He also argued for Henry Ford in a court case where Ford had accused a farmer Aaron Sapiro of being part of a Jewish conspiracy to defraud American farmers. Antisemitism had never been particularly popular in America, mostly owing to the lack of a significant Jewish minority, especially in the South. McAdoo had little antisemitism, but Reed had been drawn into the concept of a 'global Jewish conspiracy' and had viciously argued for "Freeing our great nation from the yoke of Jewish power". He was still a Southern aristocrat, and believed strongly in state's rights, but his antisemitism would be the first deviation from run-of-the-mill Southern establishment ideology that would plant the seeds for the openly Fascist wings of the Christian America Front.

Despite James A. Reed's surprisingly strong performance, he was ultimately unable to defeat the established power of William McAdoo. With 38.41% to McAdoo's 40.63%, James A. Reed fell short of the Nomination. Hiram Johnson was renominated as Vice President, to little fanfare or opposition.


The Formation of the United Front - (The Dying Days of American Multi-Party Politics, John C. Williamson, New Berlin Publishing Company, 1955)
The general policy endorsed by the Republican establishment in the days leading up to the 1928 Election was the throwing away of the old 'agreeable compromise' of Curtis. The Socialist-Labor Party would fall in line; or they would be crushed. If Socialist-Labor cooperated, the establishment Republicans were willing to tolerate them in the short term. If Socialist-Labor opposed them; they would be swept away in the 'National Reconstruction' under President Willis. Hard sources on what compelled the Socialist-Labor Party and leadership to join the United Front, which was effectively the Socialist-Labor Party's departure from the Presidential Race are almost nonexistent. A combination of illegal threats, promises, fear of reprisal and Socialist-Labor's hatred of the Democrats and the Klan are generally agreed on. Whatever the exact reasons are, the official ballot was between the United Front and Democratic Party.

In terms of the Congressional Election, all the Republicans agreed to was to not run candidates in Socialist-Labor controlled regions. None of the back dealing of 1926 was entertained, the United Front would be a pact among wolves, and most importantly temporary. The establishment
Republicans had no desire to fulfill the promises they made in '24 and '26. Despite the shaky state of affairs behind the scenes, the two parties publicly got along well. The United Front performed well electorally in its short existence. The Communist Party, endorsed by the Comintern, had little electoral success, with most Socialist-Labor voters voted for the United Front.


1928 Presidential Election

Candidate_________________Party_________________Popular Vote_________________Popular Percentage_________________Electoral Vote_________________Electoral Percentage

Frank B. Willis____________________United Front(Republican)_______21,385,119________________________55.54%___________________________________313_______________________________58.94%

William G. McAdoo_________________Democratic Party_____________17,057,468________________________44.30%___________________________________218_______________________________41.06%

William Z. Foster__________________Communist Party of America____61,958____________________________0.16%___________________________________0__________________________________00.00%

Reds!.png

(shamelessly stolen from the excellent Reds! Timeline)
1928 Congressional Elections

1928 House of Representatives Election
Party Leader_________________Party_________________Previous Representatives_________________Previous Percentage of Representatives_________________Representatives_________________Percentage of Representatives


Nicholas Longworth__________________Republican Party_____________223 seats_______________________________________51.26%______________________________________________________234 seats______________________________53.79%

Finis Garrett________________________Democratic Party____________182 seats_______________________________________41.83%______________________________________________________171 seats______________________________39.31%

Norman Thomas_____________________Socialist-Labor Party_________30 seats________________________________________06.89%______________________________________________________30 seats_______________________________06.89%


1928 Senate Election
Party Leader_________________Party_________________Previous Senators_________________Previous Percentage of Senators_________________Senators_________________Percentage of Senators


Nicholas Longworth__________________Republican Party_____________49 Senators______________________________51.04%________________________________________________52 Senators___________________54.16%

Finis Garrett________________________Democratic Party____________43 Senators______________________________44.79%________________________________________________40 Senators___________________41.66%

Norman Thomas_____________________Socialist-Labor Party_________3 Senators_______________________________03.12%________________________________________________3 Senators____________________03.12%



The 1928 Presidential and Congressional Elections seemed to have gone the way everyone expected it to. McAdoo had an uneventful, scandalous, and disappointing term off the backs of a victory he never won. The United Front was able to publicly appeal to voters from conservative elitist Republicans to hardcore Socialists who wanted to see McAdoo out of office. Democratic Senators and Representatives were forced back into their home region of the South, building on the victory from 1926. Despite what seemed to many as a decisive victory against the Klan and the beginning of the end for Democratic-Klan collaboration, the election served as a wake-up call for the entire world; America was in chaos.

hung-blac-men.jpg

Klu Klux Klan members lynch two black United Front voters, Bloomington, Illinois.

American Democracy had entered its twilight hours. A United Front of Republicans and their culled Socialist allies were entering the White House with an aspiration to dethrone the Democratic Party and annihilate the Klan in a large civil conflict expected to encompass thousands of lives even by the overly optimistic Republican planners. The Democratic Party, in contrast, directly employed the Klan as a paramilitary force to disrupt United Front voters and threaten the members of local communities who were likely to vote for the United Front. Black voters in the South were immediately threatened if they attempted to vote, and over 150 people were lynched from November 5th to November 9th, most of them black. Oftentimes, police officers and people who worked in ballot booths were sympathetic to the Klan, or even Klan members themselves who cooperated to simply discard votes that were not for the Democrats, providing any number of excuses which weren't scrutinized by state officials. In the South, democracy simply ceased to be performed. The images of Klan members demanding to see ballot boxes or lynching black voters were published worldwide, to show how far the United States had sunk.

In places like Oregon, some police officers prevented Klansmen from organizing near voting areas, which oftentimes resulted in shots being fired between civilian armed Klansmen and professional police officers. On two occasions, one in California and the other in Maine, policemen from different departments opened fire on each other over the issue of the Klan.

While the Klan's total ignorance of democracy in the South, and clashes between officials and the Klan in the rest of the nation worried and caught the rest of the world's attention, the symbol of this chaos was the oft-repeated phrase 'Bloody Illinois'. Illinois was one of the most valuable regions of the Klan, a way for the Klan to appeal out of the South, and contribute to the Second Klan's attempt at a truly 'nation-wide movement' and not focused on restoration of the Confederacy like the First Klan was. It was also one of the most divided regions of the nation, with Chicago serving as the heart of the American Socialist movement and a revitalized center of the Socialist-Labor Party. Most of the urban areas were majority Republican, in contrast to the Klan-backing rural regions. This intense divide, only stoked by the political situation and previous incidents in 1926 exploded into a scene of chaos not seen since the Civil War.

Exact numbers are difficult to find, and most figures tended to be exaggerated or played down for political gain. The lowest estimates, from deaths directly proven with physical evidence and many witnesses ranges from 250-400. The highest estimates run into the thousands, but likely were inflated to sell newspapers and scare voters. While numbers might be difficult to pin down, the scene of chaos was all too obvious. Klansmen would openly brandish weapons and march into neighborhoods, lynching black voters and firing at any who dared to lift a finger. Socialist-Labor organized mobs would arrive on scene to expected Klan gatherings. Although a simple disruption tactic at first, the Klan began to hide members in local buildings to open fire on the Socialist-Labor militias. The S-L militias would arrive, better armed and larger in number, to directly drive off Klan rallies. By the height of violence from the sixth to the eighth, street battles between opposing factions could take up multiple blocks, and began to be planned with what could be construed as a rudimentary military strategy. Depots of weapons would be hidden behind Klan positions, and local civilians would sometimes be forced into delivering the guns under fire, although a few 'runner boys' would open fire on the Klan from the rear instead. Wiping out the enemy's position and taking their weapons would be the reward for a victory, and battles would be drawn out in the hopes of capturing the other's supplies.

Police response in restoring order was stymied by both a lack of ability to dealing with the larger, rowdy militias and the affiliation of the police officers. Many departments had links to the Klan, and some Chicago departments' lower echelons were dominated by Socialist, working-class policemen. This split mostly resulted in feuds between different chains in the chain of command that slowed the police response, but in the most extraordinary cases resulted in police departments clashing with one another. Although extremely rare, federal employees of the U.S Government trading fire was a massive blow to prestige and one of the most exaggerated aspect of the chaos during the election.

As the terror began popping up in early November, the police response was mostly confused and chaotic. Little actual intervention happened during the most violent confrontations, and most of the impromptu militias simply walked home instead of being forcefully broken up. As the national news began to publicize massively, and foreign offices began to be worried and inquire, McAdoo rapidly demanded a crackdown. Throughout the Seventh and Eighth, the police threw themselves into the fray, oftentimes clashing with the militias instead of the militias simply disarming, which was the (overly) optimistic federal plan. Once the elections ended, and the police continued to intervene, the fighting rapidly subsided, mostly dissipating by the 9th and 10th.

The fighting had ended. The militias had dispersed. But the United States would never be the same.

COMMENTS/SUGGESTIONS/INPUT/CRITICISM/CREATIVE INSULTS ALL WELCOME!!
 
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I don't see organized crime being to friendly twords the Klan particularly the very powerful Italian and Jewish gangs.

Once the new Republican Administration comes into power, we'll see the confrontation between organized crime and the Republican crackdown. Prohibition will play its fair share in the conflict.
 
Timeline 1926-1928
Timeline 1926 - 1928
(November 8th 1926 - November 10th 1928)

November 8th, 1926

Election day results are in, and the 1926 midterms are a disaster for the Democratic Party. They are further sidelined in the House and Senate, and the Socialist-Labor Party more than doubled its seats in the 'Backroom Deal' of 1926. Most significantly, Klan agents attempting to disrupt voting and several attempted lynchings failed, with the Klan being driven off. In armed confrontations, the disorganized and unprepared Klan was rapidly dispersed by police officers and Chicago worker's militias. The Klan's attempt to rig the vote in Illinois failed, and several Democratic Representatives lost their seats to Republican opponents.

December 17th, 1926
Amidst fears of an imminent Communist takeover, the social democratic Lithuanian government is overthrown by the Lithuanian Nationalist Union Party, with the support of the anti-communist Lithuanian military.

December 25th, 1926
The old Emperor Taishō of Japan died and was succeeded by his 25-year old son Hirohito.

January 7th, 1927

In Mexico, the 'Cristero War' begins. Catholics in Mexico rebel against the anti-clerical provisions of the 1917 Mexican Constitution. The Klan remains silent, because despite their hatred of Catholics, Calles is enforcing the anti-clerical provisions out of a belief in secularism, not out of a genuine Christian hatred of Catholicism specifically. The Mexican government is also seen as left-wing, seen by many as a 'Bolshevik Puppet'.

April 12th, 1927
The Shanghai Massacre occurs. With the Northern Expedition and nominal unification of China under Jiang Jieshi(Chiang Kai-Shek), Jieshi finds the alliance between the Chinese Communist Party(CCP) and the Guomindang(Kuomintang) and violently massacres thousands of labor activists, left-wing intellectuals, trade union leaders and Communist politicians.

July 16th, 1927
Augusto Sandino, leader of the Nicaraguan government, rebels against the military dictatorship imposed on them by the United States, beginning the 'War for National[Nicaraguan] Liberation'.

November 12th, 1927
Leon Trotsky, Zinoviev and 93 other members of the All-Union Communist Party are expelled, have their party membership revoked, and are to be fired from all official posts for deviating from the party line. This is considered to be the beginning of Stalin's dictatorship of the Soviet Union.

May 7th, 1928
Frank B. Willis comes out with a slight majority in the Republican Primaries, with Charles Curtis as his Vice President.

May 20th, 1928
The German Federal Election for the Reichstag is held. The Social Democratic Party(SPD) remains the largest Party in the Reichstag, second to the DVLP and Centre parties. The Communist Party of Germany(KPD) gains over 10%, in an election marred by violence and even the murder of a child.

June 20th, 1928
During a heated debate in the Yugoslavian National Assembly, a Serbian deputy shot and killed to Croatian members of the parliament. King Alexander I would go on to institute a dictatorship in Yugoslavia in the political and ethnic tension following the shooting.

June 28th, 1928
Incumbent President William G. McAdoo wins the Democratic Presidential Primaries, albeit with surprisingly fierce resistance from Missouri Representative James A. Reed.

September 21st, 1928
Parliamentary Elections are held in Sweden. The Swedish Social Democratic Party remains the largest party in the Swedish Parliament.

October 1st, 1928
Soviet Premier Joseph Stalin announces the beginning of the first Five Year Plan.

November 1st, 1928
Despite growing unpopularity, Incumbent Cuban president Gerardo Machado was reelected.

November 8th, 1928
The Democratic Party is decisively defeated in the 1928 Elections. Willis is elected President and the Republicans control of the House and Senate are expanded slightly, confining the Democratic Party to the South and to the South alone.
 
1928-1929 Chapter 7: The Purge of the South
Chapter 7: The Purge of the South

The Power Behind America's Golden Throne - (The Dying Days of American Multi-Party Politics, John C. Williamson, New Berlin Publishing Company, 1955)
The halcyon days of the 1920s, interrupted by only turmoil in the American South, instability in the Wiemar Republic, and an insurrectionist Jewish-Bolshevik regime occupying Russia were shattered in the righteous struggle of the Klu Klux Klan and Democratic Party against the Negro-Socialist specter threatening to engulf America. McAdoo, criticized by his own party for absurd adventures such as limiting work hours and some elements of Progressive reform which were quickly quashed by his own supporters, and coming under fire from the Republicans for a harshly conservative Klan-backing policy. McAdoo now faced total political oblivion. Reluctantly renominated by his own party and decisively ousted by his Republican opponents in 1926 and 1928, he was increasingly seen as a less favorable face of the party. He had no fundamental policy, coming into office as a socially conservative Southern Progressive, only to have those aspirations crushed by the Bourbon elements of his party and be pushed into reluctant collaboration with the Klan, who had no concept of 'moderation' or 'restraint'. He was an already unpopular president of an already unpopular party unable to cultivate a real image for himself, and almost losing in the Primaries despite being an incumbent.

After 1928 these resentments which had been building up in the last few years exploded into a massive anti-McAdoo sentiment among Democratic politicians. They wanted somebody who had a clear, long-term message of being pro-Klan, pro-White, anti-Progressive and a strong supporter of the heavily stratified southern society, where both class and race dominated relations. This sentiment had a clear, obvious face: James A. Reed. Putting up impressive resistance to McAdoo's seemingly sure seat as the Presidential candidate, massive portions of the Democratic Bourbon establishment flocked to him as an alternative to the reluctantly Klan-backing, weak and spineless McAdoo. McAdoo's naive hopes of regaining support by putting further resources into the Klan was seen as less of a definitive realignment of his politics and more a desperate last gamble to a post he was bound to lose. In the meantime of McAdoo attempting to hide increased support to the Klan and failing miserably, Reed marched with the Klan through Atlanta, publicly displaying the American Flag with Hiram W. Evans and Georgia Governor Clifford Walker.

In the final months of McAdoo's lame-duck administration, he saw the writing on the wall and ended his attempts to reclaim his supporters, and made a last-ditch effort to introduce Progressive labor legislation. Socialist-Labor delegates found no reason to oppose this, but the Republicans assured the Socialists that a legislative victory would be seen as a victory for McAdoo and the Democrats(1). These last attempts failed miserably, with both the Democrats and Republicans refusing to support it, and Socialist-Labor being pressed into abstinence. With this final failure, McAdoo more or less gave up. When he left office in 1929, his departure would be mourned by few and wouldn't even attempt to compete for the leadership or reforge his reputation in the chaotic days of the 'Purge against the South'. The political party of the presidency had mostly evaporated, and McAdoo functioned, as Norman Thomas quipped 'Like a puppet without a puppeteer'.


The Republican Party Process on Destroying and Weakening the Klu Klux Klan Upon Assumption of the Presidency - (The Invisible Empire, Brian Tackett, Birmingham Premier Publishing Inc., 2009)
The Republican Party Process on Destroying and Weakening the Klu Klux Klan Upon Assumption of the Presidency was a conspiracy authored by the highest officials of the Republican Party on the process of destroying the Klu Klux Klan. The methods and tactics were developed as early as March of 1928, but a rough timeline on when certain actions should be taken to minimize casualties and maximize destruction of the Klan, but the conspiracy was finalized and expanded to a rough timeline of several years and the wideranging political changes that would result, such as the Republican hegemony over American politics. Exact documents are difficult to find, as many were destroyed with the destruction of the old Congressional building, but first-hand accounts and the rough policy followed by Willis and Curtis can be roughly mapped out.

March 4th, 1929 - Early Summer 1929
Attempting to undermine the Klan's power base in the South and Indiana. Increased wages backed by prominent Southern businessmen as well as a temporary stall to African-American liberation as well as the end of federal support to the Klan as done under McAdoo would hope to slow the Klan's growth to a trickle. The Republicans in Congress would set to work silencing the Democrats, and effectively keep Congress quiet and allow the President to spearhead operations.

Early Summer - Late Summer 1929
The border regions of the Klan's control, such as Colorado, Maryland, Maine and Illinois as well as Klan cells throughout the nation would come under a harsh 'no-misbehavior' policy by the police. Any attempted lynchings or violence would result in harsh rebuke from the police, and a harsh, rapid, well-organized response would arrest and detain the Klan's leadership, and drive them away from public organizing.
Hopefully, this harsh policy would only result in further backlash from the Southern Klan, and provide enough atrocity to drum up sufficient domestic and foreign support for a harsher policy. After the neutralizing of much of the Klan outside of the South, once a sufficiently awful opportunity presented itself, an official order criminalizing the Klu Klux Klan could be passed. The Democratic Party would be confronted; Support America, or the Klan. Similarly, the Southern officials would have to choose, and likely support the Klan, providing an impetus to their removal and creation of military districts, a la the Reconstruction. This 'question of allegiance' would hopefully split the Democratic Party, into a majority pro-Klan Democratic Party(which would be subsequently outlawed for conspiring against the Union) and a rump pro-Government Democratic Party, which would likely provide the post-Klan removal opposition to the Republican hegemony.

Late Summer 1929 - Beginning of 1930
It was deemed unlikely to be able to arrest the Klan leadership upon proclamation of the Klan's banning. Therefore, it was decided that a gradual approach be employed, first Illinois, Colorado, and Maryland would be the first. Battles between policemen and Klan paramilitaries were expected to be swift, and with support from the populace, the Klan was expected to melt away in these states. Illinois, however, would require a more thorough approach. Socialist-Labor militants would be recruited and organized to fight the Klan in a guerrilla campaign, and National Guard units under an official jurisdiction of 'special police units' under the executive power of the President would occupy rural regions after a sufficiently atrocious casus belli.
The usage of the 'special police forces' would rely on the expected Democratic schism to work. A massive overreach of Federal power, this would require the Democrats to be unable to prevent this. However, the 'special police forces' were under command of the executive, not Congress, so excepting impeachment(which was impossible, as Congress was majority Republican and many State Legislatures in the South were likely to be officially null in Washington, as many would have supported the now-illegal Klan.)
The Republicans hoped that this rapid crackdown would destroy the Klan in these states over the next few months, and the 'special police forces could be expanded to cover the entire american South.

Early 1930 - 1931
The operation of the Executive Police Department would expand to about 200,000-500,000, and operatives would begin to strike south of the Ohio River, into Kentucky, Missouri, and West Virginia. Klan leadership on the periphery were likely to flee further South, but that was of little importance. A slow marching occupation of the South would follow, a gradual, easy occupation of the rural areas and a rapid, brutal strike to reoccupy the cities and restore order.

1932 - 1930s
Official military districts are established in the South. Voting rights are temporarily restricted, and a genuine racially-equal reconstruction effort is launched, slowly bringing the South, kicking and screaming, into modern America. It would likely take decades for the situation to fully pacify, and remnants of the old Klan would likely live on in underground resistance.

This plan, as we all know, failed disastrously. The earliest stages of the operation, beating down the Klan's base support and slowly plugging the Klan's growing membership numbers failed with epic proportions. Yet further proof that the white struggle against the Negro-Bolshevik menace was an unshakable force that could not be beaten, in its righteous struggle for the fate of America.


The Final Days of the Second Republic - (The Dying Days of American Multi-Party Politics, John C. Williamson, New Berlin Publishing Company, 1955)
In the depressed, motionless days of McAdoo's lame duck presidency, the people of America looked beyond the calm into the storm ahead, the inevitable collision. The United Front and Democratic Party would have a final conflict over America. The signs were plain and obvious, throughout Winter, Klan paramilitaries openly defied the law, arresting anybody unsympathetic to their cause. W.E.B Du Bois and his NAACP were forced to leave Alabama, resettling in Massachusetts for the time time being. The few Republican stragglers in the South were forced to resign or be arrested, and Klan forces in most Southern cities set up barricades and a sizable quantity of weapons. The Executive Police Department would gather strength, along with National Guard units quietly mobilized slowly and often under fake registrars.

So, with what seemed to be an inevitable confrontation on the precipice, McAdoo formally left office and was replaced by Frank B. Willis, now the 32nd President of the United States. Everything seemed to be at a standstill, neither side would make the first move. Then, what was planned to be the first move in a set of elaborate strategy to dethrone the Klan and the Democratic Party was set down. It was the negotiation with Southern businessmen to rise wages and crackdown on Klan proselytizing in their business. This, which was meant to be seen as simply a development outside of state activity, flopped tremendously.

The increased wages and reluctant support to the few trade unions in the South immediately caused suspicion among the Klan and Democrats. With the crackdown on proselytizing Klansmen in early March, the Klan reacted violently. Union leaders were lynched en masse, and Southern workers were encouraged to not accept 'northern bribery' and give the money to the Klan in dues. Workers flocked to this, joining the Klan's anti-union crusade. Now faced with rioting workers, and effectively paying the Klan with the pay raises, many factories terminated the pay raises on March 9th, only running the pay raise for four days. Now, the Klan was deprived of profit, but this drove further numbers of workers into the Klan, and assemblies of striking workers demanded the Klan be allowed into the factory assemblies again, along with the pay raises. Of course, this would not be allowed, and so much of the South exploded into a Klan and Democrat-backed General Strike. The 'Strike of the South' would be paid for out of pocket by the Klan and Democratic politicians. Police forces would sometimes join with the strikers, and scabs staying behind would find themselves victims of lynchings.

The Ford Company, in this sea of chaos, was profiting nicely. Its opponents in Chrysler and foreign business were mired in chaos and striking, while Ford assembly lines hummed along, with Klansmen and their working acquaintances churning out profit. In response, the Federal Government accused Ford of 'siding against America', and Ford factories outside of the South were rapidly nationalized, as the Northern Ford factories were on the verge of their own general strike by Anti-Klan northerners. This crushed Ford's profits, and so the Ford Company and Klan formally joined, with the Klan's treasury used to prop up Ford in its economic chaos.

Similarly, Southern businesses in the North were placed under control of Northern competitors, or the state. In the final days before secession, many factories were occupied by workers, beginning Socialist-Labor takeover of the Rust Belt. Northern businessmen in the South, over the course of March, April, and May slowly conceded, falling into the ownership of the Klan. The 'Strike of the South' was incredibly successful, drawing a dividing line between the South and North. Businesses no longer competed, now it was a total segregation. Southern businessmen for Southerners, Northern businesses for Northerners. This zone of economic segregation would provide the economic backbone for the New Union following the secession.

PRESIDENT WILLIS IS DEAD! (Seattle Times Front Page, March 31st, 1929)
Terrible news for all of loyal America; the President of the Union has passed away on March 30th at 8:15 A.M according to a report from the White House Medical Department. Due to the ongoing state of emergency provided by the Klu Klux Klan, an official inauguration ceremony cannot and will not be held for Vice President Charles Curtis, now 33rd President Curtis. Curtis' short announcement vowed to 'Continue to isolate and bring down the Klan, and restore democracy to the South' (A full excerpt can be found on page 7) and he seems to have been spending most of his time in the new Presidency dealing inside the White House, with his advisors. Curtis, as well as being the driving force between the United Front, has been known for his 'soft policy' on confronting the Klan, preferring to destroy the fundamental reasons Southerners are joining the Klan, instead of aggressively confronting the Klan itself. It remains to be seen how successful this will be; although we can hope that the Klu Klux Klan's reign of terror shall soon end.

The Klan Will Not Yield; Chaos in the South! (New York Times Editorial, April 17th, 1929)
With the loss of Southern business to the Klan's interstate blockade, the Southern order has completely distanced itself from the rest of the nation. Klan paramilitaries and local police forces have already denied access to Northerners attempting to move into the South, infringing against the Union's sovereignty. Former President William McAdoo has announced his support for the Southern cause, with him and his political opponent and likely replacement James A. Reed shaking hands for a photograph, united in the cause against, what the Atlanta Journal-Constitution has dubbed 'an alliance against the Bolshevik specter haunting our nation'. Our police forces have been illegally driven out of American land in St.Louis, with the battle causing a fire, that according to our reports from civilians we're in contact with, is still raging on. It appears that our union is entering a dangerous phase, to which we all know it will recover from, but not without losses to innocent human life. We can only hope that President Curtis will be able to minimize those losses, and reintegrate the south with minimal difficulty.
 
I'm pretty apprehensive where it is going; the Klan could easily be crushed only to have something embodying its fundamental evils take its place.

One thing that really bugs me in the presentation--aren't all references to "Rust Belt" locations anachronistic by the better part of a century? I am not 100 percent sure of the statement I am about to make, but I bet that even the oldest industrial areas of the USA--in New England--were eclipsed only relatively by the rise of new ones in the Midwest; as absolutes, percentage of regional population employed industrially and the size and technical advancement of industrial plant in New England would at worst hold in place; in fact I believe certain areas of New England, notably in Massachusetts and Connecticut, continued to expand, absorbing huge new populations dwarfing the old-line Yankees.

Meanwhile the larger industrial zone in which at worst New England might have trailed as a part of it was very much on the ascendency, a growth sustained from Civil War days and before all the way, OTL anyway, into the 1960s. The "Middle Atlantic" states and Midwest in particular surged ahead with ever increasing population densities and ever intensifying industry. Though in the longer run the later growth of the "Sunbelt" would be seen as a suck tide sucking the life out of the northeastern industrial zone, for a generation and more growth outside the main industrial zone was not seen as any kind of threat to the viability of the great industrialized quadrant of the nation stretching from the Great Lakes to the Atlantic in a huge block of surging metropoli interrupted only by the relatively deserted mountains of Apallachia--and they too were infamously semi-industrial, their regional economies being dominated by mining on a colossal scale.

Until the 1970s OTL, there would be no call for any region anywhere in the USA to be called a "Rust Belt," for every region that ever developed industrialization never failed to sustain jobs offered on industrial terms, and those terms never worsened and I suspect always enjoyed some drift upward. It would only be by 1980 at the earliest that major developed regions appeared for the first time to be beached and bypassed while others prospered--prior to 1980, one could see foreshadowings of the Rust Belt in Seattle's realtor placed billboard "Will the Last Man Out of Seattle Please Turn Out the Lights?" and the similar desolation of the aerospace branch offices in Cape Canaveral Florida with the slashing of the NASA budged in the later 60s. But these appeared to be the side effects of governmental policy, namely undercutting a degree of development of a narrow set of industries that was inherently temporary (in retrospect anyway). Before that, the only thing comparable to any sort of "Rust Belt" phenomenon was the general Great Depression of the 1930s, in which all industries just about everywhere were idled. But while the perception of a future with the great factories rusting might have been something for artists to contemplate, again these would not be in some "Belt," they would be universal, the failure of the entire industrial system everywhere globally.

So in short the concept of "Rust Belt," as a has-been region bypassed by industry that has moved on to other more currently vibrant zones within the nation, would be not just anachronistic but quite inconceivable to most people before the 1970s OTL, and there is zero hint of any decades long preparation shifting US industry south or westward out of the northeast quadrant prior to the 1920s, which would probably be impossible to justify by any POD, and if there could be a suitable one, it would knock the regional politics this thread is based on into a totally different pattern.

The places you are calling "Rust Belt" are simply the industrialized zones, full stop. And your TL has not run into the Great Depression even yet, though maybe it is foreshadowed in a much distorted form.

It casts a lot of doubt on whether you are plausibly interpreting facts on the ground about how people will vote and act.

For instance, I don't think the LaFollette wing of the Republicans can so neatly capture all the Socialists or more militant progressives to be discredited as mere Republican dupes; it seems more likely to me they'd get a fraction of them, a large one to be sure--anywhere from 1/3 to 2/3 of the group you describe as falling completely in line. But the remnant will be left dissenting and will not accept being orchestrated--between 2/3 to 1/3 of the voters and citizens described as various kinds of leftists who are drawn into Republican lockstep will instead insist on independent status--depending on their numbers they may pay the price of vanishing from the ranks of elective effectiveness completely. Or they may show up in token numbers.

Now given what we are told is about to happen, presumably the Republicans will not hesitate to treat such maverick leftists in just the same way they treat the Klan. This is frankly one of several reasons I have to fear this is a rather dark TL developing.
 
I'm pretty apprehensive where it is going; the Klan could easily be crushed only to have something embodying its fundamental evils take its place.

One thing that really bugs me in the presentation--aren't all references to "Rust Belt" locations anachronistic by the better part of a century? I am not 100 percent sure of the statement I am about to make, but I bet that even the oldest industrial areas of the USA--in New England--were eclipsed only relatively by the rise of new ones in the Midwest; as absolutes, percentage of regional population employed industrially and the size and technical advancement of industrial plant in New England would at worst hold in place; in fact I believe certain areas of New England, notably in Massachusetts and Connecticut, continued to expand, absorbing huge new populations dwarfing the old-line Yankees.

Meanwhile the larger industrial zone in which at worst New England might have trailed as a part of it was very much on the ascendency, a growth sustained from Civil War days and before all the way, OTL anyway, into the 1960s. The "Middle Atlantic" states and Midwest in particular surged ahead with ever increasing population densities and ever intensifying industry. Though in the longer run the later growth of the "Sunbelt" would be seen as a suck tide sucking the life out of the northeastern industrial zone, for a generation and more growth outside the main industrial zone was not seen as any kind of threat to the viability of the great industrialized quadrant of the nation stretching from the Great Lakes to the Atlantic in a huge block of surging metropoli interrupted only by the relatively deserted mountains of Apallachia--and they too were infamously semi-industrial, their regional economies being dominated by mining on a colossal scale.

Until the 1970s OTL, there would be no call for any region anywhere in the USA to be called a "Rust Belt," for every region that ever developed industrialization never failed to sustain jobs offered on industrial terms, and those terms never worsened and I suspect always enjoyed some drift upward. It would only be by 1980 at the earliest that major developed regions appeared for the first time to be beached and bypassed while others prospered--prior to 1980, one could see foreshadowings of the Rust Belt in Seattle's realtor placed billboard "Will the Last Man Out of Seattle Please Turn Out the Lights?" and the similar desolation of the aerospace branch offices in Cape Canaveral Florida with the slashing of the NASA budged in the later 60s. But these appeared to be the side effects of governmental policy, namely undercutting a degree of development of a narrow set of industries that was inherently temporary (in retrospect anyway). Before that, the only thing comparable to any sort of "Rust Belt" phenomenon was the general Great Depression of the 1930s, in which all industries just about everywhere were idled. But while the perception of a future with the great factories rusting might have been something for artists to contemplate, again these would not be in some "Belt," they would be universal, the failure of the entire industrial system everywhere globally.

So in short the concept of "Rust Belt," as a has-been region bypassed by industry that has moved on to other more currently vibrant zones within the nation, would be not just anachronistic but quite inconceivable to most people before the 1970s OTL, and there is zero hint of any decades long preparation shifting US industry south or westward out of the northeast quadrant prior to the 1920s, which would probably be impossible to justify by any POD, and if there could be a suitable one, it would knock the regional politics this thread is based on into a totally different pattern.

The places you are calling "Rust Belt" are simply the industrialized zones, full stop. And your TL has not run into the Great Depression even yet, though maybe it is foreshadowed in a much distorted form.

It casts a lot of doubt on whether you are plausibly interpreting facts on the ground about how people will vote and act.

For instance, I don't think the LaFollette wing of the Republicans can so neatly capture all the Socialists or more militant progressives to be discredited as mere Republican dupes; it seems more likely to me they'd get a fraction of them, a large one to be sure--anywhere from 1/3 to 2/3 of the group you describe as falling completely in line. But the remnant will be left dissenting and will not accept being orchestrated--between 2/3 to 1/3 of the voters and citizens described as various kinds of leftists who are drawn into Republican lockstep will instead insist on independent status--depending on their numbers they may pay the price of vanishing from the ranks of elective effectiveness completely. Or they may show up in token numbers.

Now given what we are told is about to happen, presumably the Republicans will not hesitate to treat such maverick leftists in just the same way they treat the Klan. This is frankly one of several reasons I have to fear this is a rather dark TL developing.

Thank you, genuinely, for all the effort you've put in here. This timeline isn't perfect, and my knowledge of this period is by no means expert. I really appreciate it.

1st, on the subject of the 'Rust Belt'. The subject of when the Rust Belt became a distinguished industrial area from the Midwest and Northeast is something I've honestly never thought about, and I seriously need to do more research as this is vitally important to the rest of the story. Thank you very much.

2. On the subject of the United Front. I definitely didn't emphasize how much the United Front negotiations were hidden to the public eye. Hardened intellectual Communists certainly split off into the Communist Party, but working-class converts to Socialism without the ideological underpinning of the intellectuals and theorists saw simply a powerful front with Socialist-Labor and the Republicans and cast their votes accordingly. The Socialists were highly aware of the danger posed by the Republicans, and decided to cast their lot in a temporary alliance with the Republicans instead of driving away and possibly being crushed in the post-Purge reconstruction. Socialist leadership endorsed this willingly, and to those not looking futher into the issue, it would be easy to believe Socialist leadership was fully behind the United Front. The militant, intellectual socialists joined with the Communist Party instead, and although Communist numbers are similar to OTL 1928, remember that large sections of the Communist electorate shifted towards Socialist-Labor, due to Socialist-Labor's powerful Socialist movement that didn't exist OTL.

This post also makes me very happy, as the subtle foreshadowing in previous chapters has painted somewhat of a picture and left you to speculate somewhat.

Again, thank you so much. I hope this timeline continues to be interesting and it definitely will be dark.
 
1929-1929 Chapter 8: The Great Depression
Chapter 8: The Great Depression

The Economic Divide Between the North And South - (Understanding the Causes and Underpinnings of the Insurrection, Norwich Industrial Publishing Exec., 1931)
It is far easier to criticize the moves and decisions of former President Charles Curtis in the dying days of the Second Republic than it is to offer actual solutions to the situation facing Britain and the Commonwealth, but it is important for us to understand the causes that caused the Southern Insurrection, so that we, as liberty-loving and free, democratic people, can avoid finding ourself in the same situation the American people have. Unfortunately, understanding this situation inevitably causes a justified anger against former President Charles Curtis and the backwards, ineffective plan he put into action. One of the greatest follies of his that we can hope to understand in the future was the self-imposed blockade between the North and South that provided the backbone for the New Union's economy following the Insurrection that began in a rough timeframe of March to May, and continued until the Insurrection began. This 'blockade' was not a blockade in the traditional sense of a blockade between two established, sovereign nations but instead a creation of two, separate, economic zones within one nation. The creation of this 'national blockade' was the beginnings of the eventual independence of the 'New Union', and the beginnings of the 'New Union's economy, as strange as a separate economy forming in a sovereign nation seems to us. Despite how obvious the warning signs were, the people of Britain almost universally reacted with shock; that the South fencing itself into a self-imposed economic zone and the conversion of police departments to the Klan cause or their destruction at the hands of paramilitary groups was not clearly a premonition of something far worse. These events are now nothing but history, and all we can do from here on out is to ensure such mistakes are not repeated.

---

The New Union's Slow Process to Sovereignty - (The Abridged History of the Early New Union (1929-1930), Rio de Janeiro State Publishing, 2007)
As much as a simplified examination of history would like to tell us, the New Union did not form out of the sovereign Second Republic, rather the official 'Declaration of No Confidence in the Illegal Regime in Washington' was, in truth, little more than an official declaration with no significant changes in the New Union's domestic situation in the South. The New Union, before it had a leadership, ruling party, or even name, had its first tastes of independence as early as Spring of 1929, with the economic divide that occurred between the American South and the north and west. Factories, businesses, and entire corporations were transformed from nation-wide titans of industry to failing corporations with plummeting stocks, locked away from the South, or to slaves of the Klu Klux Klan, barred from their most profitable markets and most of their resources. This had the obvious effect of a deep economic recession beginning in late March, but also provided the Southern states a group of companies and leaders who were willing to support and back up the forming concept of a new United States that declared the current administration illegitimate. It also began the Klan's direct takeover of Southern industry, with Klan officials embezzling massive quantities of money from enslaved Southern industry. The Klan's official treasury doubled from March of 1929 to October of 1929, mostly from funds from Southern Industrialists, and massively increased donations from the pay raise campaign. Had trade between North and South continued unabated until the secession, the early economy of the New Union would be dominated by chaos, instead of the relative stability the New Union had.

---

The Recession of 1929 - (The Economic History of the Second Republic, Macmillian Publishers, 1937, The Right Honourable John Manynard Keynes)
Following the economic debacle that occurred in March of 1929, the dividing line between North and South was established, splitting massive corporations, and forcing businesses to throw their lot in with one party or another. Companies like Ford and General Motors, with most of their industrial output located in the South, formally joined with the Klan, at the cost of the nationalization of their factories in the North. An official Bill passed Congress in April 1929 to formally dissolve the 43 corporations that did not end any and all contact with the Klu Klux Klan, but the Company's stakes in the South could not be taken, as most Federal-loyal police forces had been forced to disperse, pushed out of the South, or liquidated throughout early 1929. This resulted in a second stock exchange being formed in Atlanta, Georgia on the 3rd of April 1929. This 'Atlanta Stock Exchange' was rapidly declared illegal by the Federal Government, and an Executive Order signed on the 5th of April declared that all Northern, loyalist corporations would not be allowed to participate in the Atlanta Stock Exchange, and all Southern, Klan-backing corporations would not be participating in the New York Stock Exchange.
[...]
In New York, the previously influential corporations of General Motors and Ford, and others, were now entirely absent. In early March, starting on the 5th, a minor panic headed the Stock floor in a response to the pay raise instituted by the Federal Government but rapidly stabilized, as the stocks of GM and Ford continued to move slowly up. However, a second panic would begin, as news of the Southern corporations and the dues-paying to the Klan, and stock trading on the floor rapidly accelerated from the 7th to the 9th. Although this economic panic might have seemed negative, but in actuality the fall in Southern corporation's stocks were a blessing in disguise, as when the Southern corporations began falling to the Klan in April and May, the stocks had already dropped quite low and prevented the financial ruin of many of the richest traders.
[...]
New York Times and the Economist began reporting what they called 'a recession' on the 7th of March, and this declaration was backed up by a 15% increase in stock trading on the 8th compared to the 4th, and by the 10th, as Southern corporations rolled back the pay raises, 13 million stocks were traded as the value of corporations like Ford and General Motors plummeted. This rapidly developing recession is usually said to have begun the economic divide between the North and South, as Ford, General Motors, and many other companies withdrew from the New York Stock Exchange on the 11th. The southern companies would enter the Atlanta Stock Exchange 23 days later on the 3rd of April.
[...]
Ultimately, the Recession of 1929 was driven by the split between Southern and Northern corporations, and so it was ultimately a temporary affliction. The stock exchange was rocked, but it stabilized. John D. Rockefeller, Andrew Mellon, and William C. Durant purchased thousands of unprofitable stocks between April 8th and 11th, in a successful effort to stabilize the stock market. This move was highly publicized, and many, including President Willis, publicly thanked Rockefeller for 'averting an economic crisis'. This last-minute purchase of stocks is largely seen as a publicity stunt with little actual effect on the stock market, and few modern economists doubt that the New York Stock Exchange wouldn't have recovered from the recession without the purchase. Nevertheless, this 'private stimulus package' almost certainly helped the stock market recover sooner, and likely save the fortunes of a few minor stock players, but would not have caused widespread bank failures like those seen in the second crash later that year.

---

The Great Depression and the Unemployment Crisis - (The Economic History of the Second Republic, Macmillian Publishers, 1937, The Right Honourable John Manynard Keynes)
The stock market rapidly recovered following the Recession of 1929. Real GDP continued to decline, losing roughly 2% a month from March to August, but wages and employment remained rather similar to their pre-Recession value in the North. Unemployment dipped by less than 1%, and transfer from workers working in disloyal 'secessionist' companies was rather painless. Following the withdrawal of the 43 'secessionist' corporations from the North, the Recession, and the stimulus package provided by the businessmen of Wall Street, President Willis (and later Curtis) attempted to adhere to utter budget discipline; despite the loss of some of the most valuable corporations, the dip in the stock market, and the continuing cost of expanding the Executive Police, as well as the continued decline in value of Southern taxes, the Republican administration refused to indulge in deficit spending. Is it truly surprising, then, that when the stock market crashed yet again on the 17th of August on Black Saturday that the Federal Government could not guarantee the holdings of private individuals, and subsequently many of the largest banks went under, declaring bankruptcy? Subsequently, the various corporations could not afford to continue to pay their workers without government support, and were forced to cut wages, and lay off employees. Of course, now those unemployed men could no longer purchase goods necessary for their livelihoods, so they were forced into crime and robberies, and companies went bankrupt due to a lack of workers to buy their goods, and so they were forced to cut pay and lay off workers, further perpetuating a cycle that drove the largest industrial economy of the 20th Century into a warped political system and a nation plagued by constant strife and insurrection.

---

A War on the Horizon - (A People's History of the United States, Lawrence & Wishart Publishers, 1982, Howard Zinn)
In the long-overlooked struggle of the worker and the farming solider in the fight against the rise of the Fascist New Union, we often forget that the very force that so opposed this rise of reaction was also the force that gave rise to it. The day-to-day wealth of America's robber barons had not been changed; John D. Rockefeller was not a poor man following the Crash. But to a farmer in the South, seeing the Klu Klux Klan raising the flag of rebellion, or to the laborer in the Industrial Belt watching as Socialist firebrands gathered crowds of destitute workers, they would not have been drawn into such a radical scene had their fortunes not decelerated so abruptly - and to such a terrible extent. The harbinger of American Fascism was not the decline in America's Real GDP, or the fortunes of mega-corporations in the stock market, but rather the destitute worker plowing his field who now could no longer pay his debt, or wake up in the morning with a certainty that he would be able to feed his children tonight. By necessity, the workers of America were attracted to a system that declared it would crush the old, and would be the harbinger of a new, glorious age. The Depression only served to accelerate the political conflict gripping the nation. The collapse of the political center, as the lower classes abandoned moderation that they saw firsthand had failed them. Two systems, a deeply corrupted Fascist reaction and a Socialist bottom-up revolutionary movement swept the nation. These two concepts; reaction and revolution, could never coexist - it would be a matter of time until they clashed. The Second Republic had been in decline for a decade, but the polarization of the working class was the final nail in the coffin for the political center and the Second Republic, and so as the workers of the Industrial Belt and cities armed themselves and occupied their workplaces, and as the workingmen of the South gave what little money they had to the massive army of the Klu Klux Klan in its effort to restore America, all anyone could do was look to the horizon, in apprehension and hope - towards the future.
 
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