Fresh from his victory and total destruction of the Danes, Charles hurried south, to Karlsburg, where in early September he was crowed Emperor by the archbishop of Karlsburg [1]. His first three months as Emperor were crucial: it was in that period when he had to assert his authority over any possible usurpers. Many mourned Charlemagnes death in Francia, but some saw it as an opportunity to settle personal grievances, to press territorial demands, dynastic struggles, party politics or seek power for themselves.
Charles smote them, and smote them mightily. He followed in his fathers footsteps, installed his own people, often his sons or other relatives. As was Frankish custom, he had to give land to his sons. His eldest son Hugh was given Neustria, his second son Thomas granted Austrasia, and his third son, Theodoric, got Bavaria, which was raised from a Duchy to a Kingdom.
A constant thorn in the side of Charles throughout his Imperial rule was the King of Aquitaine, Charles nephew Lothar. Charles’s brother Louis had abdicated the throne years before to pursue the simple, pious life of a monk. Louis had formerly given up any claim he had to be heir to Charlemagne’s empire. As Charles had raced back to Karlsburg in 813, Lothar announced that his fathers decision to go into exile and become a monk was fuelled by a madness, and thus could not be considered to be above board. Lothar didn’t immediately press a claim to the Imperial title. Nor did he renounce any claim. He made a useful rallying point for dissenting noblemen for the throughout Charles’s reign.
In order to provide stability to his reign, Charles chose the same tactics of his father: gain the loyalty of his lords by going to war. Several years of successive campaigns in the Danish March and the establishment of several new Marches east of the Elbe were the first movements of the new Emperor.
In 816 he began campaigning against the Moravians, a pagan group who lived to above the former Avars, and below the new Elbe marches.
The Moravians fought hard, hard enough for their prince to seek the negotiating table with Charles. In 818, Francia and Moravia reached a peace. Moravia would remain independent, bar a few minor boarder adjustments. In return, they would convert to Christianity, and a bishop from Rome was appointed at Velingrad. This settled Francia’s eastern boarder, if only for a brief amount of time. The vast plains and tundra of Eurasia lay to the east of Francia, and there would always be some new pagan tribe in the east who would threaten Francia. Charles was not a fool: he recognised this, and so sought to stabilise his boarder in the one place that he could, the one place where wave after wave of pagan horsemen were not a day to day occurrence.
Spain.
From 778 to 820, the Muslim states in southern Spain had been under the sway of the distant Abbasid Caliph. This changed in 820, when the Abbasid Caliphate simply folded as religious tensions tore the polity apart. Suddenly the taifa states of southern Spain were no longer under the influence of the Caliphate, and Christian vultures circled.
In 821, at the annual campus maii, Charles organised his grand Spanish campaign to crush the Saracen threat there. He would take all that was left of Saracen Spain, and would have Christmas in Cordoba.
But, sadly, all did not go to plan. Marching south from Valencia with a force mostly comprised of Burgundians, Aquitainians [2] and Barcelonians, along with soldiers from the Duke of Toledo. The Emirate of Cordoba was the first on his list.
The Emir who sat in Cordoba had little real power in the eastern part of the land he claimed to rule. When Charles roared across that landscape, all what little resistance the robber barons gave broke under the iron foot of the Francian army.
When Charles reached Cordoba, his attack halted. The Taifa states were used to fighting each other, and since power rested in their walled capitols, siege warfare was in their blood.
As Christmas drew closer, Charles was in no position to take Cordoba. The minor taifa states of Grandia and Alemeria had fallen to Charles’s army, but Cordoba and Seville held out. With the Danes and unorganised Saxons [3] were causing headaches that only his personal touch could solve. He is the Emperor after all.
As luck would have it, an embassy from Cordova reached his camp: the Emir was willing to negotiate.
Most of the eastern lands of Cordoba, along with Grandia and Alemeria were annexed by Charles, becoming part of two new Marches. Not exactly all the territory that Charles wanted.
But the most important result of the treaty was the amount of money extracted by Charles. Cordoba was still relatively rich, as was Seville, and Charles extracted a rich ransom from the remaining states.
Money was important to Charles, since his father hadn’t left much of his treasury to him. Charlemagne had been most influenced by St Augustine’s book, City of God, and when combined with Frankish traditions of dividing up his land and property, had not left much for poor Charles, or his newly inherited empire. In order to increase his revenue, Charles decided to bolster trade within his Empire, to gain taxes and tolls from the travellers and their goods. Sadly, outside of his Mediterranean lands, the roads were poor, and bandits haunted the traveller’s steps. So, in 821, as he stalked his cold hall at Karslburg, Charles devised a new plan, one that unsettled some already nervous barons.
Charles devised a system of Imperial roads, known as the Imperial Circuit, to ease the travel of traders. Charles drew much inspiration from the Roman Empire, and intended for Karlsburg to be in the centre of the Imperial Circuit, which would allow the speedy travel of goods and men from the frozen wastes of the Danish March to the blooming coastal cities of Marseilles and Genoa . Although the capitol of his Empire, Karlsburg sat in wilderness. The first set of roads was built in 823, the first segment in the grandiose Karlsburg-Aachen-Soissons-Paris-Orleans-Clermont-Lyons-Marseille circuit [4]. The road would connect with older Roman roads that circled the Mediterranean, and those which had fallen into disrepair would we restored.
Charles’s Imperial Circuit would not be completed until the two years after his death, partly because of the difficulty of gaining the cooperation of the local aristocrats, which was often won over with the promise of a cut of the revenue, and partly due to the demands that other parts of his Empire placed upon him. A secondary system, known as the pilgrims route was devised, but Charles was never called Pious, so the pilgrim routes were never invested in to the same level as the Imperial Circuit.
Charles’s rule also marked the growth of the clerical and administrative departments, often lead by the growth of the Imperial Circuit. Monks had traditionally taken the clerical roles in Charlemagne’s Empire, if only by virtue of being the only ones who knew how to read and write, but this was slowly changing.
Under the tutorage of monks such as Alcuin, basic literature spread through the nobles of Charlemagne’s court. Charlemagne managed to learn how to read, writing escaped him, though not from lack of trying. Charles’s father always kept a writing pad by his bedside: he often woke four or five times during the night, and saw no reason to waste the time.
With the spread of literacy, the members of Charles’s court defined themselves by what they read: poetry spread through his court in the 820’s, although the Emperor was never any good, not that any of the members of his court said such a thing of course.
In 824 Charles became ill with a pox he caught while hunting in the marshes of Frisca. His recovery took several months, but his long illness convinced him that it was time to sort out the sucession of his Empire, and the following year had his eldest Son Hugh crowned as co-Emperor. As Charlemagne and his fathers before him had done, Charles drew up a will, and divided his Empire into three. Thomas would get the north, Hugh would get the South West, and Theodoric would get the South East, the dividing line being Burgundy/Italy.
Charles undertook several massive programs of public monuments in Karslburg. A new cathedral for the Arch-Bishop, new battlements and a wall around the city were constructed, and Charlemagne’s palace complex was expanded.
As Charlemagne divided up Saxony, Charles divided up Avaria.
When occupied, it had been divided into several vaguely defined marches; the Ostmarch, Carinthia, Fiuli, and Pannonia. The Bulgars, anther of the numberless settled barbarians from the wastes of Eurasia, and settled in the lands beneath the Carpathian Mountains and the lower Danubian plain. There, they menaced Byzantium for years and years, and Charles feared that they may turn west, and stir up trouble in the Pannonia March. In order to ensure that his influence was felt in what had long been considered the neglected corner of his Empire.
Based on the vast and mighty symbol of Charles’s power on the Danubian plain, The fortress town of Karlsburg-on-Danube [Near OTL Zalegerzeg] [5], the March of Pribina, which in theory stretched to the river Danube. To the western parts of Fiuli were absorbed into Charles’s son Theodoric’s Kingdom of Bavaria. [6]
What was left of Fiuli became a March under that name, and the Ostmarch (also known as the Ostmark) was expanded to incorporate what was left of Pannonia. Carinthia was let untouched, although promoted to a Duchy under the descendent of a local leader who had sworn fealty to Charlemagne. The year was 829, and things seemed well in Charles’s Empire…
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Bernard of Italy rode east from Turin, surrounded by the remains of his army. Behind him, the city was in flames. The heads of those who had opposed him sat on spikes outside the city. In august of last year the city had risen in revolt against Bernard. It was no more then a tax revolt, lead by an enigmatic baron. He had mustered a militia, and marched on the city of Genoa, seizing it for his own private dominion, which took things a little bit further then a simple tax revolt. Mustering his army, Bernard had met the Baron, Robert the Red, in battle, twice, producing successive victories. Genoa had been liberated and the nest of rebels at Turin was crushed. Now, with Christmas fast approaching, he was heading to Rome, to spend Christmas in the company of the new Pope, Leo IV [7], but he was to head west to Milan first. As he had crushed the forces of Robert the Red, a messenger from Austrasia had arrived. His cousin, King Thomas of Austrasia would be moving through Italy, also seeking council with the Pope over Christmas. He would be in Milan for two weeks, and would like to meet with his cousin.
So, pondering what his cousin wanted, Bernard rode to Milan after sacking Turin, riding through the night. He reached Milan as the first mist of dawn covered the city. Thomas of Austrasia was lodged in the castle of the Duke, his blonde haired Frankish soldiers lolled about the city, lounging around the fountains and taverns of the city, as if it where under occupation. Thomas greeted his cousin after a leisurely breakfast. He stood in the courtyard of the Dukes house, dressed in yellow and mustard cloth, a short Frankish sword by his side. It was a stark civilian contrast to Bernard, still dressed still in chain mail and armour, his helmet discarded somewhere between Turin and Milan.
“Hello cousin.” Said Bernard, and the two Kings embraced each other. “How does the winter find you?”
“Winter?” laughed Thomas, “This is no winter Bernard. If the weather were like this in Aachen, then we would think it where the middle of summer.” As he spoke a gust of wind blew out of the south, chilling the two men.
“Perhaps we should move inside cousin.” Said Thomas, rapping his coat tighter around him. “Though not only because of the weather. I have matters to discuss that cannot be said out here in the open.”
Nodding, Bernard gestured up the stairs and the two Kings walked into the mansion. Upon reaching an empty hall, Thomas dismissed the servants, and closed the door.
“What is with all the secrecy cousin?” asked Bernard as he poured himself a goblet of wine.
“Cousin, we are both Franks. It is the tradition of our people that we divide our land amongst our sons. Which would mean that upon my fathers death, god forbid, then I and my two brothers would be given a third of his land, and his treasure.”
Bernard nodded, “That is true, although your father rose to the throne alone due to the death of his other brothers.”
“And my spies in his court at Karlsburg tell me that my father wants to change that. He wants to rest all power in my older brother Hugh, who is already co-Emperor. My brother and I would keep our thrones of Bavaria and Austrasia, but would be subservient to Hugh, who would become Emperor. My father is an old man Bernard, and he is nearing the end of his years. So far his will leaves the Empire divided in three, but who knows how long that will last?”
“Why do you come to me know Thomas?”
“To ask for your help against Hugh, should he try to claim the entire empire for himself. When the time comes, should you support me and my brother Theodoric, booty and territory await you.”
Bernard considered this. Finally he said. “I shall need time to consider what you are asking of me.”
“Since we will both be in Rome for Christmas, I shall seek your council again there. Good day to you Bernard, King of Italy.”
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[1] He was then crowned again by the Pope in Rome, three months later.
[2] Lothar is lured to the Spanish Campaign by promises of booty.
[3] That is, those who dwell in the Marches of the east, ruled by Margraves and not by a Duke, or King.
[4] This was the main circuit, but there were extensions of the circuit stretching to Barcelona and to Valencia, and also into Italy and east into the Ostmark.
[5] Not actually founded by Charlemagne, but Charles in 818, but still named after his father. During Charlemagne’s reign there where only three ‘Karlsburgs’: the capitol and original Karlsburg [OTL Paderborn] and Karlsburg-on-Elbe [Hamburg], and New Karslburg [OTL Tarragona, Spain]. Charles will not be the last ruler to name cities honouring his father.
[6] This drove a wedge between Charles and his nephew Bernard, King of Italy, who had coveted the territory for himself, as his Lombard subjects had inhabited the land for many years.
[7] Not the same Pope Leo of OTL, who was crowned twenty years later IOTL, during the 840’s.