Thank you for your suggestion. I like that idea and it would be interesting to write into this timeline, but I have to wonder what are the chances that the WRE would just give Strabo back to the Ostrogoths if threatened by war. At the very least, that might take away their excuse to invade Italy. But it's a good idea. Perhaps I can use part of it. I think that the WRE has to somehow be responsible for changing Strabo's fate, at least in some indirect way, if he doesn't die the way he did in the OTL.
The Reign of Romulus Augustus
- Thread starter Romulus Augustus
- Start date
Thank you for your suggestion. I like that idea and it would be interesting to write into this timeline, but I have to wonder what are the chances that the WRE would just give Strabo back to the Ostrogoths if threatened by war. At the very least, that might take away their excuse to invade Italy. But it's a good idea. Perhaps I can use part of it. I think that the WRE has to somehow be responsible for changing Strabo's fate, at least in some indirect way, if he doesn't die the way he did in the OTL.
I also wanted to ask what anyone thinks about the possibility of the WRE getting foreign assistance, most likely from at least one of the Germanic kingdoms in Gaul. I would have to come up with some plausible reasons as to why they would aid the WRE and not Odoacer's kingdom, but I wanted to know what you guys think as well. Anyway I think that some outside help is critical to the WRE at this point. If Odoacer's kingdom didn't win on its own, it seems unlikely that the WRE will either.
IMO, the only plausible path is an alliance with the Burgundi. They should be able to hold the Ostrogoths and to keep quiet the Visigoths as well. Otherwise, an unholy alliance with Arian Visigoths could surely save the day and also I'd like to see West goths vs East goths fight. However, the Italian catholics could scream to the outrage, but the rising tensions could be useful to Romulus Augustus to get rid both of Odoacer and Orestes and finally rule alone...
The Burgundians seem like a good idea, but I'm also considering the Franks as well. I know that Clovis wasn't a Catholic yet (he was rather resistant at first), but he could still have a number of incentives to help the WRE. For one, he marries a Catholic Burgundian princess around AD 493 I believe. Plus, his kingdom now includes a Gallo-Roman population. Under the right circumstances, Clovis might be persuaded to intervene in favor of the WRE, which could also help repair relations between the Franks and the West after what happened with Syagrius. It might seem like a bit of a long shot, but this is alternate history so if I do this, I might find a way to make it work. In any case, it's just a thought for now. I still have to go back a bit, and deal with what happens to Strabo.
The main problem with the Franks is they doesn't have a common border with the WRE, and surely neither the Burgundians or the Visigoths will give transit rights. A limited war with the Burgundians could open the path to a Frank intervention, but it could occur years before they should be able to help the WRE... So the outcome could be a long war between West Romans and Ostrogoths, on the model of the Greek-Goth war of 535-553, extended to Franks and Burgundians as well.
Definitely a fair obstacle to point out, but it's possible that Gundobad might be persuaded to "do nothing" if a Frankish army passes through Burgundian territory if its only objective is to assist the WRE. Gundobad seemed too afraid to not allow Clovis I to take Clotilde as his bride, so maybe he might grant safe passage to the Franks. He could even use this as an opportunity to create an earlier alliance with Clovis in response to the threat that the Ostrogoths could pose if they took over Italy. Kind of like a joint Frankish-Burgundian relief force that saves the WRE. It might be a lot to fit into AD 493, but if anyone has anything else to add, by all means please do.
This is quite a nice TL you’ve got here. Congrats.
Personally, I would think that Orestes should call on the Alammani’s king Gibuld. They are next to Raetia, and can descend on the Po valley quickly if necessary. The Burgundians are too close for comfort (let’s not forget how Gundobad acted while in the Imperial service,) but they should be kept on friendly terms to serve as a counterweight against the overly aggressive young Clovis, since it seems that the Franks could care less about what happens to the Romans, if they are not downright hostile. The Visigoths are too strong and too distant; frankly, I see them gaining nothing by aiding the West.
Furthermore, you should consider the natural evolution of TTL. IOTL, the war between Odoacer and Theodoric wasn’t an easy affair; the Ostrogoths had it rough, and it ended ultimately with treachery. ITTL, you’ve had an Italy that has its infrastructure intact, its manpower base assured by German foederati who have been linked to their homes for over a decade, and surely must have families to fight for by now, as well as the bonus of Sicilian grain. Relieved of the deadweight of overstretched provinces, this Italy’s future, IMO, certainly looks better than any point since 395.
On a side note, I’m glad about your decision on the handling of Strabo.
Keep up the good work.
Personally, I would think that Orestes should call on the Alammani’s king Gibuld. They are next to Raetia, and can descend on the Po valley quickly if necessary. The Burgundians are too close for comfort (let’s not forget how Gundobad acted while in the Imperial service,) but they should be kept on friendly terms to serve as a counterweight against the overly aggressive young Clovis, since it seems that the Franks could care less about what happens to the Romans, if they are not downright hostile. The Visigoths are too strong and too distant; frankly, I see them gaining nothing by aiding the West.
Furthermore, you should consider the natural evolution of TTL. IOTL, the war between Odoacer and Theodoric wasn’t an easy affair; the Ostrogoths had it rough, and it ended ultimately with treachery. ITTL, you’ve had an Italy that has its infrastructure intact, its manpower base assured by German foederati who have been linked to their homes for over a decade, and surely must have families to fight for by now, as well as the bonus of Sicilian grain. Relieved of the deadweight of overstretched provinces, this Italy’s future, IMO, certainly looks better than any point since 395.
On a side note, I’m glad about your decision on the handling of Strabo.
Keep up the good work.
Okay, so I have decided on what to do about Strabo. This was actually kind of fun to write about. I'm not sure what you guys will think, but I'm fine with it so that's what I'm going with. Again, I thank everyone who has viewed this timeline and even commented on it by sharing their ideas and opinions with me. It's been a cool experience so far, and I fully intend to finish this timeline.
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AD 489
Though the invasion had been delayed by a year due to the Ostrogoths’ attack on the Rugians, the army of Theodoric the Amal had finally made it to Italy. Once the heartland of a vast empire, today the Italian peninsula is virtually all that remains of the empire’s western half. Yet somehow there still remained an “emperor” who claimed to be Zeno’s colleague in Ravenna. Theodoric had heard of this “Romulus Augustus,” and was not impressed by someone who had ruled for close to fourteen years and achieved nothing in all that time. The true obstacle that stood between him and the rule of Italy was the duumvirate: the Roman magister militum Orestes, and the Germanic comes Italiae Odoacer. Theodoric was convinced that those two individuals would be his chief opponents in battle, and not some figurehead who was barely known to his own subjects.
During the long march to Italy, Theodoric sometimes wondered about how the fate of his former rival, the “other Theodoric,” helped to unite the Ostrogoths under one leader.
By the year AD 481, it seemed as though Theodoric Strabo was at the pinnacle of his career. He was chieftain of the Thracian Ostrogoths, magister militum of the Eastern Roman Empire (a title that he virtually coerced Zeno to give him), and the commander of an army composed of roughly 30,000 soldiers. After emerging triumphant from a recent Bulgar attack, Strabo initially intended to return to Constantinople, intent on learning if the emperor had anything to do with the Bulgars’ sudden incursion. But events in Greece demanded his immediate attention due to problems in his own camp.
On his way westward to Greece, Strabo encountered a Roman envoy of the Western Roman Empire during his army’s encampment at Stabulum Diomedis. At the time, he was planning on breaking an unruly horse, but decided that the undisciplined animal could wait. He was curious to learn what the West wanted. Thus he welcomed Rome’s representatives, carefully selected from among the Senate’s most esteemed members: Caelius Aconius Probianus, Marius Proculus Aemilianus, Rufus Aggerius Festus, Sabinus Aurelianus and Auchenius Bassus.
After spending about a week negotiating the possibility of an alliance between the Western Empire and the Thracian Goths, it seemed as though the two parties had reached an agreement. The senators departed for Rome and Strabo planned to resume his journey to Greece. When he failed to rise from his quarters the next day, the guards checked on him and discovered that their leader was dead. A thorough investigation concluded that Strabo had most likely thrown a pear up in the air and caught it in his mouth, but then choked to death as a result. When news spread to both corners of the Roman world, the two empires vehemently denied any wrongdoing.
In the aftermath of Strabo’s accident, Theodoric the Amal was eventually able to unite the Thracian Goths with his own people, effectively uniting the Ostrogoths under his rule alone. His decision to lead them on a campaign to conquer Italy was largely influenced by one of two choices that Emperor Zeno presented him in a private meeting: The Ostrogoths could remain in the Eastern Empire and continue a futile struggle with Constantinople, or they could invade the Western Empire (the far weaker half of the Roman Empire) and claim Italy as their new and permanent homeland.
It wasn’t a difficult decision. The East was still too powerful and well defended. The more logical option was to follow in the example of the other Germanic tribes by taking advantage of the all-but-dead Western Empire. If the Ostrogoths succeeded, Theodoric would be king of Italy, ruling in Zeno’s name but only in a nominal capacity. For all intents and purposes, the Ostrogoths would finally have their own independent realm. The destiny that might have been Strabo’s now belonged to the Amal. Though he publicly lamented the death of his fellow warlord, whose death he conveniently blamed on the Romans, in private Theodoric was more than amused by his rival’s bizarre exit from this world. It seemed too good to be true. But by all accounts, there was no evidence of foul play. Since he had nothing to do with it, he was inclined to believe that those reports were true. Poor Strabo; were it not for his untimely end, then it is most likely that the Amal would not have found himself on the path to achieving greatness.
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By the way, I would like to say thank you to Don Giorgio for providing me with a list of historical individuals (their names and offices) who lived in the WRE/post-WRE in this time period. The names that I used for the members in that senatorial delegation came from his list. So thanks again. That was definitely helpful and I plan on introducing more names when I can.
I'm not sure what you guys will think, but I'm fine with it so that's what I'm going with. Again, I thank everyone who has viewed this timeline and even commented on it by sharing their ideas and opinions with me. It's been a cool experience so far, and I fully intend to finish this timeline.----------
AD 489
Though the invasion had been delayed by a year due to the Ostrogoths’ attack on the Rugians, the army of Theodoric the Amal had finally made it to Italy. Once the heartland of a vast empire, today the Italian peninsula is virtually all that remains of the empire’s western half. Yet somehow there still remained an “emperor” who claimed to be Zeno’s colleague in Ravenna. Theodoric had heard of this “Romulus Augustus,” and was not impressed by someone who had ruled for close to fourteen years and achieved nothing in all that time. The true obstacle that stood between him and the rule of Italy was the duumvirate: the Roman magister militum Orestes, and the Germanic comes Italiae Odoacer. Theodoric was convinced that those two individuals would be his chief opponents in battle, and not some figurehead who was barely known to his own subjects.
During the long march to Italy, Theodoric sometimes wondered about how the fate of his former rival, the “other Theodoric,” helped to unite the Ostrogoths under one leader.
By the year AD 481, it seemed as though Theodoric Strabo was at the pinnacle of his career. He was chieftain of the Thracian Ostrogoths, magister militum of the Eastern Roman Empire (a title that he virtually coerced Zeno to give him), and the commander of an army composed of roughly 30,000 soldiers. After emerging triumphant from a recent Bulgar attack, Strabo initially intended to return to Constantinople, intent on learning if the emperor had anything to do with the Bulgars’ sudden incursion. But events in Greece demanded his immediate attention due to problems in his own camp.
On his way westward to Greece, Strabo encountered a Roman envoy of the Western Roman Empire during his army’s encampment at Stabulum Diomedis. At the time, he was planning on breaking an unruly horse, but decided that the undisciplined animal could wait. He was curious to learn what the West wanted. Thus he welcomed Rome’s representatives, carefully selected from among the Senate’s most esteemed members: Caelius Aconius Probianus, Marius Proculus Aemilianus, Rufus Aggerius Festus, Sabinus Aurelianus and Auchenius Bassus.
After spending about a week negotiating the possibility of an alliance between the Western Empire and the Thracian Goths, it seemed as though the two parties had reached an agreement. The senators departed for Rome and Strabo planned to resume his journey to Greece. When he failed to rise from his quarters the next day, the guards checked on him and discovered that their leader was dead. A thorough investigation concluded that Strabo had most likely thrown a pear up in the air and caught it in his mouth, but then choked to death as a result. When news spread to both corners of the Roman world, the two empires vehemently denied any wrongdoing.
In the aftermath of Strabo’s accident, Theodoric the Amal was eventually able to unite the Thracian Goths with his own people, effectively uniting the Ostrogoths under his rule alone. His decision to lead them on a campaign to conquer Italy was largely influenced by one of two choices that Emperor Zeno presented him in a private meeting: The Ostrogoths could remain in the Eastern Empire and continue a futile struggle with Constantinople, or they could invade the Western Empire (the far weaker half of the Roman Empire) and claim Italy as their new and permanent homeland.
It wasn’t a difficult decision. The East was still too powerful and well defended. The more logical option was to follow in the example of the other Germanic tribes by taking advantage of the all-but-dead Western Empire. If the Ostrogoths succeeded, Theodoric would be king of Italy, ruling in Zeno’s name but only in a nominal capacity. For all intents and purposes, the Ostrogoths would finally have their own independent realm. The destiny that might have been Strabo’s now belonged to the Amal. Though he publicly lamented the death of his fellow warlord, whose death he conveniently blamed on the Romans, in private Theodoric was more than amused by his rival’s bizarre exit from this world. It seemed too good to be true. But by all accounts, there was no evidence of foul play. Since he had nothing to do with it, he was inclined to believe that those reports were true. Poor Strabo; were it not for his untimely end, then it is most likely that the Amal would not have found himself on the path to achieving greatness.
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By the way, I would like to say thank you to Don Giorgio for providing me with a list of historical individuals (their names and offices) who lived in the WRE/post-WRE in this time period. The names that I used for the members in that senatorial delegation came from his list. So thanks again. That was definitely helpful and I plan on introducing more names when I can.
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This is quite a nice TL you’ve got here. Congrats.
Personally, I would think that Orestes should call on the Alammani’s king Gibuld. They are next to Raetia, and can descend on the Po valley quickly if necessary. The Burgundians are too close for comfort (let’s not forget how Gundobad acted while in the Imperial service,) but they should be kept on friendly terms to serve as a counterweight against the overly aggressive young Clovis, since it seems that the Franks could care less about what happens to the Romans, if they are not downright hostile. The Visigoths are too strong and too distant; frankly, I see them gaining nothing by aiding the West.
Furthermore, you should consider the natural evolution of TTL. IOTL, the war between Odoacer and Theodoric wasn’t an easy affair; the Ostrogoths had it rough, and it ended ultimately with treachery. ITTL, you’ve had an Italy that has its infrastructure intact, its manpower base assured by German foederati who have been linked to their homes for over a decade, and surely must have families to fight for by now, as well as the bonus of Sicilian grain. Relieved of the deadweight of overstretched provinces, this Italy’s future, IMO, certainly looks better than any point since 395.
On a side note, I’m glad about your decision on the handling of Strabo.
Keep up the good work.
Hey, thank you for your comments and advice. That's an interesting idea. I actually hadn't considered the Alammani, given the bad blood between them and Rome. Although I guess it's no more worse than the history between Rome and the Visigoths. Gibuld is an Arian, and his people are still largely pagan, but that doesn't mean he'd definitely say no to alliance with the WRE so I'll add them as a possibility. But I'm also hoping to somehow forge good relations between Rome and the Franks. They had been decent allies in the past, more or less, but I still see Clovis I bringing about Frankish dominance in Gaul, even if it might be a little different due to the survival of the WRE. I was considering the possibility of using this war as an opportunity to strengthen the Frankish kingdom's ties to Rome (which happens in a different way in the OTL, just without the WRE), especially considering that those two sides will share a lot in common down the road (Catholicism, the legacy of Roman culture/traditions, etc).
Also, thanks for pointing out how TTL's Italy is in seemingly better shape than its OTL counterpart. I'm not sure if it's enough to guarantee that the West can defeat the Ostrogoths on their own, but I would think that it definitely gives them better odds, so long as they play their cards right.
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At Mediolanum, Orestes received word from his scouts that the Ostrogoths were now in Italy, about a few weeks’ march from his position. Odoacer wanted to meet the enemy out on the battlefield, but Orestes managed to convince him that a defensive strategy was in their best interest. As a Roman commander, he was not as experienced as some of his predecessors, the magistri militum like Stilicho or Flavius Aetius, but even Orestes felt that the odds were too close for comfort if the Empire risked everything in an open battle. The invaders would not be able to march on Ravenna without first securing key targets in Italia Annonaria, such as Mediolanum, Verona and Ticinum. For now, the best that Rome could do was to fight a defensive war until other opportunities presented themselves. Hence the defenses of those cities were augmented with reinforced walls, larger garrisons and extra supplies to help them endure a siege.
Regardless of the Empire’s preparations for war, the situation was still grave and Orestes could not help but feel as though Theodoric Strabo’s death was partly responsible for this latest Roman-Germanic War. He had sent a senatorial delegation to the Ostrogoths in the hopes of taking advantage of the enmity between Strabo and Zeno. He knew that the eastern emperor could not be trusted in the long run, not when the man had a reputation for being particularly vindictive. Zeno was a capable ruler, but his lack of forgiveness toward his enemies (or even former enemies) was evident in his conduct with defeated insurrectionists. The timing of Strabo’s death could not have been worse. Theodoric the Amal gained control over all Ostrogoths and was now leading them on a path that not only threatened to severely disrupt the restoration of the Western Roman Empire. This invasion could very well bring about the end of the Empire itself.
If Strabo had lived, the West might only have had to contend with the Amal’s Pannonian-Moesian Goths. Who knows what could have happened if Strabo had not played with his food. It seemed incredulous that a warrior of his caliber could die in such an ignominious manner. But as Orestes had nothing to do with it, he felt sure that either the Amal or Zeno himself might have somehow been responsible. After all, they both had the most to gain from Strabo’s death. Orestes hoped that his suspicions were true because if they weren’t, then it would mean that Theodoric Strabo really was murdered by a pear. If Orestes failed to defeat the Ostrogoths, then that same pear would also be responsible for the downfall of the Western Roman Empire.
Regardless of the Empire’s preparations for war, the situation was still grave and Orestes could not help but feel as though Theodoric Strabo’s death was partly responsible for this latest Roman-Germanic War. He had sent a senatorial delegation to the Ostrogoths in the hopes of taking advantage of the enmity between Strabo and Zeno. He knew that the eastern emperor could not be trusted in the long run, not when the man had a reputation for being particularly vindictive. Zeno was a capable ruler, but his lack of forgiveness toward his enemies (or even former enemies) was evident in his conduct with defeated insurrectionists. The timing of Strabo’s death could not have been worse. Theodoric the Amal gained control over all Ostrogoths and was now leading them on a path that not only threatened to severely disrupt the restoration of the Western Roman Empire. This invasion could very well bring about the end of the Empire itself.
If Strabo had lived, the West might only have had to contend with the Amal’s Pannonian-Moesian Goths. Who knows what could have happened if Strabo had not played with his food. It seemed incredulous that a warrior of his caliber could die in such an ignominious manner. But as Orestes had nothing to do with it, he felt sure that either the Amal or Zeno himself might have somehow been responsible. After all, they both had the most to gain from Strabo’s death. Orestes hoped that his suspicions were true because if they weren’t, then it would mean that Theodoric Strabo really was murdered by a pear. If Orestes failed to defeat the Ostrogoths, then that same pear would also be responsible for the downfall of the Western Roman Empire.
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This part should be called: How a pear nearly caused the fall of the Roman Empire.
Interesting turn of events, now I'm curious to see who could save the WRE...
Anyway, with the war the ties between West and East are compromised... I wonder if this could lead to a more early Christian schism between Latins and Greeks, not on the basis of theologian disputes but more simply to mark the indipendence of Rome from Constantinople...
Anyway, with the war the ties between West and East are compromised... I wonder if this could lead to a more early Christian schism between Latins and Greeks, not on the basis of theologian disputes but more simply to mark the indipendence of Rome from Constantinople...
As some personal advice, I would suggest what I do with my own TL. I have a general idea of what’s to happen, but a lot of stuff just flows from events that have already taken place; i.e. if the WRE approaches the Burgundians, Gundobald might feel stronger vis-à-vis the Franks, and not send Clotilda off to Clovis, thus nipping in the bud the “alleged” reason for his conversion to Catholicism.
I do want to stress the potential lurking at every turn there. I know that OTL offers the safety of concrete knowledge, and perhaps we might want to stick to it as much as possible, but sometimes it’s best to let things run their course; the result might be far better than what you initially expected.
AD 490
At the beginning of the Ostrogothic invasion, some believed that the Roman army would confront the aggressors out in the open and force a decisive result on the battlefield. If Odoacer had his way, that is exactly what the Western Empire would have done. His strategy would have entailed maneuvering the majority of their armed forces in to direct confrontation with Theodoric’s army, possibly on the banks of the river Sontius. It was risky, but necessarily a foolish move. Much like the Empire itself, the army experienced a period of rejuvenation in the absence of civil wars and foreign invasions. Augmented by mercenaries from various Germanic tribes, at the military’s core stood thousands of professional soldiers, ranging across various different unit types (comitatenses, limitanei, auxilia palatine, pseudocomitatenses, etc). Though its fighting strength had been severely reduced due to the loss of most Roman territories in the West, this was actually a blessing since Rome’s forces were no longer dangerously overstretched. Now they could concentrate their full defense on Italy. If the Romans accepted battle with the Ostrogoths, there was a possibility that they could end the war just as it began.
But there was also the chance that Theodoric would crush the Empire’s forces and secure victory in one fell swoop. Orestes may have been a less experienced general compared to Odoacer, but even he knew that the Empire could not risk everything by giving Theodoric exactly what he wanted: an open battle where he could destroy his enemies all at once. In any case, recent history showed that battles had become rare events in Rome’s wars against foreign adversaries, unlike the many civil wars that were decided by such an encounter. Whilst the larger armies still operated efficiently in massed encounters, the smaller units within them were also especially suited to small-scale mobile warfare. That was a particular strength that Orestes wanted to utilize. As a consequence, this war could potentially become a long-drawn-out conflict that would gradually drain the Empire’s resources and morale. But it was better than the alternative.
Ever since Theodoric’s army entered Italy, much of the fighting was relegated to many skirmishes and generally small-scale combat. The Ostrogoths captured and ransacked numerous small settlements, but thus far they remained unable to lure the Romans into a battle in which they could secure a decisive victory. Twice they had besieged Mediolanum in AD 490. The first attack ended when the Ostrogoths withdrew from the siege shortly before the arrival of an army of reinforcements under the command of Orestes’s brother Paulus. On the second occasion, the Ostrogoths returned in greater number and surrounded the city once more. Additional soldiers would not be ready for deployment for months, and so Odoacer chose to lead the city’s garrison in a counterattack against the Ostrogoths. Both sides suffered medium casualties, but neither side was able to deliver the crippling blow. The invaders retreated and Mediolanum was again spared.
The combination of Orestes’s cautiousness and Odoacer’s boldness had served the Roman war effort well. But it seemed inevitable that the conflict would take its toll on the population of Italy. Orestes just did not expect it to be so soon. Many people were still uncertain if the West could triumph and others wanted the war to be over as soon as possible. It seemed like sooner or later, Orestes would have no choice but to agree to meet Theodoric in open battle where the fate of the Empire would most likely be decided.
As for his son, the emperor Romulus Augustus remained secure at Ravenna. In all the time that he has been kept in the background as a figurehead, Orestes saw to it that Romulus received the best of Roman education, as well as many lessons in the art of war. But war simulations were very different from the real thing and Orestes was unsure of what kind of military leader Romulus would be. After so many setbacks that had brought the Roman world to its knees, it seemed too much to hope that Romulus could be of the same caliber as Julius Caesar, Trajan or Constantine the Great. Whatever kind of war-time emperor he turned out to be, Orestes just hoped that Romulus wouldn’t share in the fate of either Valens of Valerian. An emperor’s death on the battlefield could be disastrous, but to be captured and imprisoned at the hands of the enemy was a humiliation that would almost certainly finish the Empire at this point. Yet Orestes was also aware of the fact that he might not survive this war. If that happened, then Romulus Augustus would have no choice but to actually be an emperor, or else Odoacer would most likely take control by becoming the new power behind the throne as magister militum.
Such thoughts of the future had to be set aside for the time being. Right now Orestes needed his alliance with Odoacer in order to save the Western Empire. Despite some reluctance on Orestes’s part, the duumvirate had decided to seize the initiative by finally going on the offensive. Theodoric had encamped the Ostrogoths at his temporary headquarters in Ticinum, and it was there that the duumvirate intended to bring the war to its conclusion.
At the beginning of the Ostrogothic invasion, some believed that the Roman army would confront the aggressors out in the open and force a decisive result on the battlefield. If Odoacer had his way, that is exactly what the Western Empire would have done. His strategy would have entailed maneuvering the majority of their armed forces in to direct confrontation with Theodoric’s army, possibly on the banks of the river Sontius. It was risky, but necessarily a foolish move. Much like the Empire itself, the army experienced a period of rejuvenation in the absence of civil wars and foreign invasions. Augmented by mercenaries from various Germanic tribes, at the military’s core stood thousands of professional soldiers, ranging across various different unit types (comitatenses, limitanei, auxilia palatine, pseudocomitatenses, etc). Though its fighting strength had been severely reduced due to the loss of most Roman territories in the West, this was actually a blessing since Rome’s forces were no longer dangerously overstretched. Now they could concentrate their full defense on Italy. If the Romans accepted battle with the Ostrogoths, there was a possibility that they could end the war just as it began.
But there was also the chance that Theodoric would crush the Empire’s forces and secure victory in one fell swoop. Orestes may have been a less experienced general compared to Odoacer, but even he knew that the Empire could not risk everything by giving Theodoric exactly what he wanted: an open battle where he could destroy his enemies all at once. In any case, recent history showed that battles had become rare events in Rome’s wars against foreign adversaries, unlike the many civil wars that were decided by such an encounter. Whilst the larger armies still operated efficiently in massed encounters, the smaller units within them were also especially suited to small-scale mobile warfare. That was a particular strength that Orestes wanted to utilize. As a consequence, this war could potentially become a long-drawn-out conflict that would gradually drain the Empire’s resources and morale. But it was better than the alternative.
Ever since Theodoric’s army entered Italy, much of the fighting was relegated to many skirmishes and generally small-scale combat. The Ostrogoths captured and ransacked numerous small settlements, but thus far they remained unable to lure the Romans into a battle in which they could secure a decisive victory. Twice they had besieged Mediolanum in AD 490. The first attack ended when the Ostrogoths withdrew from the siege shortly before the arrival of an army of reinforcements under the command of Orestes’s brother Paulus. On the second occasion, the Ostrogoths returned in greater number and surrounded the city once more. Additional soldiers would not be ready for deployment for months, and so Odoacer chose to lead the city’s garrison in a counterattack against the Ostrogoths. Both sides suffered medium casualties, but neither side was able to deliver the crippling blow. The invaders retreated and Mediolanum was again spared.
The combination of Orestes’s cautiousness and Odoacer’s boldness had served the Roman war effort well. But it seemed inevitable that the conflict would take its toll on the population of Italy. Orestes just did not expect it to be so soon. Many people were still uncertain if the West could triumph and others wanted the war to be over as soon as possible. It seemed like sooner or later, Orestes would have no choice but to agree to meet Theodoric in open battle where the fate of the Empire would most likely be decided.
As for his son, the emperor Romulus Augustus remained secure at Ravenna. In all the time that he has been kept in the background as a figurehead, Orestes saw to it that Romulus received the best of Roman education, as well as many lessons in the art of war. But war simulations were very different from the real thing and Orestes was unsure of what kind of military leader Romulus would be. After so many setbacks that had brought the Roman world to its knees, it seemed too much to hope that Romulus could be of the same caliber as Julius Caesar, Trajan or Constantine the Great. Whatever kind of war-time emperor he turned out to be, Orestes just hoped that Romulus wouldn’t share in the fate of either Valens of Valerian. An emperor’s death on the battlefield could be disastrous, but to be captured and imprisoned at the hands of the enemy was a humiliation that would almost certainly finish the Empire at this point. Yet Orestes was also aware of the fact that he might not survive this war. If that happened, then Romulus Augustus would have no choice but to actually be an emperor, or else Odoacer would most likely take control by becoming the new power behind the throne as magister militum.
Such thoughts of the future had to be set aside for the time being. Right now Orestes needed his alliance with Odoacer in order to save the Western Empire. Despite some reluctance on Orestes’s part, the duumvirate had decided to seize the initiative by finally going on the offensive. Theodoric had encamped the Ostrogoths at his temporary headquarters in Ticinum, and it was there that the duumvirate intended to bring the war to its conclusion.
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This part should be called: How a pear nearly caused the fall of the Roman Empire.
He dodged his shameful OTL death only to die in another sad way, courtesy of the WRE and its survival.
I suppose I could have thought of a more noble way for him to go out, like getting killed in battle with the Bulgars. But given the way he actually died, even after all that he achieved, I just couldn't resist giving him another awful ending. Well the title is 'The Reign of Romulus Augustus' so taking it that far would be a bit of a stretch... But I'm glad you like this timeline so far. The challenge would be trying to envision what Europe would look like in AD 800, after more than a few centuries of things getting butterflied and what not. At that point, I'm not even sure who would still exist. I'm not sure how long Romulus will live, but if all goes well then TTL should find itself somewhere in the early 6th century AD.
As in the OTL, I'm very confident that the political/religious schism between Rome and Constantinople will still proceed well into the future, albeit in a different way of course. Despite the pretense that the overall Roman Empire is still "one and indivisible," the two halves have pretty drifted apart and are de facto separate states. What that will mean down the road for Europe and the Mediterranean world is pretty much anyone's guess.
I know what you mean. This timeline isn't exactly what I envisioned. I've made more than a few changes to what I originally had in mind, but overall it's turning out better than I thought it would be so I'd have to agree with you.
I guess the point is if you believe after Romulus Italian WRE could live and adapt to the successive challenges: after the Ostrogoths, they should came the Greeks of Justinian (but maybe from him the ERE Emperors could left Italy unharmed and turn towards other targets as Persia or Spain through the African direction), the Lombards of Alboin, the Arabs, and finally the Franks. Honestly I hope the more the TL goes, the more is better, but otherwise 800 AD could be an interesting first objective to reach, and then we could see what could happens...
Romulus Augustus
I can understand [FONT="]Orestes[/FONT]'s concern but that method has a number of risks as well. Not only is the battle being fought on Italian soil, which means their population pays the costs for the war. As long as the war goes on and concentrates the empire's forces in the north there is the danger of someone else being tempted to have a go at say Sicily.
Hopefully this will go well for the empire and a crushing defeat for the Ostrogoths would not only be good for the prestige of the empire it would deter other groups from trying their arm against it.
Steve
I can understand [FONT="]Orestes[/FONT]'s concern but that method has a number of risks as well. Not only is the battle being fought on Italian soil, which means their population pays the costs for the war. As long as the war goes on and concentrates the empire's forces in the north there is the danger of someone else being tempted to have a go at say Sicily.
Hopefully this will go well for the empire and a crushing defeat for the Ostrogoths would not only be good for the prestige of the empire it would deter other groups from trying their arm against it.
Steve