The Orange Succession

what's your thesis on?

It's a study of how the British perspective on the United States changed during the War of 1812. I haven't actually begun the paper itself, but going through the primary sources takes up a lot of time, and that's in addition to my other coursework and finishing up my Greek & Roman Classics minor. And applying for master's degree programs and other positions.

Even so, we must, as Churchill tells us, keep buggering on, and I'm going to continue updating this TL as much as is possible.
 
William III & Mary II
By the Grace of God
King and Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland,
Stadtholder of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands,
Prince of Orange, Count of Nassau, Defenders of the Faith, etc.

williammary.png

JE MAINTIENDRAI

Chapter V: The War Continues

All of these domestic problems, however, were overshadowed by the ongoing, desperate wars in Europe. The Hapsburg Empires were besieged on every side. In the east, of course, the war with the Ottoman Empire continued; indeed, only one mere decade had passed since their rivals of old had last attacked Vienna itself, striking at the very heart of their lands. France encroached both on traditionally Hapsburg dominions in Germany and Italy, not to mention their attacks on actual Hapsburg territories in Catalonia and the Netherlands. Even their age-old dominance of the Western Hemisphere was challenged by concerted French attacks on Hispaniola and Cuba.

These were of minimal concern to King William, however, except as a question of strategy. For him, the Hapsburgs and their lands were of little consequence. France’s threat, to William, fell much closer to home. His native land was threatened by the French armies wintering that year in Flanders. French navies were rumored to be preparing a new army of Jacobites to restart the war in Ireland, Scotland, or even in England itself. The French invasions of Hispaniola and Cuba were a threat to Jamaica and the other English territories in the West Indies, while Canada hung, it seemed, like a sword of Damocles over England’s eleven small colonies on the continent. It is difficult to imagine, today, the force which France and its sole ally were able to assert in this period, despite all of Europe arrayed against it.

As 1693 dawned, the first news was of the complete collapse of Spanish defenses in northern Hispaniola, with Santo Domingo now standing alone against the French. Disputes between the Spanish, Dutch and English colonial governors in the West Indies continued unabatated, leading to an almost total lack of coordination on this vital front of the war. Though, in other news, the French invasion of Cuba had been repulsed, this fact was not at the forefront of the Allies’ minds; the question, in their mind, was, in America, whether Santo Domingo would fall, and, in Europe, what Louis planned for the coming period.

William, surprisingly, at the advice of Kinross, started out the campaign season by taking the initiative, commanding a combined English, British, Dutch, German and Spanish force in an asserted strike at the Spanish Netherlands, managing to take much of Flanders before Luxembourg was able to react. In a largely inconclusive engagement in the Battle of Brussels in April, Luxembourg attempted to dislodge the English king from the city, and failed, being forced to pull his army back into Wallonia due to his continuing supply problems. Worsening the situation for this army, the flow of Irish troops to France, something which had been a vital resource for Louis XIV early in the war, was effectively stopped by the excommunication of James II; indeed, a small, but significant, number of Irishmen in regiments in the Spanish Netherlands began to desert, reversing the flow of men back to Ireland.

Louis’ supply issues were worsened by the beginning of a famine, which Louis ignored in the hopes of trying to force the Allies to the negotiating table. Against advice, he kept Luxembourg’s army deployed in the Spanish Netherlands, with orders to attempt to retake Flanders. Three further large, pitched battles were fought in the region in the course of the year, but accomplished little; William had firmly secured the territory against French attack, though Luxembourg had also prevented William’s concerted attempt in August to take back the rest of the territory. On the German front, the French managed to seize several more fortified cities, but, on the whole, achieved very little apart from their capture.

It was in Italy, though, where Louis was passionate; the French king had taken his greatest interest in that land when he, quite rightly, saw the excommunication of James II as a general denouncement of Gallicanism and the whole of the traditional French Church under Rome. The excommunication was a complete and total rejection of Louis’ entire style of government, and, as Louis saw it, a gross power grab on the part of the Church’s corrupt bureaucracy, who had corrupted the Pope (who had, it should be remembered, been supported by Louis’ cardinals in the 1691 Conclave). Clearly, as Louis saw it, the see of Rome had been thoroughly corrupted, and the new Pope brought under French influence. As a result, the Italian front saw incredible French gains; after an unbelievably total French victory in the Battle of Marsaglia in October, Louis’ forces managed to seize control of the critical city of Turin. Additionally, earlier in the year, Louis’ navy achieved a massive victory with their victory in the Battle of Lagos in June, stopping an Anglo-Dutch convoy as it rounded the Cape of St. Vincent, just off the Portuguese coast.

At the close of 1693’s campaigning season, then, Louis clearly held the upper hand, despite his significant losses in the Netherlands. However, this was not the only question of importance, as, during the same season, several engagements in the east had clearly given the Holy League an advantage against the Turks, with Russian, Polish and Austrian forces making forceful advances into Ottoman territory with the seizure of Belgrade that year, with attendant Russian advances at Ottoman territories in the Ukraine. During the winter, Louis sent missives to Vienna and various German states seeking a settlement, only to be rebuffed at every turn. The excommunication had as good as been a Papal denouncement of France, which was all the excuse the Emperor, emboldened by his and William’s successes in the previous year, needed to continue the war with his French rival. Even embassies to Spain were totally rejected out of hand, the Spanish Hapsburgs setting aside their traditional rivalries with the House of Orange and England out of righteous anger over France’s collaboration with the infidels in Constantinople, and its continued intransigence against the (Austrian-supported) Pope.

1693 turned into 1694, and the war, as before, continued. The French, however, were now at a disadvantage. Despite their massive successes in Italy and at sea in 1693, these could not be maintained as what had previously hampered the French as “supply issues” turned into a full-blown famine throughout the kingdom. An early attack by Luxembourg, attempting the same as William had the year before, floundered at the Second Battle of Brussels, and the combined Allied army under his command not only defeated the French, but forced them further back. Further attacks by William forced Luxembourg onto the defensive, though the latter performed magnificently in several defensive actions with his outnumbered force. Despite these, however, Luxembourg was outmaneuvered over the rest of the season, and forced to ultimately cede the critical Walloon of Huy to the Allied forces in October.

Further maneuvers on the Rhine were just as useless as the year before, and the French army’s supply lines in Italy were effectively broken; though they held Turin firmly, they were unable to move forward, and Savoyard forces were able to move freely in the rest of the country, finally laying siege to the city with German support toward the end of the campaign season. In Catalonia, things proved far more eventful: a renewed French attack there moved surprisingly quickly, their supply lines secured due to better-than-average harvests in northern Spain, toward the city of Barcelona. After a disastrous attempt at taking Puerto Principe in the early part of the year, alongside renewed French attacks up and down the Spanish Main (which, against their obligations, Dutch and English officials throughout the region ignored due to longstanding rivalries with one another and the Spanish), the threat to Barcelona proved too much. Charles II’s government threatened to sue for peace, going so far as threatening to hand the whole Spanish Empire to the Bourbons on their monarch’s death.

These threats led to William’s immediate action to relieve the attack, by launching a twofold counterstrike against France: first, a coordinated Anglo-Dutch naval force would make for Brest, destroy the French fleet there and, if possible, seize the city, forcing the French to redeploy; second, another Anglo-Dutch fleet would make for Barcelona, to end French naval superiority in the area and, hopefully, force Louis to withdraw the troops from Catalonia, rather than Italy or Germany, back to Brest. Though the first part of the strategy was a disastrous failure in June, the second part was mildly successful; an Allied fleet, partly made up of surviving elements of the disaster at Brest, forced the French fleet to withdraw to Toulon. With their cover thus destroyed, the French in Catalonia were forced to withdraw to Torroella at the end of the season, lifting their siege on Barcelona and keeping Spain in the war.

The continued threat in Italy, however, had forced the Pope, fearing (without much reason, apart from his lack of understanding of military affairs) a French attack on Rome, began to openly speak of Gallicanism as an “misled doctrine,” and classified it along with nepotism as a practice to be abolished; when some in Rome were angered, Innocent, shortly after New Years Day in 1695, all French clergymen who would not explicitly accept the doctrine as “misled” were expelled from the from the Papal States, bringing the issue ever closer to a final confrontation with the Sun King.
 
I'm not too late, am I? :eek:

William III & Mary II
By the Grace of God
King and Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland,
Stadtholder of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands,
Prince of Orange, Count of Nassau, Defenders of the Faith, etc.

williammary.png

JE MAINTIENDRAI
Chapter VI: The Conflict Draws Down

With the events of the previous winter and campaign season in mind, Louis XIV’s agents across Europe began to make secret gestures on every front, no longer seeking a public admission of disadvantage, soliciting a treaty of some kind to relieve the French from their multi-front war. The ongoing famine in his country was leading to unrest in the cities and the country, and France’s inability to see success on any of its multitude of fronts had convinced him of the need to close at least one of them, particularly with ongoing threat proceeding from Papacy. Though he was convinced his churchmen would stand alongside him, there were far too many elements in France who could seize on a further Papal gesture to make their own power plays. Innocent XII, with mere words, having followed the widespread famine and the allies’ successes on most fronts, had turned what was an unhappy domestic situation into an openly dangerous one.

In Madrid, though the attack on Catalonia had been repulsed, the Spanish government saw an opportunity to be had in treating with Paris. They hoped that, perhaps with the sacrifice of a few territories they barely controlled in any case, they could secure their nation entirely from attack. Further, on a more personal note, the Spanish officials hoped not to lose their influence in Spain by having a settled succession; an outright French loss in the war, if too great, would put Spain firmly under Vienna’s influence, taking the succession after Charles II’s death completely out of their control. Precisely the opposite reaction was met, of course, in Vienna. Leopold saw the opportunity inherent in the case of France’s defeat: finally giving him the control he should rightly have over the Spanish succession. Messengers to the northern German states met only with disdain, as they continued to see Louis’ prosecution of war during a clash of civilizations with the Grand Infidel himself as inherently dishonorable in and of itself, and stayed in line under their nominal liege.

The principal Italian ally, Victor Amadeus II of Savoy, expelled as he was from his own capital, held a grudge against Louis, but not so much as to refuse talks. He grasped the possibility of gaining back Turin and possibly holding onto his domains at the same time, even if he did become a French client. Additionally, William & Mary, having fought for years and still trying to solidify their control in their realms, were perfectly willing to consider peace. However, their primary demand, secretly conveyed back to Paris - to be formally recognized, and for Louis to expel James II from his court - was rejected by the Sun King, as it would weaken his political position vis a vis Rome.

As the secret negotiations began on many fronts, France’s generals floundered - the secrecy of the negotiations was all but meaningless among the generals, and none wanted to seriously prosecute a campaign that would be meaningless in a few scant months. They did, however, simply quit the field. However, despite significant of maneuvering on both sides, there were no significant military engagements throughout the year, on any front.

In the war of words, however, the fighting was far from over. The pope and Louis’ clergymen began a rash of writing and publications. The Protestants of Europe mostly stood aside as the Catholic Church slowly divided between the pro-Gallicans and anti-Gallicans, with the clergy of the Hapsburg realms falling quite squarely against it. Some few radicals even began calling for tyrannicide, though such extremes were rejected by the Pope. Even as he rejected the Gallican doctrines, he knew the threat that could come to bear if one of Europe’s most powerful Catholic nations were to collapse so completely.

In 1696, the news that came with the new year was received quite poorly: Savoy had surrendered. Though it retained nominal independence, the French terms were harsh, permitting general supply and safe passage to the French throughout their territory, and restricting Savoy’s ability to build castles and other fortified defenses along their mutual border. The news dealt a blow to Allied morale, particularly in combination with several altogether minor losses on the eastern front.

This morale victory was, however, short lived. Not long after, as the campaign season started, a French army under the command of Luxembourg was taken by surprise by an apparently small force of Scottish forces under the command of the Earl Kinross in the Battle of Sedan. The distraction of Kinross’ attack allowed a general engagement between William’s forces and Luxembourg’s. Though the battle was turning against the Allied forces, midway through the battle Luxembourg was killed. French morale shattered, and their army fell back in bad order, though it did not completely collapse.

The death of Luxembourg was keenly felt in the north as the Dutch, English and Scottish forces pressed in, using their advantage after the battle to wheel back, pushing the French entirely out of the Spanish Netherlands, and, by July, the Allies had begun a general offensive into French territory. In August, the French forced the Allies to fall back into Wallonia after the Battle of St. Quentin, but a French failure to break out in Rhineland once again, and the failure of a renewed attack into Catalonia showed that the momentum had clearly gone from the French; riots in Paris after news of the defeat at Sedan were only narrowly put down by the King’s army, and food riots had become commonplace in parts of the south.

It was on 17 August, ironically the same day as his army’s victory at St. Quentin, that Louis XIV issued a royal proclamation denouncing the 1682 Declaration which had solidified the Gallican doctrine. While he did not formally renounce the doctrine itself, and still held to certain “traditions” of the Church in France, the King, in his renunciation, rescinded his demand that the French clergy stand first before him, and only then before the Pope.

Innocent XII acted quickly when he heard of it. Fearing the growing influence of the Hapsburg-aligned clergy in Rome, he declared all the French clergy welcome to return to the Papal States, and showered praise upon the King for his restoration of the proper doctrines in his country. Acting ever the neutral churchman, Innocent proclaimed praises and accord for the peaceful reunification of the Church. The Pope’s sudden about-face had, by winter, fundamentally altered the politics of the conflict.

In January 1697, the first of the treaties ending the war was signed at Gouda, in Holland. In the treaty, Louis XIV recognized the whole realms of James II to be now held in the person of his heirs, William & Mary; what few French, English and Dutch territories in the new world which had changed hands in the war went to status quo ante bellum between them. The treaty opened a watershed, leading to treaties with all of the other powers within months. Even the Emperor, despite his wishes to push further into France, was forced to treat with Louis in the end, as Poland, Russia and his nominal Protestant vassals pushed anew for a greater commitment to fighting the Turks.

Apart from Savoy’s political situation, the Nine Years’ War changed almost nothing. Some small territorial debates were ended temporarily along the French border with the Holy Roman Empire, but otherwise, the various conflicts of pre-war Europe remained, and were merely put on a backburner. Everyone knew that this was no permanent peace, and everyone was right. The same conflicts, combined with yet another issue, would be torn open anew in few short years later in the War of the Spanish Succession.
 
A brief respite from the bigt wars, but interesting nonetheless

Well, the Nine Years' War pretty much petered out in real life, so I went with the same here. Different ending, particularly with Savoy, but the Spanish succession dispute is going to lead to a war pretty much without exception with a PoD as late as mine, and everyone around at the time knew it. There were a few possibilities for it to not lead to war, but those possibilities are a fair stretch.

You do realise that I completely forgot what happened and thus have to reread everything again, I hope?


My bad. :p

I'm trying to get to update this regularly again, so, well, any comments you have, questions, etc., would be helpful in keeping my muses thoughtful and active. :)
 
I just read it all, excellent. How would the War of the Spanish Succession be affected in this TL?
 
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katchen

Banned
I read that ITTL the Anglo-Dutch got an "assiento" in the Treaty of Utrecht for a settlement on or South of the Rio de La Plata (Argentina). That area is rather marshy but has a climate favorable for growing things like tobacco, and it's not far off the sea route to the East Indies. Even opium could readily be grown there. Rice too. Sheep would get footrot unless they were raised further south in Patagonia and there, sheep farmers would also discover wool from the local guanucos and possibly alpacas.

So, Anglo-Dutch Argentina ITTL?
 
Hi, there, remember me? :eek:

William III & Mary II
By the Grace of God
King and Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland,
Stadtholder of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands,
Prince of Orange, Count of Nassau, Defenders of the Faith, etc.

williammary.png

JE MAINTIENDRAI

Chapter VII: Their Majesties’ Government

The Parliament of England can trace its roots, distantly, to councils of Old English nobles and kings, the witans - or so say the nationalists. Some of the more radically Orangist historians prefer to trace it to the genius of Edward I, with his so-called prototypical parliament. But the body itself, and most historians, prefer to trace it to Simon de Montfort’s Convention Parliament of 1265 (though to call it a Convention is a most definite exercise in anachronism). Amelia Ferguson, in her History of the British Peoples, classified all of English history since that time as the story of the clashes and detentes between its Crown and its Parliament. The tumultuous beginning of the Orange dynasty was no different.

Though William & Mary were strong monarchs, they knew that they did not simply hold power by divine fiat, as Louis XIV claimed in France. Not only had they themselves been effectively installed by a coup orchestrated by Parliament’s own members, they were always wary of the example of their mutual grandfather, who, in his intransigence to Parliament’s wishes, had been paraded before his own subjects and executed, named a traitor to his own kingdom. Fortunately, William, as but an elected stadtholder in his Dutch territories, was no stranger to such politicking.

William and, while her husband was out of the country, Mary, took an active role in government. A significant amount of effective power was already devolved to their various ministers and advisors, with even more coming through the various acts of the 1689 Convention; even so, the monarchs remain jointly the Heads of Government, often ignoring the political conflicts between the Covaner and Cavalier factions in naming their advisors, assembling Parliamentary majorities only as needed. The Lord President at this time, Thomas Osborne, 1st Duke of Leeds, was merely one royal adviser among many.

In Scotland and Ireland, things began to stabilize. In Scotland, the Estates were now firmly managing their affairs, under their respective representatives from London. William endorsed the Church of Scotland’s Presbyterian model - far closer to his own Reformed upbringing than the Church of England was - and this, combined with his tolerant policies toward Scottish Catholics, kept the kingdom stable. With stability achieved, the Estates turned to a more pressing matter: Scottish colonialism.

The English, Spanish, French and Dutch had all established wealthy colonies in the New World; the Scots, barred by policy from trading with other nations’ colonies - even England, despite the personal union between them - wished to have their own. Toward this end, the Estates established the Scotland Company, with the intent of establishing a colony at the Darien isthmus, in modern St. James; in 1698, the ill-fated expedition set out.

In Ireland, William’s property and tolerance guarantees kept the restive Catholic population from rebelling, but it only made the Protestants even more so; William & Mary refused royal assent to new punitive measures to punish the Catholics, and even legislations and attainders targeted against specific Catholics who had supported James II in the war. The Irish Parliament often ignored lack of royal assent, forcing constant confrontations between William’s representatives - trying to appease their powerful ally in Vienna - and the Irish Parliament. The monarchs ultimately settled by sending significant funds for the bishops and sees of the Church of Ireland, expanding their “mission” to save the Irish Catholics, while restricting legal suppression of Catholic citizens.

The growth of William’s base in England led to a migration of many Dutch businessmen to London and the surrounding area, especially as more and more fled the possibility of French invasion of the United Provinces. Though there were some conflicts, on the whole these Dutchmen integrated well into the English business establishment. Many firms, some of which even last to this day, found their origins in this environment, most notably the aforementioned Bank of England, the establishment of which had made the funds available for a general expansion and reconstruction of the Royal Navy following their downright embarrassing performance against the French during the war.

The various ministers of the Cabinet, being often rivals of one another, did not often have time to directly rival the monarchs, but they did tend to fight with the Crown over military funding, something which William required more and more of with each passing year; even with peace in 1697, continuing reconstruction efforts on the Royal Navy, and maintaining readiness for the doubtless oncoming next war with the Sun King. William & Mary would surrender certain policies to the control of his Cabinet ministers and the Privy Council, and they would give him more funding, in the political games that one of their successors rather infamously named “an intricate minuet with a foppish mule.”

An upset in their relationship occurred when, in 1698, the Prince of Wales took his seat in the House of Lords. Though his precise words are lost to history, he made no friends in his activities there. He openly took sides in debates, virulently arguing his unique perspective on the various bills. Today, we might consider such forward-thinking activity, proof of his knowledge and capabilities, but, at the time, between his pronounced accent, his style of dress and his political opinions - some of them equally offensive to both Covaners and Cavaliers - it was seen as a travesty. Six months later, William named his son his executor of certain affairs in the Netherlands, and he was shipped to the continent. It was hoped that the Prince would mature abroad, and be at least able to come to accords with Parliament once he became monarch.

At the same time, his sisters were now fully into the flowering of youth. Mary and Amelia, now 18 and 15, were among the most eligible Protestant noblewomen in Europe. Mary had grown into a proud, forceful and cunning young woman. Though she had somewhat reconciled with her mother, and traveled often to her parents’ residence at Kensington, she continued to make her home at Denmark House, where she lived with her various tutors and a growing, personal court. Amelia, however, continued to live at Kensington House, and had remained as she had been - the very image of what a lady was expected to be in her era. The contrast between her sister and herself could, in many ways, not be greater. There were some similarities, however: most notably, religious devotion was, to them, very much a duty, and not one done joyfully. Neither had closely kept beliefs; indeed, had they been Stuart women half a century sooner, they would have been prime candidates for alliances with Catholic dynasties.

Neither Mary nor Amelia was in any rush to marry, and, further, their parents were in no rush to select husbands; though Mary was in correspondence with eligible princes across the Germanies, the more important issue was the one which had plagued Europe ever since Charles II of Spain had taken the throne: who would succeed to the holdings of the Spanish Empire?
 
I just read it all, excellent. How would the War of the Spanish Succession be affected in this TL?

Thanks; and, well, it's not too far off - you'll find out soon, G-d willing. :p

I read that ITTL the Anglo-Dutch got an "assiento" in the Treaty of Utrecht for a settlement on or South of the Rio de La Plata (Argentina). That area is rather marshy but has a climate favorable for growing things like tobacco, and it's not far off the sea route to the East Indies. Even opium could readily be grown there. Rice too. Sheep would get footrot unless they were raised further south in Patagonia and there, sheep farmers would also discover wool from the local guanucos and possibly alpacas.

So, Anglo-Dutch Argentina ITTL?

:confused:

I haven't mentioned the Treaty of Utrecht ITTL. You'll see some differences in what goes on colony-wise, though, for sure.
 
Well done, and subscribed, but...

"Covaner"??

Do you mean "Covenanter"?

And, I'm afraid, a fair amount of grammar and punct errors.
 
Well done, and subscribed, but...

"Covaner"??

Do you mean "Covenanter"?

And, I'm afraid, a fair amount of grammar and punct errors.

Alternate timelines have alternate terminology. :) ITTL, "Covenanters" was the name for a political faction in England, which the other side slandered by referring to how they must be radicals, like the Covenanters. "Covaner", a transcription of a poor pronunciation of the same, is the ATL historical term for what we call the Whigs IOTL. Cavaliers, on the other hand, has stuck ITTL as the term for what we would IOTL at this point call Tories, without such a reduction.
 
Interesting story. I like how the Prince of Wales isn't getting estranged from his motherland, but he seems to be swinging too much to our side now... he is aware that England, being the source of his monarchal titles and so forth, is probably the more important part of the union for the Orange-Nassaus, isn't he?

It might have been interesting if Charles II had died sooner (which wouldn't have been too hard) and thus before the war ended and Louis' conflict with the Pope had been settled. That would probably have given France an initial disadvantage for the War of Spanish Succession compared to OTL, especially with Willem III still alive.

But of course, considering how the butterflies might affect prince Joseph Ferdinand of Bavaria and his mother, there might not be a war... if Europe and Spain are really lucky.
 
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