The Orange Succession

William III & Mary II
By the Grace of God
King and Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland,
Stadtholder of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands,
Prince of Orange, Count of Nassau, Defenders of the Faith, etc.

williammary.png

JE MAINTIENDRAI

Chapter III: A War Abroad

Unfortunately for the monarchs, events on the continent did not hold still while they fought to secure the throne in Scotland and Ireland. By the time William turned his attentions to Europe in 1692, after an embarrassing peace with the Irish Catholics, things had gone fairly sour for the League of Augsburg in their war against Louis XIV.

The war had started with a French lightning assault into Germany in September 1688. A French army quickly seized Mannheim, Frankenthal, Oppenheim, Worms, Bingen-on-Rhine, Kaiserslautern, Spires and Mainz, taking effective control of the whole of the Rhineland. However, Louis’ hopes to secure a quick victory were dashed when the Hapsburg Emperor, Leopold, kept his obligations and went to war with France, despite still being mired in a war against the Ottoman Empire. Under the 1st Magdeburg Agreement, Brandenburg, Saxony, Hanover and Hesse-Cassel united their forces under the nominal authority of the Emperor to defend northern Germany from French advances. At the same time, the Emperor redeployed Bavarian, Swabian and Franconian troops from the eastern front to defend southern Germany from the French forces. The Germans had organized far more quickly - and with far more unity of purpose - than the French had expected, or, indeed, had thought possible in even the best of circumstances, much less in the midst of a two-front war. France initiated a scorched earth policy when the Germans forced them to pull back from the Rhine in early 1689, denying the Rhineland’s resources to the Germans, but this did not prevent an incursion into French territory in late 1689 by German armies under Charles V, Duke of Lorraine. These maneuvers had distracted Louis from paying any significant attention to the British front, where William had quickly gained the upper hand.

When William had invaded England just as the war was starting, Louis had been relieved. Louis saw William’s invasion as an unnecessary distraction for the United Provinces, expecting that a protracted succession war in England would permanently take the Dutch out of the continental war and, ultimately, bring James II firmly into the war on France’s side. Louis was blindsided, however, by the sudden, total collapse of James’ government, and his flight to France, with England’s political situation stabilizing in weeks instead of years. In an attempt to galvanize Jacobites in England, a token French force under the command of the former king was sent to Ireland, which only worsened the situation. It was considered a foreign provocation in London, and the English Parliament approved William & Mary’s declaration of war on France in May 1689. Though France initially retained control of the English Channel, the English fleet forced them to fight there, preventing them from restricting access to Ireland, allowing William’s deployment there in 1690. Louis sent what resources he could into Ireland, mostly moneys, and forced the Two Kings’ War into being a major rebellion against the new monarchs, one which occupied all of England’s attentions for years. The absence of the English and William’s Dutch forces on the continent was keenly felt by their allies on the continent.

Ultimately, the League of Augsburg coalesced as an alliance between England, Scotland, the United Provinces, the Hapsburg Empires and the various German states. There were three major fronts - the Netherlands, the Rhineland and Italy - as well as several other areas of contention, including conflicts in the Americas, Catalonia, and, of course, Ireland. Despite the League’s initial success in the Rhineland, in 1690, the French launched attacks into the Netherlands and Italy, with reasonable success. In the Spanish Netherlands, the Duke of Luxembourg (the greatest French general of this period) won the Battle of Fleurus , but was forced to pull back and redeploy to the Rhineland for political reasons; some have proposed that, had he pressed at the United Provinces at this time, William may have abandoned Ireland to defend his steadhold. At the same time, a French campaign in Italy had led to an incredible victory against a superior force at the Battle of Staffarda, though, again, the French failed to capitalize on their gains, falling back across the Alps for the winter. At the same time, an invasion of Catalonia was countered, with a French army forced back across the border into Roussillon. At the same time, war in the east turned sour. The Hapsburgs was forced to pull troops from the west to fight the Ottomans after severe losses in their eastern campaigns in Transylvania and Serbia. Russia and Poland-Lithuania began to put pressure on the Austrians to treat with the French in the west and fully commit to the war with Turkey, though Leopold held to the course of both wars.

As 1690 turned into 1691, things continued their downward trend for the League. As William’s forces continued their long slogging fight in Ireland throughout the year, France managed to push their advantage in the Netherlands, seizing the Spanish city of Mons early in the year. A virulent campaign season ensued there, one which William was desperate, but unable to join, though Mary was able to secure a commitment of English soldiers there under Marlborough, and the arrival of a Scottish contingent under Kinross. By the end of the campaign season, France was in effective control over much of the Spanish territories, though their sole incursion into the Dutch Republic had been brilliantly repulsed in the Battle of Eersel by the Anglo-Scottish force, which had been isolated from the League forces at the time. Nevertheless, the French were in a position to directly threaten the Dutch come 1692. Meanwhile, though not nearly as successful as in the Netherlands, the French managed to take control of Nice and Villefranche in Italy, taking hold of several strongholds on the far side of the Alps. Though forced to ultimately abandon their siege of the city of Cuneo, the Savoyard forces were exhausted by the campaign, left weakened to face the French in 1692. Though there were further incursions in the Rhineland and Catalonia, these produced few battles, and few serious advantages for either side. An Imperial victory over the Ottomans in 1691 in Serbia, scholars think, ended any real Ottoman threat to the Empire, but, at the time, it was seen as a stalling measure at best, and the Empire was beginning to buckle under the pressure of the two-front war.

The negotiated end of the war in Ireland, at the very beginning of 1692’s campaign season, allowed William to finally recommit his Dutch and English forces from Ireland back to the Dutch Republic before any serious fighting began on the continent. William, as the now highest ranking person in the Netherlands, took command of League forces in the Netherlansd. Acting much on the advice of his advisers, he took the initiative, attacking the Spanish Netherlands and managing to seize several Flemish towns by the beginning of the summer, taking advantage of severe French supply issues. William embarrassed the French at the Battle of Halle in June, but was quickly stalled by Luxembourg’s army, the rest of the campaign season left with no serious engagements, and the French remaining in possession of most of the Spanish territories. Though the Rhineland turned out to be just as pointless as the year before, and the French did not even bother to engage in Catalonia again, the French continued to win victories in Italy, nearly capturing Turin in September.

In America, the war had gone without much fanfare. English forces, which were almost exclusively made up of colonial militias from New England and New York, along with their native allies in the Iroquois Confederation, launched several offensive operations against the French in Canada, which were repulsed. At the same time, the French and their own native allies launched attacks against the Iroquois and English colonists, with much the same result. Though fighting would continue throughout the war, there were no effective operations even until the end of the war.

Something far more important than any fighting happened in 1692, however. In the past decade, there had been a feud between Louis XIV and three successive popes, Innocent XI (who had partly funded William’s expedition to England and Ireland), Alexander VIII and Innocent XII over the question of Gallicanism. Under the principles of Gallicanism, as established by a Declaration of the Clergy of France in 1682, sovereigns were not beholden to the Holy See, and could not be held responsible for temporal acts in service of the state. Under the same principles, subjects could also not be held responsible spiritually by the Pope for actions taken in the service of their sovereigns and, further, the Pope held no authority to absolve oaths taken to the sovereign. The ultimate effect of this, and other, principles, was that the Church in France effectively rejected the authority of the Pope over their king, and they, and France’s civil servants, were ultimately responsible to Paris, not to Rome.

Obviously, the Papacy had seen this as heretical. Innocent XII, a papal reformer among whose first acts was to prohibit nepotism in the Church, saw Louis’ intransigence on this issue as an attack on God himself. Though he had been supported by the French in his election, Innocent saw France’s acts as egregiously anti-Christian, as they were distracting and dividing Christendom by prosecuting a war against the Holy Roman Empire. This even as they fought for Christ against the Ottomans in the Balkans. Though Orthodox, Catholic and Protestant Christians across Europe had been united in their war against the Turks, France pursued division. Louis, meanwhile felt his victories in the Netherlands had proven the correctness of his doctrine, with God granting him continued victory despite his feud with the Pope.

Though he was not willing to take the ultimate step, Innocent was willing to act against the French in other ways. From 1689, James II had written to Rome seeking religious support for his war in Ireland, to support a Roman Catholic monarch over the Protestants who had usurped his throne. Innocent XI had ignored them, responding halfheartedly due to his financial support of William & Mary’s forces. Alexander VIII had also refused to commit on the issue, but Innocent XII had begun writing back and forth. Though he seems to have had no real intention to do so, Innocent XII promised to see what he could do about it. However, Innocent had insisted that, before supporting him, that James formally reject the doctrine of Gallicanism, though it was expressed more vaguely. Though it was inadvertent, James saw this as a direct attack on his authority in pretence, given his theoretical position as Supreme Governor of the Church of England. However, Innocent interpreted James’ intransigence on this question as support for Louis’ Gallican doctrines. Therefore, after being particularly angered by a letter sent by James asserting his own authority over the Church of England (which Innocent, it seems, interpreted as meaning the Catholic Church in England, rather than the Protestant Church) as well as his support of Louis in the war, Innocent XII, in June 1692, issued a Papal bull excommunicating James II. He, as he point by point rejected the Gallican doctrines, absolved Catholic subjects of their oaths to him, though he stopped short of recognizing William & Mary.

Louis saw it, correctly, as a direct attack against him and his Gallican doctrine, though he stood steadfastly against the Pope’s issue, continuing to recognize James II as King. More importantly, however, was its effect on Jacobitism. In the aftermath of the bull’s issue, Jacobites drastically lost influence in both Scotland and Ireland. Though Protestant Jacobitism in Scotland continued unabated, and some small groups continued in Ireland, Catholics in both countries generally settled down. In Ireland, especially, the uncertainty of their position - with the Pope himself apparently supporting the new monarchs - led all but the most intransigent Irish to lay down arms. Though they certainly did not become Orangists, Ireland would now remain quiet for the remainder of the war.
 
Interesting update.

Though it had always seemed to me that Gallicanism did recognise Papal Authority over the Church... Even if the King of France became the leader of the French Church, the Pope was still supreme in the end. Oh well, I'm not an expert in that field: I should probably seek a book on the subject.

Waiting for more.:)
 
Nice to see an update...
Only what are the differences in this 9 years war in this time line with ours?
Except the victory of Halle by William III
 
Interesting update.

Though it had always seemed to me that Gallicanism did recognise Papal Authority over the Church... Even if the King of France became the leader of the French Church, the Pope was still supreme in the end. Oh well, I'm not an expert in that field: I should probably seek a book on the subject.

Waiting for more.:)

The Pope was still seen as supreme in spiritual affairs under Gallicanism, except that they believed that the Pope could be overruled by councils of the general Church. What Gallicanism did was reinforce the idea of a divinely appointed monarchy, subject to no authority but G-d himself under any conditions. This was a theologically protestant concept, and it had always been rejected by the Church. The Church saw monarchs as sort of a divine viceroy on Earth, given a certain level authority over their land, but allowed for tyrannicide (ideally, but not necessarily, with consent from Rome) when the monarchs were abusing their privileges or failing to uphold their duties. Henry VII invoked this latter doctrine, for example, in usurping the throne from Richard III.

Essentially, Gallicanism was introducing Protestant (and, thus, heretical) doctrines into Roman Catholicism, and stripping the Pope of his (fairly powerful, historically) role in legitimizing tyrannicide by banning its legitimacy altogether.

Nice to see an update...
Only what are the differences in this 9 years war in this time line with ours?
Except the victory of Halle by William III

So far? Well, the Spanish Netherlands were never fully overrun by the French IOTL, and the French have done considerably better in Italy than IOTL. Ireland lasted much longer (due to a combination of butterflies from William's guaranteed Protestant succession and additional support from France), which distracted William III from bringing his forces back to the Netherlands in early 1691 as he did IOTL, allowing the French ITTL all of 1691 to act against a significantly inferior League force.

This greater success led to Louis' and, as a result, James' greater arrogance, and, thus, to Louis' failure to begin the process of renouncing Gallicanism. This leads to a stronger conflict with Rome, and, through this, to James' excommunication. The excommunication silences Ireland, making it much more peaceful than it was through the rest of the war IOTL.
 
Unfortunately, I didn't see that before, so I'll respond now. I do have a new update in the works, should be up in the next few days.
 
I'm sorry for this being much later than I expected; some things caught up with me in real life. Well, here's the next installment in all it's glory:

William III & Mary II
By the Grace of God
King and Queen of England, Scotland, France and Ireland,
Stadtholder of the Republic of the Seven United Netherlands,
Prince of Orange, Count of Nassau, Defenders of the Faith, etc.

williammary.png

JE MAINTIENDRAI

Chapter IV: Domestic Matters

William III had spent the first full year of his reign in England, solidifying his rule over the country. After legitimizing the Convention as a Parliament, William almost immediately granted royal assent to the Act of Toleration 1689, which gave unprecedented legal rights and other liberties to Protestants throughout England. In accordance with his secret agreement with the Pope, William prevented Parliament from introducing any new anti-Catholic measures, but, in keeping with his faith and his oaths, he also had not increased their rights in any way. A new wave of anti-Catholicism spread through England, but William’s actions held it mostly in check. On the question of the English church, William solidified his control by suspending bishops who refused to recognize his reign from their episcopacies, most of whom were ultimately expelled from their positions and replaced with loyal clergymen. Though unused to the structure, William quickly adapted to his new role as head of the Anglican Church, and used his influence to move the Church of England closer to his own Calvinist beliefs, abolishing many so-called papist practices.

Late in the year, William also gave assent to the Bill of Rights 1689, which formally codified all the rights which had been guaranteed by William & Mary as part of the condition of taking the English throne. The Bill of Rights was a landmark document in both English and world history, inspiring many such documents and guarantees long into the future, even to today. Under the Bill of Rights, taxation without Parliamentary consent was banned, Parliamentary privilege to debate was declared absolute, the monarch lost the right to establish courts without the consent of Parliament, and other, similar power shifts from the Crown to Parliament. Further, in the field of more personal rights, the right to bear arms and other such liberties were guaranteed, while abuses such as “cruel and unusual” punishments and excessive bails were banned.

As William proceeded to spend the next few years constantly in Ireland and in Europe, Mary II took up power as monarch. Mary was a strong Anglican, and, as part of her faith, believed that wives should be submissive. Whenever William was home, she suborned her own will to that of her husband. Despite this, she was not a weak Queen. When holding the throne on her own, she acted decisively when necessary, holding the line against Cavaliers in Parliament and ensuring continued financial support for William’s wars in Ireland, and then in Europe. In 1690, with William in Ireland, Mary consented to an ill-fated engagement against a French fleet of Beachy Head, which was lost; the French incapability to capitalize on their victory there, however, was the monarch’s saving grace. The same year, she issued, on her own recognizance, a general pardon to any and all persons who had supported her father during the Glorious Revolution, though it was not a general pardon to Jacobites outside of England nor to future attempts to restore James II or his heirs male. Mary also played a significant role in supporting the establishment of the Bank of England, a private company backed by both English and Dutch private interests to act as banker for both Crown and Parliament. William’s constant absence meant that Mary continued to play a constant role in the English government in matters such as this, and she proved a consistently able administrator, admired by the English people and supported by the Covaner faction in Parliament.

In a more personal and, overall, more direct sense, Mary also ruled the family. William took only a detached interest in his children when they were young, occasionally deigning to praise them or rebuke them, more often the latter, when they came to be in his presence. Mary, however, was constantly involved in the life and in the education of her children, appointing a variety of English and Dutch tutors - all of them, of course, good Protestants. Their children were all to be trained in the appropriate fields. The Princesses Royal, Mary and Amelia, who had been five and two respectively when brought to England, were both brought up to be proper ladies of the court, learning this art in much the same way Mary herself had. They were prepared to secure their parents’ and brother’s relationships with the other Protestant houses of Europe. Both were taught the German and Dutch languages, though they were brought up in England, in the assumption that those states would ultimately provide the most likely candidates for their eventual marriages. Princess Mary was considered an unruly child, and constantly disciplined, while Princess Amelia was considered generally to be a perfect lady, the image of her mother both in appearance and manner.

The younger William, the Prince of Wales, had been ten years old when his parents took power as monarch, and had been incredibly reluctant to leave the Hague. He did not take to England nor to the royal palaces there. He consistently favored his Dutch tutors, and spurned the English ones often. He consistently preferred Dutch to English, refusing to speak in English to his sisters or father under any circumstances. Though in early 1690, William & Mary made plans to relocate the Prince of Wales back to the Hague for his education, but the ongoing war meant that these plans never came to fruition. As he grew older, he maintained a piety matched only by his mother, and, when his religious preferences did seem to surface, all reports suggested nothing but the most stringent Dutch Protestantism could be found in him. The young prince earnestly studied business and theology, dismissing the Classics and the Liberal Arts which were expected, and, when possible, spurning exercise and physical training.

Mary doted on her son, indulging his preferences in both education and language. However, just as much as Mary was initially loved by the English people as a dutiful wife and monarch, so was the coolness with which they responded to any word of the young heir, who was referred to by even some Covaners as “the Fat Prince of Holland.” Apart from his strident Protestantism, few found much to like about William, who most clearly returned their disdain. Even this was not always a benefit: some few, radical whispers even suggested that the Prince of Wales’ inheritance would be a return to the hated days of Cromwell’s Commonwealth. Somehow, however, this growing rivalry between his son and his kingdom barely affected King William’s perception in England, though Mary’s reputation began to suffer as rumors about William continued to somehow spill out into public despite her efforts.

These family conflicts were not helped by the other family in England, most notably Queen Mary’s sister, Anne of Denmark. Anne, unlike Mary, had been in England throughout their father’s reign, and was more in touch with English society than her sister and brother-in-law. Though, initially, Anne had been nothing but supportive of William & Mary’s seizure of power, the Princess found herself more and more isolated from the chambers of power, which made her resentful of her sister. Though she didn’t directly withdraw support, she began to pull away from court, hosting her own, separate gatherings apart from Mary. Some saw Anne’s actions as outright seditious, especially after she continued to entertain her friend, Lady Sarah, the Countess of Marlborough, after her husband was disgraced by his dismissal from the army for supposed Jacobite sympathies. Mary never went as far as the radical Covaners - some of whom openly accused Anne of Jacobitism herself - but estrangement between the sisters, while varying in coolness over the years, continued until Anne’s death in childbirth in 1700.

After Anne’s removal from court, the relationship between Mary and her namesake daughter deteriorated rapidly. Rumors of constant arguments between mother and child were heard throughout London. However, unlike the more boisterous style of those on her elder brother, these rumors were always more whispered and silent, as it seemed only to draw attention to the Princess’ unladylike demeanor and, thus, according to many, only encouraged it. Mary was roundly dismissed as being just as spoiled as her brother, and an ungrateful child in general. Ultimately, rumors became so pervasive that, in 1694, William was forced to intervene. The Princess was ultimately removed from their household at Kensington House, at her father’s order, to be educated closer to the city, with her new residence being set Denmark House, another royal residence. The Denmark House was chosen for its proximity, yet distance, to Kensington House, as well as to avoid having the Princess live in one of the royal palaces while the monarchs did not. The Queen blamed herself for the estrangement from both her daughter and her sister. She believed that the irregularity of her succession was displeasing to God, and disruptive of the natural order of things between parents and children. Even if it had been for the greater good, that did not excuse her own personal sins in achieving this dubious new Crown. She would believe to her dying day that it was her lot to suffer silently for the good of England.
 
Nice update.

Always interesting to learn about royal family issues. A bit concerned about the fact that the Prince of Wales is more Dutch than English: not sure this will be good for him when he'll come on the throne.
 

mats

Banned
Yay, a new update!

Both were taught the German and Dutch languages

At this point, the difference between Dutch and German is still very vague, because there are a LOT of regional variants.
 
Nice update.

Always interesting to learn about royal family issues. A bit concerned about the fact that the Prince of Wales is more Dutch than English: not sure this will be good for him when he'll come on the throne.

Well, England seems to have done well with a Dutch King for now, at least. Whether such would continue under his son... well, who can say?

Yay, a new update!

Believe me, I'm thinking the same thing. :p

At this point, the difference between Dutch and German is still very vague, because there are a LOT of regional variants.

Yeah, I know that; part of what's been difficult in writing this TL is trying to keep the voice of a modern historian within the TL as I write it, both keeping their biases in mind as well as keeping myself from spoiling the future too much with foreknowledge (while keeping such reasonable).

In this case, though this historian explicitly calls them languages, what the two are being taught are basically different regional variants, which for convenience we're calling "Dutch" and "German"; the "German" they're learning is the scholarly, Luther-inspired northern dialect (the Lutheran Bible being most likely their primary learning text), as they're aligning more to the Protestants in the north.

Glad to see the Prince retaining his Dutch roots.

He certainly is at that.
 
I'm sorry for having not posted anything here; there should be a new update by the end of the week. Working on my thesis has put a real dent in my time to work on alternate history, and, unfortunately, it's about the opposite end of the long eighteenth :p.
 
I'm sorry for having not posted anything here; there should be a new update by the end of the week. Working on my thesis has put a real dent in my time to work on alternate history, and, unfortunately, it's about the opposite end of the long eighteenth :p.
what's your thesis on?
 
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