The Legacy of the Glorious (Milarqui's Cut)

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Looks great! I'll take it and make a few changes to make it more presentable, but you did a good job!

@mfarah: would you mind giving me those resources on heraldry you mentioned before?

Also, is there a possibility of using another figure as the escusón? I am asking because I had plans for a future Spanish coat of arms and now I am not sure if it would be permissible in regards to heraldry.
 
Milarqui, countries like Belgium and Sweden used a simple version of their coat of arms to be used by their government.

For this timeline, I designed a lesser coat of arms to be used by the government (and possibly, in the flag)
Note: I apologized because I only used MS Paint.

What do you think?

It's nice. My only (not so pet) peeve is that the lion should be purple, not red. The *wrong* habit of painting it red began with the First Republic, and since this TL doesn't have it, "no one" should have made that mistake in the first place.
 
It's nice. My only (not so pet) peeve is that the lion should be purple, not red. The *wrong* habit of painting it red began with the First Republic, and since this TL doesn't have it, "no one" should have made that mistake in the first place.
Don't worry; Milarqui will improve my design, which includes the purple lion
 
Looks great! I'll take it and make a few changes to make it more presentable, but you did a good job!

@mfarah: would you mind giving me those resources on heraldry you mentioned before?

Soory I took so long answering.

Here go a few:

http://dibujoheraldico.blogspot.com/ - in Spanish, very very good.
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Heraldry
https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Coat_of_arms

This wikipedia user has made a LOT of coats of arms:
http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/User:Heralder



Also, is there a possibility of using another figure as the escusón? I am asking because I had plans for a future Spanish coat of arms and now I am not sure if it would be permissible in regards to heraldry.
The escusón should have the same shape as the main coat of arms (look for "cuadrilongo") with a fixed proportion. The actual content of the escusón (a quartering of black and white) is correct, as the escusón is supposed to have the reigning family's coat of arms.

If you'll allow me to go on full nitpicking mode, the issues I have with the coat you posted on Nov 29 are:

1) The lion MUST be purple, not red. (I mentioned this before).
2) The shape of the coat of arms should be the "cuadrilongo". Look for shape 11 in https://es.wikipedia.org/wiki/Escudo_(heráldica)
3) The escusón should have the same shape, only in the proper proportion (in the current image is slightly wider at the top). However, if the country is governed by a Queen, the escusón should be oval.
4) The "entado en punta" of Granada shouldn't cover up the chains in the lower-right quarter (representing Navarre). I suspect that mistake was already in the coat you used as a starting point.
5) Both pillars are missing the respective crowns and the water waves at the bottom.

Some additional comments regarding each point:

1) The "red lion" is a mistake (ok, change) that showed up in the First Republic (as purple was seen as the "monarchic" color). Since there's no republic in the ATL you're writing, the red lion makes no sense.

2) The current shape is the traditional French shape!!! This is actually important and not just a nitpick: este escudo está afrancesado, tío. Since in the ATL, the government has shaken itself of franchute influence and French meddling, a "frenchie coat" makes no sense.

3) This is the least important of the issues. OTOH, in OTL, the coat of arms has, improperly, an oval shape even though Juan Carlos I is a male. This mistake has been carried on since Isabel II was the Queen (where the oval escusón was the right shape).

4) Oddly, in heraldry, the "entado en punta" must not cover up other quarters of the coat, BUT... the escusón has to (as the current drawing correctly does). This is because the escusón is supposed to be overlayed on top of the rest, while the entado is a part of the primary coat.

5) See http://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Coat_of_Arms_of_Spain_(corrections_of_heraldist_requests).svg


There.
 
A better version of Spanish lesser cor of arms

Because of mfarah's suggestion, this is the improved version of the lesser coat of arms of Spain (and even the greater coat of arms)
EspañaGloriosa.PNG

EspañaGloriosa.PNG
 
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Thank you very much, guys! The information and the new coat of arms are very, very welcomed.

Also, I am going to start posting the new chapters soon, as a present for you, since it is the anniversary of the Constitution.

@mfarah: the reason why I asked about the escusón was because I had a plan to turn it into a tartesic star (8 point star).
 
Chapter I, Part I (revised)
Chapter I: An End And A Beginning

Part I: The Road to La Gloriosa

It was the second of September of the year 1868. Isabel II, Queen of Spain and all of its colonies, and the last in a long line of monarchs that descended from the Sun King and Emperor Carlos I of Spain, was walking along the La Concha Beach, in the northern city of San Sebastián. Accompanying her were her son and heir Alfonso, her four daughters Isabel, María del Pilar, María de la Paz and Eulalia, and a large group of courtesans, ready to do anything that may grant them the favor of the Queen, and thus benefits of many kinds.

They did not know that any benefits they may gain would soon turn to ashes, dust and nothing else.

Isabel II had risen to the throne in a tumultuous period of the history of Spain: she was just three years old when her father, the absolutist tyrant Fernando VII, nicknamed El Rey Felón (the Felon King) for his total intransigence that had ruined the start of Spanish liberalism and provoked Spanish America's independence, died from age and illness. Her crowning had been opposed by the Infante Carlos María Isidro de Borbón, who was supported by the reactionary elements of Spanish society, while the liberal politicians and troops had stepped behind her, hoping that she would be the one to bring new glory and freedom to the Spanish nation.

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Queen Isabel II and her consort, Francisco de Asís

Unfortunately, that hope was, while not shattered, eventually broken: the young girl had, with time, become a sad, capricious woman, who thought of the Crown and what it represented as her own property, to do as she wished; forced into a loveless marriage with Francisco de Asís de Borbón, an homosexual and ambitious man she intensely disliked, she sought young attractive men to bed them, an attitude that was imitated by her consort and causing great scandal in the nation; the political system formed by General Ramón María Narváez's Partido Moderado (Moderate Party) and also General Leopoldo O'Donnell's Unión Liberal (Liberal Union), which excluded the more liberal Partido Progresista (Progressive Party) and Partido Demócrata (Democrat Party) had stagnated, and was seen as an absolute failure, because it was soon clear that the Presidency of the Council of Ministers was open to whichever high-ranking military officer managed to seduce the Queen; and the Royal Court was dominated by ultraconservative and Neo-Catholic councilors who were nearly always a step away from helping to restore the Ancien Régime Fernando VII had imposed during his reign.

Not everything that happened during Isabel's reign was bad: although her reign had been marked by the pronunciamientos [1], the relatively long periods of peace between them had allowed for the industrialization of Spain, which had been heavily affected by the Independence War [2] and Fernando VII's anti-liberal purges, as well as the construction of a railway network that was expanding and connecting all Spanish towns and cities. Unfortunately, many of these reforms were themselves the cause of other problems: Mendizábal's land seizures, while they had given much money to the battered Spanish Treasury, had culminated in the latifundismo, the concentration of much land in the hands of a few owners; the industrial and railroad businesses had been affected by several great swindles forged by the richest families of the time (including the Royal Family itself), and the dissatisfaction of the lower classes with their economical situation was becoming greater as time passed.

These factors, and many others, had led politicians and army officers to realize that Spain was a boiler that would explode if a proper valve was not built soon. One of them was General Juan Prim, the leader of the Progressive Party, who was determined to act as fast as possible to prevent the dissolution of his beloved nation because of the bad choices of a few people: thus, he planned and executed several pronunciamientos, all of which were completely unsuccessful, and which led to short-lived exiles to other European nations.

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General Juan Prim y Prats, Marquis of Los Castillejos

It wouldn't be until 1866 that the definite impulse to the revolution would happen: the European economic crisis that exploded that year heavily eroded the Spanish economy, even further than that of other countries. The inadequate industrialization of the nation, the economic policies followed by the successive governments chosen by Isabel, the concentration of the credit risk in the railroad business and in the public debt, the unpopular First Pacific War [3] and, finally, several failed harvests because of floods, brought to the surface the problems and contradictions of Spanish society:

  • The great difference in income between the lowest and the highest classes, especially seen in the agricultural sector, where most of the population slaved away for long hours of hard and strenuous work in exchange of a paltry wage while the landowning oligarchy was able to squander their riches without any care.
  • The conflict between the financial-landowning oligarchy and the emergent industrial-commercial bourgeoisie, the latter of which had to contend with the former in order to manage to face the problems they had to expand business.
  • The problems, derived from the industrial expansion in Catalonia and northern Spain, between the industrial bourgeoisie and a new industrial worker class, which was formed by people that had to work in deplorable conditions in order to earn enough money to feed themselves and their families.
It was these problems, and many more, that would mark 1866 as the start of the end for Isabel II's, and the Bourbons', reign.

[1] The pronunciamientos were military uprisings that happened several times during Isabel's reign, and their main objective was the imposition of the uprising leaders' political views. The most important pronunciamientos were those that pretty much marked the separation between the historical periods of Isabel's reign: Maria Cristina's and Espartero's regencies, the first Moderate period, the Progressive Two Years and the second Moderate period.
[2] The name given in Spain to the Peninsular War.
[3] The name given in TTL Spain to the war with Chile, Peru, Bolivia and Ecuador.
 
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Chapter I, Part II (revised)
Part II: The Last Years of Bourbon Spain

One of the first attempts by liberal elements to show their discontent with the situation happened in June 1866: the Sargentada of the San Gil Barracks. The failure of this uprising led to the executions of many sergeants that had supported it, and to the exile of Prim to Geneva. This, however, allowed the general to reach Ostende (Belgium), where he was able to meet with other members of his own party and of the Democratic Party (which was then led by Cristino Martos and Francisco Pi y Margall). Both parties signed, in August of that year, the Ostende Pact: the Progressive and Democrat parties would, from then on, work together to force the end of Isabel's monarchy and replace the current regime with an actual democratic system, where the people would choose their representatives through male universal suffrage. The form this regime would take was a decision left for the future, which would cause no end of problems for Spain.

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The San Gil Barracks

The first fruits took some time to arrive, but arrive they did, and in great form: Leopoldo O'Donnell's death in 1867 allowed General Francisco Serrano (a former lover of the Queen, and one of the main candidates to Prince Alfonso's paternity) to gain the leadership of the Liberal Union. The Moderate Party's near monopolization of the government, and the Neo-Catholics each day greater influence with the Queen, told the Unionists that their only chances to maintain influence in Spain was to join the opposition to Isabel's rule, which they did that year through the Pact of Brussels. Serrano managed to bring with him the support of many soldiers and officers, as well as the generous economic aid of Antoine d'Orléans, Duke of Montpensier, who aspired to hold the Crown of Spain either by his own right or as a consort to Isabel's sister Luisa Fernanda, his wife.
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General Leopoldo O'Donnell

The moment that made it clear that Isabel's regime was about to die was April 1868: Ramón María Narváez, nicknamed El Espadon de Loja (Loja's Greatsword) and main defender of the monarchy, died after a long life of war and politic intrigues. Instead of trying to change things, Isabel II chose to support the continuity of the Moderate government by giving the Presidency to Luis González Bravo. In order to prevent the Neo-Catholics or any general from taking his position, González Bravo decided to govern against everyone, slowly turning Spain into an almost personal dictatorship through repression, exile and censure. González Bravo could be heard proclaiming his pride at showing how a civilian could also direct a dictatorship, but his actions earned him the hate of every Spaniard.

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General Ramón María Narváez and Luis González Bravo

Luis González Bravo would soon become known as the last President of Isabel's reign, because it was in this situation that an honorable sailor decided that it was the moment to punch the table and shout Enough!, initiating the revolution that would lead liberals to their freedom or their death.
 
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Chapter I, Part III (revised)
Part III: La Gloriosa

September 18th 1868. Port of Cádiz, the birthplace of Spanish constitutionalism, and one of the most important ports of Spain. It was here that Juan Bautista Topete, Admiral of the Spanish Fleet anchored in the city, rose up against Queen Isabel II and González Bravo's government, proclaiming the end of the Bourbon monarchy, and the beginning of the liberalization Spain deserved.

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Admiral Juan Bautista Topete, the man who initiated La Gloriosa​

During the previous sixty years of Spanish history, the Spanish Army had been the main user of force against the government so as to impose order, through the pronunciamientos. This was, however, the first time the Navy actively participated in one of them, and not only that, but they were the ones to lead it.

One day later, Generals Juan Prim (coming from London by way of Gibraltar) and Francisco Serrano (who brought with him all the generals that had been exiled to the Canary Islands by González Bravo) arrived to Cádiz, from where they would take the reins of the revolution that would initially be named the Revolución de Septiembre, but would become part of the history of Spain with the poetic name of La Gloriosa.

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General Francisco Serrano y Dominguez, one of the leaders of La Gloriosa​

Very soon, the revolution found the support of the people, who, fed up with Isabel II and her decisions and those of her governments, helped spark rebellions through Andalusian and Eastern Spain. Prim and Topete would take the latter's fleet in order to travel from port to port along the Mediterranean coast, helping to feed the fire that had been lit in the Spaniards' hearts, while Serrano reached Sevilla by land and took the lead of an army with which he expected to invade Madrid.

González Bravo's government did not remain quiet, though, and sent an army formed by troops loyal to the Queen and led by Manuel Pavía y Lacy, Marquis of Novaliches, to the encounter of Serrano's army.
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Manuel Pavía y Lacy, Marquis of Novaliches

Ten days after the start of the revolution, both armies met in the town of Alcolea (Córdoba). They both had a similar number of troops, but, while the loyalists had more artillery, the revolutionaries had the knowledge that the events in the rest of Spain were playing in their favor, giving them greater courage in the soon-to-happen battle.

The first move was made by the loyalists, who assaulted Serrano's army's positions in an attempt to push them back, but this was repealed with several casualties in both sides. Novaliches then decided to personally lead a second assault, as he wanted to prevent demoralization from seeping into his men. This attempt to encourage his men backfired, for not only was the assault stopped, but Novaliches was gravely injured in the face and unable to continue leading the attack. His second-in-command ordered a retreat towards the north, thus opening the way for the revolutionaries to occupy Madrid, which they did several days later with the support and acclamation of the local people.

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Serrano's army enters Madrid

When news of both the Battle of Alcolea and the loss of Madrid to Serrano arrived to the Court, which was then in San Sebastián, they realized that the Queen only had two options right now: either the Royal Family exiled itself to nearby France, thus remaining safe yet able to easily return if the wind blew in their favor, or the Queen abdicated in the person of her son and heir, Prince Alfonso, perhaps saving the Spanish throne for the Bourbon dynasty.

Given the circumstances and the hatred the Spanish people now professed for the Bourbons, the courtiers suggested the Queen that it might better if she took the option of exile, probably the best advice they had ever offered in their court lives. Thus, Isabel II decided to keep her historical rights to the Crown of the Catholic Monarchs and parted on September 30th for the city of Biarritz, France, next to her entire family, and where French Emperor Napoleon III put comfortable chambers to their disposition.

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The Royal Family goes into exile

Both the occupation of Madrid and the Royal Family exile marked the end of the revolution. Isabeline authorities peacefully transferred power to local Juntas that had been chosen either by popular acclaim or through improvised democratic elections, and slowly peace returned to the nation.

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Celebrations in Puerta del Sol after the final success of La Gloriosa​

Finally, on October 5th, the Provisional Government was formed. Its task would be long and arduous, for they would have to initiate the process for the establishment of the Constituent Assembly and the development and ratification of a new Spanish Constitution, but when that moment came, Spain would be ready.
 
Chapter I, Part IV (revised)
Part IV: The Provisional Government and the Constituent Assembly


The Provisional Government was led by General Serrano and formed in equal parts by Unionists and Progressives. Unionists Juan Bautista Topete, Juan Álvarez Lorenzana, Antonio Romero Ortiz and Adelardo López de Ayala took the Ministries of the Navy, Foreign Affairs, Justice and Overseas, respectively, while Progressives Juan Prim, Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla and Laureano Figuerola were chosen as Ministers of War, Home Affairs, Public Works and Treasury.


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The Provisional Government. From
left to right: Figuerola, Ruiz Zorrilla, Sagasta, Prim, Serrano, Topete, López de Ayala, Romero Ortiz and Lorenzana.


This choice was met with the first frictions in the coalition: the Democrats (now suffering from an internal division between Cristino Martos' Monarchists and Francisco Pi y Margall's Republicans) were quite unhappy at the fact that their party, despite having been on the opposition to Isabel for much more time than the Liberal Union, was not represented in the Provisional Government. Fortunately, save for a few complaints that were easily handled by the government, there were no further reactions.


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Cristino Martos, leader of the Monarchist wing of the Democrat Party


The Government soon had its hands full in trying to solve the trove of problems they had to get through in order to stabilize Spain. Their first action was the concession of public and political rights to the people, as they had promised from the beginning of La Gloriosa. They also announced through a manifest the political reforms they intended to make true in short time, and the first economic reforms, impulsed by Minister Figuerola, that would finally allow the Spanish economy to recover from the many disasters of the past.


The first democratic elections took place in December, in order to replace the Juntas with mayors, while the Constituent Assembly would be chosen in January of the following year. In the meantime, the Provisional Government approved several decrees that would be temporary until the Constitution was finally approved. These decrees had most to do with the concession of freedoms, as well as the initial organization of the judicial system.

It was also then that the Provisional Government proclaimed that Spain would retain the Constitutional Monarchy as a government, citing both the little success republics had had in Europe and the great distrusts that the formation of a Spanish Republic would awaken in the rest of Europe. This provoked the break-up of the Democrat Party, as the Republican faction, with Pi y Margall at the helm, chose to form its own party, the Partido Republicano, which supported the transformation of Spain into a federal republic in the mold of the United States of America. This idea was supported by several of the Juntas and, later, by the local governments where the Republicans had won the local elections, showing that the pre-Bourbon federalism was not dead, a support that grew thanks to their anti-militarist, anti-clerical message.


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Francisco Pi y Margall, leader of the Federal Republican Party

Unfortunately for the government, soon they had to turn their eyes to the other side of the Atlantic, where insurrections had begun among the people of Cuba of Puerto Rico. Both islands had, for years, been treated as nearly personal fiefdoms by General Captains that held almost absolute power, and still held under the yoke of a slave-based economy, and had been on the brink of exploding when La Gloriosa started.


The Puerto Rico insurrection, initiated five days before the Battle of Alcolea, was easily put down by local loyal forces, and most rebels were captured and condemned to death. The new governor, José Laureano Sanz, soon dictated a general amnesty for the rebels in order to calm the situation, although several rebels were still exiled.

The Cuban rebellion, however, would prove to be not as easy to put down. Started by Carlos Manuel de Céspedes on October 10th with the so-called Grito de Yara, it soon derived into a brutal guerrilla war, with liberated slaves joining the rebels and launching bloody machete charges that engulfed the entire island, thanks to local support for the guerrillas. Spain's almost brutal economic exploitation of the island, the Cuban people's complete lack of rights and freedoms, the existence of a class division based on racial prejudices and the existence of slavery, were factors that played in the rebellion. In spite of the rebels' inability to take control of any great city, and the arrival of new Captain General Domingo Dulce, appointed by the Provisional Government to bring the reforms that were now changing Spain, the rebels did not surrender.


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Carlos Manuel de Céspedes, first President of Revolutionary Cuba

Considering the current situation as very alarming, the Provisional Government was forced to initiate a conscription program to form an army that would defeat the rebels, which they did not want to do. This played straight into the hands of the Republicans, who supported the derogation of the Monarchy and the establishment of a Federal Republic, where Cuba and Puerto Rico would be two states. The popular classes started to feel let down by the Provisional Government, and many thought that, if things didn't change soon, Cuba would become La Gloriosa's cancer and probable cause of death.


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Spanish volunteers embark in the port of Barcelona to travel to Cuba


All of these problems did not mean the end of political life. On January 15th, the Spaniards were called to vote in the Constituent Assembly. 70% of the electoral census, for the first time formed by all Spanish males over 25, chose their representatives to the Assembly, formed by the following:

  • Government Coalition: 236 Deputies
  • Progressive Party: 134 Deputies
  • Liberal Union: 69 Deputies
  • Democrat Party: 33 Deputies
  • Republican Party: 85 Deputies
  • Federalist faction: 83 Deputies
  • Centralist faction: 2 Deputies
  • Carlist Party: 20 Deputies
  • Isabeline independents: 11 Deputies
  • Non-elected: 29 Deputies
  • Cuban representatives: 18 Deputies
  • Puerto Rican representatives: 11 Deputies
After the clear victory by the Government forces, and desiring a continuation with respect of the Provisional Government, Serrano kept the Presidency and the Provisional Government retained their positions. A Constitutional Commission was then formed, consisting on equal numbers of Progressive, Unionist and Democrat politicians and legislators, whose task would be to develop a new Constitution for the Kingdom of Spain.
 
Chapter I, Part V (revised)
Chapter I, Part V: The New Constitution

The Constitutional Commission worked very fast and finished the text in only three months. The text was approved on June 1st by 214 Ayes, 55 Nays and 112 abstentions, and finally promulgated five days later by the Constituent Assembly, in the name of the Spanish nation that had chosen them as representatives.

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The 1869 Constituent Courts are opened in the Congress of Deputies

As many would be able to read, the Spanish Constitution of 1869 drank from many sources to write down the most important matters: the Constitution of the United States of America gave it a broad declaration of rights and freedoms, the Belgian Constitution provided the role of the Crown in the new kingdom, and, above all, the historical 1812 Constitution, La Pepa, which had a general influence in the text.

The Constitution was a clearly democratic one, a declaration based on the recognition of national sovereignty based on male universal suffrage, as well as an advocacy of individual rights as natural rights, so any posterior legislation could only regulate the bad use of those rights, a stance opposed by Isabeline politician Antonio Cánovas del Castillo, who stated that individual rights had to be regulated and limited through legislation to prevent social disorder and the violation of those rights.

The religious question, the role religion would have in the new Spain, sparked a harsh discussion. La Gloriosa had seen the demolition of many convents by the Juntas, and one of the Provisional Government's decrees had led to the closure of all monasteries and religious houses built after 1837 (the year when the cult and clergy maintenance was established, through that year's Constitution, as compensation for the land expropriations of the previous year), as well as the expulsion of the Jesuit Company from Spanish territory, arguing that, as they owed obedience to the Pope above the Nation, they were a risk of treason.

The Spanish Catholic Church tried, unsuccessfully, to get the new government to accept the Concordat of 1851, which established Spain's religious union and Catholic denomination, broad jurisdictional attributions and the compliance of the Catholic dogma in public education, among other privileges. However, the government was clear in that freedom of religion would be an inalienable right, and thus part of the Constitution. This led to the ironic situation of liberals supporting freedom of religion with religious arguments while conservatives supported religious union with political arguments.

In the end, the question was solved by keeping the maintenance of the cult and clergy in the Constitution, while freedom of religion was allowed for both Spaniards and foreigners, and access to public office and acquisition and exercise of civil and political rights become independent of the professed religion.

The political system would also be renewed. Separation of powers between three bodies would become the norm, in order to prevent the excesses of Isabel's reign and turn Spain into an effective parliamentary monarchy.

Legislative power would reside in the Cortes Generales, formed by two chambers, the Congress of Deputies and the Senate. Both would be elected through male universal suffrage, and among their attributions was the control of the government's actions. Every three years, an election would take place: Congress would be renovated in every election, and each deputy would be chosen to represent a district through direct suffrage, while the Senate would be chosen through indirect suffrage, represent each province, and only a fourth of it would be renewed every three years (thus, one Senator could hold his position for twelve years) unless the King ordered the dissolution of the Courts. The lower chamber, the Congress, would be the most powerful body, as they would approve projects of law, taxes and others, although the Senate was given several other powers to make up for the loss.

Executive power would be, in theory, held by the Crown and King. However, as the person of the King was inviolable and legally non-responsible, the power would be held de facto by the government. The King would hold the classical attributions of a Head of State, as well as have the power to appoint and dismiss his ministers (only with the approval of the Courts, though), to call and suspend the Courts, the sanction and promulgation of laws and the legal authority and competences concerning the executive power.

Judicial power would, finally, become independent from the government. The members' independence would be reinforced through competitive examinations, although the King still had the power to appoint up to a fourth of the judges in the courts and the Supreme Court without their having to pass examinations as long as he had the approval of the Council of State. Judge by jury was definitely established for all political crimes and those determined by common law. All the codes of law, save for those applied to the now limited military and ecclesiastical jurisdictions, were finally unified, a process that had been initiated in the Cádiz Courts and not yet finished.

The Constitution also provided for the local and provincial institutions, as their interests were now to be controlled and responded to by the respective councils. These institutions would be also expanded to Cuba and Puerto Rico as soon as order returned to those lands. The plans for both islands, as well as the Philippines and the Spanish Pacific Islands, would be left for the future, for a time when things got calmed down enough for the government to do things. The only thing that was clear was that reforms would be done to change the situation in both places.

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The Constitution of 1869 is approved by the Congress

END OF CHAPTER ONE
 
Thank you very much, guys! The information and the new coat of arms are very, very welcomed.

Also, I am going to start posting the new chapters soon, as a present for you, since it is the anniversary of the Constitution.

@mfarah: the reason why I asked about the escusón was because I had a plan to turn it into a tartesic star (8 point star).

That's... a VERY COOL idea, actually. It would be a rather out-of-left-field change, however (being that the king is german), so it would be too much of a change for the first king in the new dinasty. The second or third in the line, however, could perfectly justify it to show him having become fully spanish (bonus points if the third Hohenzollern king is actually born in Cádiz :D ).
 
@mfarah: well, since the moment in this TL when I had planned to put the tartesic star was in the 1890s, I guess I can push it for a few years. Though, given that the star is a symbol of the south of Spain, it made for an awesome thing.

@ramones1986: I did say I was doing a rewrite, and since I can't post this on the first page...

BTW, after this, Chapter II will be available!
 
Chapter II, Part I (revised)
Chapter II: General Serrano's Regency

Chapter II, Part I: The Initial Problems

With the approval of the Constitution, Spain had to go a new route if it wanted to keep up. And now, it was time for a change in the organization of the government.

As Spain was now officially a monarchy, it was clear that a king would have to be searched for, but, meanwhile, someone would have to take the regency to represent the monarch and become the temporary Head of State. With the support of the Government Coalition, Serrano became the Regent of the Kingdom of Spain, being replaced by Minister of War Prim as the President of the Council of Ministers. This move was accepted most everyone in the government, as Serrano now found his political ambitions satisfied, as being the Regent meant holding the country's highest institutional position and, at the same time, it calmed the monarchical Democrats, who had feared that either Serrano or Prim might choose to throw everything away and become worse tyrants than Isabel had ever been.

Unfortunately, even with these changes, frictions still appeared within the Government Coalition, and even within the Progressive Party. Prim's party was now divided in two groups: one of them was led by Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, and he believed that now was the time to end the reforms, at least for the time being, as they supported the partial legislation of individual rights as Cánovas del Castillo said; the other was led by Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla, and self-styled as the Radical Progressives, who supported the continuation of reforms and maintaining the non-legislation of individual rights, as well as the transitional nature of the current monarchy towards a republic.
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Manuel Becerra, new Minister of Overseas; Práxedes Mateo Sagasta, Minister of Governance, and Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla, Minister of Public Works

In an attempt to keep the coalition together and to balance it within the government, President Prim, who intended to keep the Progressive Party as the middle party between the Liberal Union and the Democrat Party, chose to replace Unionists Lorenzana and López de Ayala, then Ministers of Home Affairs and Overseas, with Democrats Cristino Martos and Manuel Becerra in July 1869. However, this move only helped in earning him the Unionists' suspicions.

Meanwhile, the Courts were asking Prim to initiate the search for the new King of Spain, arguing that each day that task was put off, was one day Spain weakened. Since things within the Coalition had partially calmed down after the reshuffling, Prim agreed to the petition and accepted the Courts choice for the members of the commission that would determine and control the Government's actions in finding the king. However, this did not help matters much, because, as some comic strip drawers joked, the Commission had ten candidates and nine members.

The first candidates to be considered were those that already had a claim by blood to the throne of Spain. Amongst them stood Antoine d'Orléans, Duke of Montpensier and one of the revolutionary cause's main financiers, who based his claim on his status as Isabel's brother-in-law and member of the French Bourbon dynasty, and was supported by a few members of the Liberal Union, including Navy Minister Topete. However, it was his ties to Isabel II, as well as the fact that he had not returned to Spain from Lisbon until the revolution triumphed, instead of coming as soon as possible since he was General Captain of the Spanish Army, that made his candidacy fall down. This was further complicated after he killed Infante Enrique de Borbón, the brother of Consort King Francisco de Asís and another rejected candidate, on March 12th 1870. Montpensier was exiled, and thus his candidacy sunk forever.

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Antoine d'Orléans, Duke of Montpensier, and Infante Enrique de Borbón

The next candidate with a claim to the throne was the Carlist pretender, Carlos María de Borbón y Austria-Este, who claimed the throne of Spain as Carlos VII and was the preferred candidate of the Carlists and the Catholic fundamentalists in the Courts. However, his complete unwillingness to be a king without any actual power (in the words of Carlos de Borbón himself, I did not fight for my rights only to become the puppet of the Parliament) naturally made him unfit for the role the Crown was to have in the new Spain.

For similar reasons was Alfonso de Borbón, Isabel II's son, rejected: everybody could see that, if he were to become the king, his main influence would be his mother and the members of the Isabeline court that had only helped to destroy the nation from within, while they became rich themselves.
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The Carlist pretender, Carlos María de Borbón, and young Prince Alfonso de Borbón

Thus, it was clear that candidates would have to be looked for out of Spain. Given that the nearest nation was Portugal, a search there was initiated, and soon a candidate was found: Fernando de Coburgo, who had been Consort King several years ago until the death of his wife in 1853, and who had been Regent for his son Pedro V and then his second son Luís I when Pedro died without issue, was admired for his political impartiality and his great experience. Those who believed in the idea of an united Iberia supported his candidacy, but Fernando rejected it: the idea unifying the Spanish and Portuguese crowns against the will of the people was not pleasant to him, as he knew such a move would bring an answer from the United Kingdom and France; also, he had just married with opera singer Elisa Hensler, with whom he wished to have a quiet life, away from institutional roles.

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Former King Consort of Portugal Fernando de Coburgo and his second wife, Elise Hensler

Thus, the search continued, and the Commission's eyes were cast at Italy, which was right now nearly unified by the Savoia dynasty. Two members were sounded out: Amedeo di Savoia, second son of Italian King Vittorio Emmanuele II, and Tomasso Alberto di Savoia, the 13-year-old Duke of Genoa. Amedeo rejected the throne in spite of his initial temptations, arguing Spain's instability as the reason, as he was wary of following the example of Maximilian I, Emperor of Mexico, crowned at France's behest and shot by the Republicans after the end of the Mexican Civil War. The Duke of Genoa's candidacy was initially accepted, and the Duke of Montpensier was willing to support him as long as Tomasso married one of his daughters, but in the end both Tomasso's mother and the Italian government refused the offer for the same reasons Amedeo gave, although some thought it might be revenge for Isabel's continued support of the Papal States and their control of the Latium.

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Prince Amedeo di Savoia and Tomasso Alberto di Savoia, Duke of Genoa

In the aftermath of the Duke of Genoa's rejection, the political situation constrained even more: Ruiz Zorrilla suggested the idea of initiating what he called a Liberal Dictatorship, which would develop the new aspects of the Constitution without having to wait for the King, and Treasury Minister Laureano Figuerola made public his plans to establish free trade to foment industrial and commercial growth, an idea opposed by the Unionists, the Radical Progressives and the protectionist Progressives, who wanted to support the growth of the Catalan industries.

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Treasury Minister Laureano Figuerola and the first 1 peseta coin

Given the failures at finding a good King, a few deputies suggested that the crown was given to an actual Spanish hero: Joaquín Baldomero Fernández Espartero, Prince of Vergara, who had been Regent for Isabel II and was still considered a hero by the lower and middle classes. His lack of issue and advanced age made him a favored candidate by the Radical Progressives and the Republicans, as when he died he would leave Spain again without a King and the chance of Spain becoming a Republic would be greater. However, when Juan Prim and Pascual Madoz wrote him a letter, Espartero replied that he did not wish for the throne, for he had retired from politics after the events of 1856, and he did not wish to leave neither his ailing wife nor his beloved Logroño.

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Retired General Joaquín Baldomero Fernández-Espartero Álvarez de Toro, former leader of the Progressive Party and Spanish war hero

The string of failures, the ravages from the bloody Cuban guerrilla war and the brutal repression of a Carlist uprising and a Federal Republican insurrection sparked furious criticizing against the government, and the Liberal Union tried to pass a motion of no confidence against Prim on May 19th, but he survived it thanks to the support of the Progressive and Democrat Parties. The Radical Progressives themselves, meanwhile, had started a labor to modernize Spain, granting further liberties and increasing the secularization of society, moves rejected by the Isabeline and Carlist deputies and earning the distrust of the conservative sectors of the Unionists and Progressives.

Despite his victory in the motion, Prim could see that his efforts to stabilize Spain were starting to fail, especially due to the unsuccessful search for a king (Prim himself would famously state Finding a democrat king in Europe is harder than finding an atheist in Heaven!). Naturally, this failure was strengthening the Republicans, who rejected Prim's offer of two ministries (Treasury and Public Works) for Emilio Castelar and Francisco Pi y Margall, as they expected that soon Prim would have no other choice than to heed their demands for the proclamation of a Spanish Republic.

Since Southern Europe had shown lacking in good candidates, the commission started to search in Central and Northern Europe, as the many political changes that had happened in the last years had left many potential candidates in there. However, the requirements presented by Prim's government (the candidate had to be Catholic, had to accept to swear allegiance to the Constitution and had to stay out of the Spanish political life beyond his duties) ruled out many candidates: the Hapsburg dynasty, which ruled in the Austro-Hungarian Empire and had ties to the monarchs that had ruled Spain before the Bourbons, were rejected because of their traditionalism and Neo-Catholicism; the Bavarian dynasty of Wittelsbach was rejected, too, due to the congenital madness most of its members suffered; and the Prussian Hohenzollerns, who were seen as potentially great candidates due to the titanic job they had done by turning Prussia into Europe's emergent great power, and slowly managing to unify northern Germany in one sovereign state thanks to Minister President [1] Otto von Bismarck's negotiations, were rejected because they professed Protestantism.

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Franz Joseph I, Emperor of Austria, and Ludwig II of Bavaria

All of these problems seemed to corroborate Prim's statement, but then, on June 21st 1870, an agent in Berlin informed, through telegraph, of the existence of a potentially perfect candidate for the Spanish Crown.

[1] This was the title held by Otto von Bismarck at the time: he didn't become Chancellor until Germany was unified.
 
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Chapter II, Part II (revised)
Chapter II, Part II: The Prussian Candidate

The agent was Eusebio Salazar y Mazarredo, former Deputy to Courts and member of the Spanish diplomatic mission in Prussia. Having formed part of the revolution almost from the beginning of the planning, Salazar had been already working on searching the candidate that he could consider perfect for Spain.

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Eusebio Salazar y Mazarredo

In summer of 1866, Salazar met with Baron von Werthern, then the Prussian ambassador to France, in the summer resort of Biarritz, where many dignitaries and rich people of the time went, for a lunch meeting. Although Salazar's hopes of personally meeting with Minister President Bismarck (a faithful visitor of the resort town) were dashed, he was not discouraged, and he introduced the subject of the possibility of the Spanish throne becoming vacant for any reason, and asked the Baron for his opinion. The Prussian ambassador answered that, if that were to happen, the best candidate for the throne was Leopold zu Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen.

Leopold was part of a Hohenzollern branch that had remained faithful to Catholicism and, in the 16th century, had planted its dominion in the region of Swabia, ceding their rights to their Prussian relatives after the 1848 Revolutions. Leopold's father, Karl Anton, had been Minister President of Prussia between 1858 and 1862, Leopold was an officer in the Prussian Army, and Karl, Leopold's younger brother, had become King of Romania in 1866 under the name of Carol I, thus giving Leopold a precedent for his candidacy.

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Prince Karl Anton zu Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and his second son, King Carol I of Romania

Besides, Leopold had several characteristics that made his candidacy even more attractive: like his entire family, Leopold was Catholic, which was important for Prim's government; he was a very educated man, of great intelligence, thus potentially becoming a great support in the improvement of Spain; his personal fortune was among the most considerable in the continent; he was married to Infanta Antónia de Saxe-Coburgo-Gota e Bragança, the sister of Portuguese King Luís I, thus potentially giving him the support of those that wanted to look at an unified Iberia; and his succession was secured thanks to his sons Wilhelm (born in 1864) and Ferdinand (born in 1865), as well as, shortly after La Gloriosa's triumph, a third son, Karl Anton.

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Prince Leopold zu Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen and his wife Antónia de Saxe-Coburgo-Gota e Bragança

During 1869, Salazar, supported by Spanish ambassador in Berlin Count Juan Antonio Rascón, worked to inform Bismarck of his suggestion, hoping to gain his support for the candidacy. Rumors of his schemes appeared in several corners in Europe, but the protagonists of the negotiations managed to fake ignorance of what journalists asked them about those rumors. President Prim himself made a visit to Prince Karl Anton's house, in order to personally propose him his son's candidacy. The candidate himself and Prussian King Wilhelm I had several doubts about it, but Salazar had gained an ally in the person of Minister President Otto von Bismarck.

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Count Juan Antonio Rascón, Spanish Ambassador to Prussia, and Minister President Otto von Bismarck

At first sight, Bismarck seemed indifferent towards the idea, but his closest confidants could see that he was very excited by the idea of gaining a new ally in Europe, not to mention the possibility of using this affair to provoke France into declaring war against Prussia, thus aiding in the final steps of Germany's unification. He decided then that he would have to wear down the King's and the candidate's reluctance if he were to get his way.

With this idea in mind, Bismarck convinced Prince Karl Anton to organize a private dinner, attended by the Prussian government, the members of the Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen family, General Helmuth von Moltke, the Prussian King and his son and heir, Kronprinz Friedrich. The matter of Leopold's candidacy was floated by Bismarck during the dinner, and most of those present were in favor, seeing, like Bismarck, the great potential of having France's southern neighbor as an ally. The only opposition came from Wilhelm I and the Kronprinz, while Leopold awaited the King's settlement, which came soon after thanks to Bismarck's sibylline pressures on the three men.

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King Wilhelm I of Prussia and General Helmuth von Moltke

It was on that June 21st 1870 that Salazar's telegram was sent to Ruiz Zorrilla, the President of the Courts: in it, he stated that he would arrive to Madrid on July 6th [1] with Leopold's candidacy and Wilhelm I's approval, right on time to present it before the members of the Courts, who were awaiting for the end of the parliamentary session period. In the meantime, several secret agents of Bismarck's maximum confidence entered Spain, with the aim of helping the candidacy and diverting any attention that might sink it.

[1] This is the Point of Divergence: in real life, Leopold did accept becoming a candidate to the Spanish throne, and Salazar did sent his telegram, warning Ruiz Zorrilla of his arrival. However, the RL telegram contained a mistake, stating that Salazar would arrive on the 26th, twenty days later than expected. Ruiz Zorrilla decided to end the parliamentary session period, unwilling to keep the deputies and senators awaiting for eighteen more days. This eventually led to the French ambassador to Spain learning of Leopold's candidacy during the summer, which was the first spark of what would become the French-Prussian War.
 
Chapter II, Part III (revised)
Chapter II, Part III: French Meddlings... ¿or not?

Of course, many eyes were looking at Spain, knowing that whomever became the new King of Spain might as well change the entire balance of power that Europe had relied on to preserve peace since the Congress of Vienna of 1815. The most interested people in the comings and goings in Madrid were the French, especially Emperor Napoleon III. The French Emperor had looked and Isabel II's overthrow with a mix of interest, distrust and worry, so he had sent more agents to Spain in order to be the first to know what was happening in their southern neighbor, and thus manipulate events.

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Emperor Napoleon III of France

It was not the first time France had done this. The last century had seen a series of French interventions in Spain to preserve their own interests that had certainly modified many things. The most notorious events were the invasion of the Hundred Thousand Sons of Saint Louis in 1823, who had invaded to restore Fernando VII's absolutism and end Lieutenant Colonel Rafael de Riego's constitutional experience, and their meddling in Isabel II's marriage in 1846, forcing her to marry Francisco de Asís instead of Leopoldo de Coburgo, the candidate preferred by the British.

This time, however, there would be a great difference with respect of previous French interventions, one of them being France's diplomatic isolation: French support for the 1863 Polish rebellion broke the alliance with Russia; lack of support to Austria during the Seven Weeks War offended the Hapsburg; French defense of the Pope had greatly angered the previously friendly Italians, who had ceded them Savoy and Nice in 1860 after two popular referendums; the Ottoman Empire saw France as a vulture always encouraging the former's disintegration by helping the Egyptians (who, in gratefulness, gave permission to build the Suez Canal, inaugurated in 1869 by Spanish-born Empress Eugénie de Montijo) and the Greek; and, in the New World, the United States didn't forget either the Imperial venture in Mexico nor the tentative support Napoleon III had given the Confederates. By 1868, only two European nations were amicable towards France: Spain, and the United Kingdom.

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French Empress Eugénie de Montijo

Unfortunately for France's needs, the United Kingdom maintained a policy of neutrality in most continental affairs, and they distrusted Napoleon III due to his pretensions to annex Belgium and Luxembourg (pretensions made public by Bismarck), so they could only count on their own forces to “aid” Spain to follow the path they themselves wanted.

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Queen Victoria of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland

Napoleon was quite glad to hear that the Duke of Montpensier's candidacy had been rejected, since his accession to the Spanish throne might have provoked the reemergence of the Orléanist movement, since Montpensier was the tenth son of Louis-Philippe I, whom Napoleon had overthrown in 1848.

It was the French agents who first heard about Fernando de Coburgo's potential candidacy. Napoleon thus began to plan, supporting that candidacy, as he hoped that such an early support would bring an unified Iberia into his own sphere, but Fernando's personal rejection dashed his hopes. From then on, the French agents were as much in the darkness as any other foreign agents.

Thus, when the rumors of a Prussian candidate reached Paris, the French were unable to prove whether the Spanish and Prussian governments were telling the truth about the complete lack of contacts between both: Spaniards and Prussians knew that, if the French ever managed to confirm it, Bismarck's efforts to convince Leopold and Wilhelm I would crumble in the face of a French threat of war. The Spanish were also keen on preventing that, since Napoleon supported the restoration of the Bourbons in the persons of either Isabel II or her son Alfonso. Such was the importance of the Spanish-Prussian conversations, that it became absolutely forbidden for those involved to even breathe a word of the negotiations in such circumstances that they may reach Paris, to which the Prussian agents aided by spreading disinformation and undermining French efforts to know of the results of the search.

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Mercier de L'Ostende, French Ambassador to Spain

However, Mercier de L'Ostende, French Ambassador to Spain, managed to score a triumph and arranged a private dinner with President of the Courts Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla on June 4th, two days before Leopold's acceptance was due to arrive. Dinner took place normally, with both politicians speaking about trivial affairs and their own families. Only when the ambassador thought the way was prepared did he pounce on the matter he cared about, as if he was a tiger pouncing on its prey. Many accounts would eventually appear about what happened in the encounter, but one of the most faithful would, perhaps, be Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla's own account of the encounter in a book written out of his diaries, “From El Burgo de Osma to San Jerónimo”[1]:

We had just reached the desserts when L'Ostende asked, as if he was speaking about the weather:

How is President Prim? It is my supposition that the search for your new King must have been very bad for him. Am I right?”

You are correct,” I answered, my wariness increasing. “I met him this morning, and he was still working on a great number of matters that had his complete attention.”

Tell me, did he find an answer to this problem of yours?”

I resisted my nearly unconscious response of raising an eyebrow. I had known, from the moment L'Ostende had sent the petition for this encounter, that the meeting would be neither of pleasure nor of diplomacy, but an attempt to gain information. However, the Ambassador's audacity surprised me. Whomever had taught him the art of interrogation was clearly not versed in the art.

There are... several candidates, and we hope that one of them will be of the liking of both the members of Congress and the Spanish population.” I slightly stressed the word Spanish, because I wanted to let L'Ostende know in a subtle way that we did not care about the French people's opinion.

Such as...Montpensier, perhaps?” L'Ostende asked, in an apparent jovial tone.

I snorted. It was unavoidable.

Monsieur Ambassador, believe me when I tell you that we did not expel Queen Isabel only to put her sister and brother-in-law in the throne. He is a buffoon, an idiot, and the most he will receive from Congress will be a few votes from his staunchest supporters in the Liberal Union. Of which there are very few, let me tell you.”

Surely, there must be a candidate Presidente Prim prefers over the others. After all, you are a member of his Government, as well as a man of his greatest confidence.”

L'Ostende's audacity was slowly becoming an annoyance. In retrospect, I suppose that this was what he had been taught to do: if you want to get answers out of someone that does not want to give them, annoy them until they speak, even if it is to make you shut up.

I nearly told him about the Prussian candidate, Leopold. However, I stopped myself from doing so, thankfully remembering on time that any word of that candidacy would result in its end, death and burial: its success would mean France would be surrounded by their enemies, as history proved soon enough. Then, I remembered that Prim had sent Madoz to Italy, in order to restart negotiations with the Italians. This was being done as a fallback precisely in case the French heard about Leopold, who was the favorite candidate of, not only Prim, but most of the government. So I chose that as a way to misdirect L'Ostende.

Yes, there... might be someone,” I said, slowly. It was a conscious attempt on my part: any apparent reluctance in stating who was Prim's favored candidate meant that L'Ostende would be more pliable to believe me.

Who it is?”

Well, it is someone who said no before, but we are restarting the negotiations with him, and we are hopeful that he might say yes. It's... Prince Amadeo de Savoya, the Italian prince. The President certainly likes him.”

It was not a lie: Prim had liked Amadeo, and that was the reason why Madoz had traveled to Italy. But it was not the whole truth, either: while we hoped that he may affirm his will to become King, we expected that negotiations would end very soon, when the first voting went on.

Fortunately, L'Ostende was satisfied. Conversation turned to more pleasing matters, and soon after we finished desserts he left for his home.

Little did we know that, soon, this gentle relationship would turn as bitter as hemlock.
The morning after their encounter, Ambassador L'Ostende went to the nearest telegraph and communicated to the French Government and Emperor about his findings: Montpensier had no chance. No mention of the Prussians. The favored, and most probable candidate, was Amedeo di Savoia, the Italian Prince.

[1] El Burgo de Osma is the town of Soria where Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla was born, while San Jerónimo is the name of the Madrid street where the Spanish Congress stands.
 
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Chapter II, Part IV (revised)
Chapter II, Part IV: The Choice

The day after L'Ostende stated his conviction that Spain would eventually choose an Italian prince as its king, Eugenio Salazar y Mazarredo arrived to Madrid, carrying with him a precious load: the documents required to ensure Leopold's candidacy became official. Upon the documents' arrival to Madrid, Manuel Ruiz Zorrilla convened an extraordinary session of the Courts for July 7th, in which a debate over the new holder of the Spanish Crown would be held.

The debate lasted the entire day: several angry discussions were held, some insults were thrown around, but generally peace was maintained between the deputies. The presentation of Leopold's signed acceptance and Wilhelm I's approval by Salazar at 12:25 PM was met with great applause by part of a great number of deputies. Finally, at three PM, Ruiz Zorrilla ordered a two-hour recess, after which a voting would be held to decide who would become the new King of Spain. The results, finally obtained at 6:07 PM, and out of 381 votes, were this:

  • Prussian Prince Leopold zu Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen: 210
  • Proclamation of a Federal Republic: 76
  • Carlos María de Borbón y Austria-Este: 20
  • Antoine d'Orléans, Duke of Montpensier: 13
  • Alfonso de Borbón y Borbón, Prince of Asturias: 11
  • General Baldomero Fernández Espartero: 8
  • Infanta Luisa Fernanda de Borbón, Duchess of Montpensier: 2
  • Proclamation of an Unitary Republic: 1
  • Null or none of the above: 5
  • Absent: 35, including 18 from Cuba and 11 from Puerto Rico
When it became clear which option had won, the President of the Courts solemnly declared Queda elegido, como Rey de la Nación Española, el señor Leopoldo de Hohenzollern-Sigmaringen, in the middle of a thunderous ovation in the chamber of the Palace of the Courts in the Carrera de San Jerónimo, Madrid. The news traveled like lightning across the nation thanks to the telegraphic network, and very soon people knew the gist of the voting.

It would, however, be the next morning when all Spanish newspapers, the Gaceta de Madrid to the head, proclaimed in their front pages, with grand titles, the soon-to-be crowning of the Prussian candidate as new King of Spain. Many editorials in those newspapers spoke about the potential changes this election would bring to Spain, and some even compared Leopold with the man that had been at the helm of the Spanish Empire, Emperor Carlos I of Spain (and V of the Holy Roman Empire), stating that Leopold would bring Spain into greatness like Carlos I had done in his time.

The explosion of popular joy was expressed through great manifestations all around Spain, none being greater than the one in front of the Puerta del Sol, one of Madrid's greatest squares and where the Ministry of Governance stood. However, even through this it was impossible for Leopold to escape the Spaniards' particular ability for making jokes out of anything, and thus soon found himself with a nickname, based on his surname, which many found difficult to pronounce: out ofHohenzollern-Sigmaringen, they developed ¡Olé, olé, si me eligen! (Olé, olé, if I am chosen!), referencing how difficult it had been to finish the search for the new king.

This nickname was soon acquired by those sectors that had opposed Leopold's election (Republicans, Carlists and Isabelines) and who started to use it in derogatory ways as they still tried to push their agendas forward. It would be those same sectors that would try to use the international consequences of Leopold's election as a way to prevent the Prussian from taking the Catholic Monarchs' throne.

END OF CHAPTER TWO

Note: the next chapter will be posted in about 12 hours, so, if you want to comment, do it!
 
I actually did not notice any difference with the first time, but still is a great read anyway. Great job Milarqui.
 
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