The Legacy of the Glorious (Milarqui's Cut)

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Chapter VI, Part IV
Chapter VI, Part IV – Three More Regions

In the year 1886, the Philippines were now developed enough to be considered for becoming a Foral Region. However, there was a problem no one had considered when the idea of giving autonomy to the Philippines: the archipelago was too big to actually become just one region. Given the powers the Overseas Foral Regions were given, many in Madrid –and even some people in the Philippines– had realized that the city of Manila was too far away from parts of the archipelago to act as the seat of the regional government. There was also the fact that some pro-independence groups were getting organized already, demanding that the Philippines cut off all ties with Spain. So far, those groups were in the clear minority, but they were still enough of a problem to make some people nervous.

Cánovas – who was looking forward to the elections that would happen in July that year – was personally opposed to the concession of autonomy to the Filipino people, arguing that they were not advanced enough to understand the democratic process, and that they would be better remaining under the control of a Governor-General appointed from Madrid. However, he also knew that attempting to go back might provoke in the Philippines the same rebellions that had hit Cuba twenty years before, so he guessed that, since Philippine autonomy was unavoidable, he could, at least, make sure that the potential danger Filipino autonomy could cause was reduced.

Thus, on March 1886, Francisco Silvela y de Le Vielleuze, Minister of Home Affairs, boarded the liner Reina del Pacífico and traveled to Manila, unknowingly tracing the same path Governor Carlos María De La Torre had traced twelve years before. When he arrived to Manila –by which time the elections had happened, and the Democrat-Radical Party had gained victory– he met the Governor, and presented him with the plans to organize the future of the Philippines. De La Torre was initially opposed to the plan, arguing that it was possible to control all the Philippines from Manila, but Silvela countered that the differences between Manila and Davao, the most important city of Mindanao, would make ruling everything from Manila as difficult as it was to rule Cuba from Madrid, and that it would be better if the government's plans went ahead. De La Torre relented.




Francisco Silvela y de Le Vielleuze, Minister of Home Affairs during Cánovas' 2nd government

The next week, the main newspapers of Philippines carried the notice: in order to better organize the archipelago and make sure that no citizen would have reasons to argue they did not feel identified with their regional government, the Philippines would be divided in three Foral Regions: Norte, formed by the archipelagos of Luzón and Palawan; Visayas, formed by the archipelago of the same name, and Sur, formed by Mindanao and the old territories of the Sultanate of Sulu. Not everybody was happy with these arrangements, of course, as this would now divide the islands in three competing regions that would not be able to pull their weight together as they would have if the Philippines were one region, but there was nothing they could actually do about it.

Of course, one group of people that felt most content was the people of Mindanao. They had not expected the Spanish government to follow on with the promise to concede them autonomy. They guessed that they would just be given some little things to pay lip service to the promise given ten years before, but instead they had gotten full autonomy, like the other regions in the Philippines, and now the Sulu Archipelago and Sabah were also under their control.

In Spain, this was seen as a good move made by Cánovas, partially restoring his popularity among the Spanish population. They knew that the Philippines were quite big, not bigger than Spain, but much bigger than all regions, so it made sense that it was divided in three parts for the better governance of the region. Among some even rested the theory that, since the Filipino were “inferior”, if they had some sort of self-governance, it was better if the territory controlled was smaller than normal –of course, this was ignoring that each of the three regions were similar in size to the Spanish regions–.

The arrival of the autonomy to the new three Foral Regions of Hilaga –formed by Luzón and Palawan–, Kabisayan –formed by the Visayas– and Habagatan –formed by Mindanao and the old Sultanate of Sulu– [1] was received with great joy by the Filipino people. They would finally be able to decide their own local matters without having to wait for Madrid or the governor to tell them what they had to do.


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Spain's Foral Regions, with their flags

Very soon after the news were made, the old pre-Foral flag of the Philippines was taken down and replaced with three new flags, that now flew alongside the Spanish flag in the new Foral Parliaments in Manila, Ciudad Cebú and Davao, the capitals for Hilaga, Kabisayan and Habagatan, respectively. The Parliaments, provisionally formed by the main Ilustrados and some of the foremost town councilors, voted in the Foral Charters approved by the Spanish government, adding things that only affected their regions and also started to debate the first, most important regional laws.

It had been a long travel for many of them, but finally they had managed to earn a position as equals with the rest of Spain.

[1] Hilaga means North in Filipino, Kabisayan is a slightly modified version of the name for the Visayas in the Winaray language –spoken in the eastern Visayas– and Habagatan means South in Cebuano.
 
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Chapter VI, Part V
Chapter VI, Part V – Stars, Bars, Seas

The once friendly relations between the United States and Spain, which had improved after Leopold's accession to the throne, and even more after both Cuba and Puerto Rico were given autonomy, had slowly soured over time. The Manifest Destiny idea, although not as expanded as before, was still a popular idea, especially when combined with the Monroe Doctrine, according to which all of the Americas should be under the influence of the United States government. Spain's continued hold over the two Caribbean Islands, the influence it was gaining in South America and the recent war against the Dominican Republic were seen as insults towards the United States. There had been even talks about declaring war on the Kingdom of Spain due to said war, but in the end it was all wet paper

Despite all of this, the government took care of not antagonizing the Spaniards too much, beyond protesting for the imposition of a protectorate status over the Dominican Republic: they still hoped that, in the future, the Spanish government might be amenable to selling or leaving its possessions in America. Meanwhile, they would continue with their current work, and perhaps they could start funding the pro-independence parties to convince Spain that abandoning the Caribbean was better for its own interests than maintaining territories in the Americas.

Mexico, then led by Porfirio Díaz after his almost unanimous victory in the 1884 elections – which, whichever the way you put it, had been a complete sham – looked at Spain as a potential ally and friend. Just like they had done with Peru, Díaz hoped that an alliance with Spain might first bring prosperity and then further stability to Mexico. He wished to push back the growing influence the British Empire and the United States were gaining within Mexico, and the Spanish could be perfect for that. Not to mention, their common past may be great to attract some Spanish capital and perhaps even workers.


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Porfirio Díaz, President of the United States of Mexico

The Mexican democrats, those who were working to fortify the Estados Unidos de México into one solid, fully democratic state, also looked at Spain with the hope of their becoming what the United States had been for the rebelling Spanish American colonies in the early nineteenth century: a role model, a nation that could be imitated and that might perhaps be approached to aid them in their objectives. Besides, Porfirio's almost dictatorial presidency was something they thought an insult to actual democracy, and they hoped Spain's pressure would help put it down.

Most of Central America was fairly uninterested in what Spain was doing. They had enough with trying to keep up with the day-to-day of their nations, smashed between the British and American-backed companies that did and undid at their whims. The only nation that was partially interested in Spain was Nicaragua: since they were the only nation in the region – apart from Colombia – to have a coast both in the Atlantic and in the Pacific, they thought that perhaps it might be possible to attract investors to their nation, especially if they came to help in the construction of a possible water connection between the Caribbean Sea and the Pacific Ocean.

They had previously tried to get American millionaire Cornelius Vanderbilt to fund such a gigantic works, but in the end they had only managed to connect both coasts with a railway-and-coach line that did little to help with what they thought was the important matter. They would then realize that the expense of building such a great work was only up to the richest nations. The United States or the British Empire might be interested, but Nicaragua wanted to get free from their influence, and Spain and Germany offered a possible counterpart to both Anglo-Saxon nations. It would still be years until the possibility was suggested, but it was a first step.

Further to the south stood the South American nations. Tensions between many nations threatened war: a new war between Peru, Bolivia and Chile always seemed to be right around the corner; Brazil disputed with Bolivia over the Acre region, rich in resources such as rubber and exotic woods; Argentina and Brazil were disputing themselves the role of main South American power; Britain and Venezuela were exchanging angry words over the latter's border with Guyana... Anything could spark a great war between them, and it was only the delicate work of diplomats, both South American and from the rest of the world, that prevented the powder keg from being lighted.

In Colombia, the recent attempt by the Societé internationale du Canal interocéanique to build a canal that joined the Caribbean Sea with the Pacific Ocean had recently been suspended. The engineering project, which had started in 1884 [1] under the direction of Ferdinand de Lesseps – the man in charge of the construction of the Suez Canal - was met with many problems almost from the start: the men's lack of experience in that kind of working meant many setbacks, lack of knowledge over the region's geology and hydrology provoked many landslides that covered the opened canals, illnesses took many workers' lives... After 220 million dollars, 6 years of work and around 15,000 deceased workers, the Societé internationale stopped the works, leaving Colombia in search of someone that could finish the entire Canal.


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Ferdinand de Lesseps, developer of the Suez Canal

Further to the south, Peru and Bolivia were, fortunately, more than able to protect themselves from the Brazilian and Chilean threats. The trade with Spain had brought not only great weaponry and ships to their armed forces, but also had brought several instructors that were able to bring up both armies up to better standards. The alliance was also commercial, as Peruvian traders slowly found their way towards the Spanish colonies in the Pacific and in the Caribbean, while Spanish businessmen financed the construction of new factories in the two nations, exploiting the natural resources and bringing a benefit to both themselves and the two nations.

Brazil was currently in the middle of one of the most turbulent periods in time: in March 1888, the Emperor of Brazil proclaimed the end of slavery. The five million black people that were enslaved then in the nation suddenly found themselves out of work, so most of them chose to leave for the cities, as Brazil was becoming industrialized at the time. The great loss of workers affected thousands of farmers, who became broke as their crops – like coffee or sugarcane – required very intensive labor that was lost. All of this resulted eventually in an attempt by the Army to launch a coup d'état against Dom Pedro, but this instead ended in an one-month-long civil war as troops loyal to Dom Pedro managed to arrest the rebelling generals. The Emperor did not have the generals killed, though: he knew there was a chance someone would take them as martyrs, and attempt to follow the generals. Instead, the Emperor decided that the generals would be imprisoned and expelled from the army, in order to prevent them from acting similarly, and so that they could live as reminders of what betrayal of the Emperor might bring.


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Dom Pedro II the Magnanimous, Emperor of Brazil

Chile, unable to gain in the north what they thought was theirs, decided to go towards the south in order to expand its territory and perhaps find more resources to replace those that had not been gained from Bolivia and Peru. Thus, a frenzied claiming of territories started, in an attempt to cut Argentina away from the Pacific Ocean and also claim the Tierra del Fuego Archipelago. The existence of gold in the latter made it all the more important that they could reach it. Argentina ended up threatening war if Chile did not stop. An eventual agreement, supported by neutral Ecuador, divided the archipelago in two: the larger half, the western half, went to Chile, while the rest went to Argentina. Peace was preserved, but the enmity between both nations remained.

[1] The different social-economical situation in France pushed back the initiation of the French works in Panama.
 
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Chapter VI, Part VI
Chapter VI, Part VI – Consequences Of An Ultimatum

The Portuguese government had felt very glad when they managed to convince the other European nations that it was their right to connect Angola and Moçambique overland, without having to deal with borders. The only pity was that their British allies could not connect their northern and southern colonies, but they would have no problem with allowing them to build a railway across Portuguese South Africa... at a fee, of course. Given the width of the territories claimed by Portugal, they saw it as a potential good source of money.

The British would not have any of that.

They had already had to compromise on building part of the railway through the Belgian Congo. They had fought for gaining the territory between their own South Africa and the Congo, but most of the other attendants of the Conference had agreed that Portugal deserved it more, and that had almost derailed – if you would pardon the pun – the plans to connect Cairo with the Cape. They had chosen to set that problem aside for a couple of years, expecting to solve it at a later point, and some even thinking that Portugal would soon seek some other nation to sell the rights to those lands.

The four years after the Conference were quite peaceful for Portugal. There were some problems related to the governance, as Portugal went through the period that was named Rotativism, as the two main political parties (the Progressistas (the equivalent to the old Spanish Unión Liberal) and the Regeneradores (the equivalent to the old Partido Conservador)) rotated their position in the Portuguese Government at the petition of the King. The Regeneradores had managed to keep power for more than six years already, thanks to the support of Luís I, King of Portugal and the Algarves.




King Luís I of Portugal and the Algarves

Then, catastrophe struck: on July 21st 1889, Luís I suffered a serious heart attack that left him partially disabled. Although his intellect remained intact, his body became weaker, and he could not be as effective as a leader as he had been in previous times. His son Carlos was forced to take on several of the tasks usually reserved to the king, among them the approval of laws. The following months were increasingly difficult for the Royal Family, as Luís I's condition deteriorated, with Carlos further taking on more tasks, to the point that Carlos was de facto the King of Portugal.

The British, conscious of the weakness the nation of Portugal was now presenting, realized that this was the perfect moment to achieve their objectives. After some deliberation, the British government presented an ultimatum in January 1890: Portugal could either leave all claims to the territory between Angola and Moçambique (the lands that were inhabited by the tribe of the makololo, whose protection had been “assigned” to the British Empire thanks to several agreements thanks to Cecil Rhodes' efforts) to Britain, or abide by the consequences. What the “consequences” were, it was left to the imagination of the Portuguese government, but the gathering of their ships in Gibraltar and Zanzibar pretty much said everything about it.

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New map with African spheres of influence: note disputed region in lead blue

The government did its best to attempt to negotiate with the British: they offered the possibility of building a railway line without paying to the Portuguese government, building it partially underground so that there was a direct land connection between Angola and Moçambique... anything to avoid losing the claims to so much land, because they knew that such loss would lead to grave consequences for Portugal, both in terms of territorial and resource losses and in terms of prestige, as well as possible revolts. However, the British government was adamant. They did not care for the consequences their erstwhile allies may face after giving up the land.

The negotiations, or attempts to do so – the British being entrenched in their positions, and threatening to do even worse to Portugal if they did not acquiesce immediately – lasted for four months. Protests came from most of the other signatories of the Treaty of Berlin, stating that they were stretching it to the point of breaking – as the Portuguese had already established a military presence in the disputed region, thus making it Portuguese by the Uti Possidetis principle - but Lord Salisbury's government brushed those protests aside and continued pressuring Henrique de Barros Gomes' government to accept the “offer” they had made. With no other choice, the Portuguese accepted.


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Robert Gascoyne-Cecil, 3rd Marquess of Salisbury, Prime Minister of the United Kingdom

On July 29th 1890, the Portuguese Ambassador, as the representative of Portugal, signed the Treaty of London, defining the definite territorial limits of Angola and Moçambique. In exchange of a paltry 10,000,000 pounds, the Portuguese government renounced to the claims of the terrains outside of said territorial limits.

On August 1st, the Portuguese Ambassador arrived to 10 Downing Street, the official residence of the British Prime Minister, and personally gave Lord Salisbury a succint telegram that had come from Lisbon, and contained the following message:

LONDON BETRAYAL OF WINDSOR STOP PORTUGAL NO LONGER ACCEPTS UK AS ALLY STOP CLOSE EMBASSY STOP UK EMBASSY CLOSED STOP

With those words, the Treaty of Windsor, the old alliance between the nations of Portugal and the United Kingdom, that existed since 1386, was reduced to ashes, all because of the United Kingdom's greed and inability to negotiate with Portugal over a territory they had indirectly accepted as Portuguese through their signing of the Treaty of Berlin. Many decried Salisbury's political blunder in alienating the United Kingdom's greatest ally, who had stuck with them for more than four centuries, and were now cutting off that alliance. The error would mar Lord Salisbury's career forever.


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Marriage of João I, King of Portugal, and Philippa of Lancaster, daughter of John of Gaunt, 1st Duke of Lancaster, which, alongside the Treaty of Windsor, renewed the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance

In Portugal, things got very hot soon, and not only due to the summer. Despite the immediate breaking of relations with the United Kingdom, many felt that the government had ashamed itself and the nation for ceding to British demands, and a great number of people took to the streets in order to show their bad opinion of the government, manifestations that were led and fed by the Portuguese Republican Party, which saw in the King's illness and the Treaty of London the manifestation of the weakness of the monarchy, and thus saw this moment as the chance to establish a Republic in Portugal.

Unknowingly, the stress of the situation was starting to get to the King, who felt guilty at not being able to lead his nation as well as possible, and his weakened heart suffered and weakened as more bad news reached his room and palace.

Luís I, King of Portugal and of the Algarves, died in the night of August 21st 1890 of a new heart attack, that this time could not be survived. He would not be found until the morning after by his valet, who had arrived to start with the king's day.

The funeral for Luís I would be held three days later, and representatives from most European nations came to say goodbye to the man that had led the nation of Portugal for twenty nine years, and that, despite his failings at maintaining a stable government, he had done his best to ensure Portugal's pre-eminence as an European power. The only nation that was not represented in the funeral was the British Royal Family, and not because of the latter's willingness: both the government and the yet-to-be-crowned King Carlos had banned the entrance of any British representative, whether they may be of the royal family or not, as their ultimatum regarding South Africa, their subsequent actions and the consequences brought from them were considered the causes of Luís I's death.

A month later was when the crowning of Carlos, future Carlos I of Portugal and the Algarves, would be held. This was expected to be the return to normalcy – at least, to as much normalcy as possible, considering past events – for Portuguese society, so the government and the King's staff made sure that the crowning ceremony were to go as smoothly as possible, and demonstrating that the nation would go on, and perhaps improve, as Carlos was seen as an intelligent man that had matured much during the last year.


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The King, the Queen and their firstborn, Luis Filipe, soon after his birth

The ceremony went very well. Carlos was, after the Mass, crowned as King Carlos I of Portugal and the Algarves, and his wife Amélie de Orléans (daughter of King Philippe VII of France) was crowned Queen Consort of Portugal and the Algarves. It was attended by members of most European royal houses, with the British being, once more, the only ones excluded.

The ride back to the Palácio de Ajuda, however, was much, much worse. In fact, it would be the start of one of Portugal's most tumultuous times, which would shock the entire nation and plung it in destruction and death.

As the newly crowned King and Queen entered the carriage that would take them to the Royal Palace, a group of pro-Republican officers took control of several military units stationed near Lisbon and ordered them to enter the city and imprison the King. The soldiers, carefully chosen for their sympathies towards the establishment of a Portuguese Republic, obeyed the orders without discussion.

It was the first step of a plan the Republican Party had developed. With it, they expected to be able to take control of the city of Lisbon in a quick move and arresting the King, who would later be forced to renounce to the Crown in his name and that of all of his family, thus leaving the way open for the establishment of their desired Republic.

It was supposed to be a bloodless coup. The officers expected to be able to force the guards protecting the Royal Couple to stand down by means of showing their great superiority in numbers. Then, the King and Queen would be “escorted” to the Royal Palace, where they would present him with a document establishing his, his descendants' and all of his relatives' renounce to the Crown. When that happened, the few Portuguese Republican Party members in the Parliament would push for the declaration of the Republic, as there would be no one that could claim the throne.

Of course, as famed German general Helmuth von Moltke the Elder said, “no plan survives contact with the enemy”.

When the soldiers appeared in the middle of the parade and opened their way through the population, they ordered the King's bodyguards to stand down and lay their weapons on the floor. The bodyguards chose to ready their weapons and aim them at the soldiers.

The main officer, João Álvares [1], told them that they had a last chance to surrender, or else they would shoot. The bodyguards' leader's last words would be later reported by one of the fleeing civilians.

We have sworn an oath to protect the King and the Queen, and we intend to follow it till the last! Something you should remember!

The following shooting lasted twenty minutes, and by the end of it, every bodyguard was dead or dying, as did seven soldiers, with twelve more bleeding from injuries caused by the bodyguards' weapons, and six civilians that had not been able to run away before the shooting began.

However, tragedy had already struck: when the soldiers opened the carriages' doors, they found that both the King and the Queen had died in the crossfire. Not knowing what to do, they decided to commandeer the carriage and reach the palace as fast as possible so as to be able to capture the couple's two children: Luis Filipe, the heir to the throne, and Prince Manuel. As this happened, troops in many other places in Portugal and its colonies rose up, led by their pro-Republican officers, and faced those troops that had chosen to remain loyal to the Monarchy.

The Portuguese Civil War had started.

[1] In RL 1891, there was a republican revolution in Porto, but it failed. I tried to find the names of any of its ringleaders, but nothing appeared, so I have invented that name.

THE END OF CHAPTER SIX

Well, there it is, the problems I had mentioned previously: Portugal loses two kings in less than a month, and they get into a civil war between Royalists and Republicans. I hope that you have liked it.

As you can see, right now things are very different from RL: Russia seems poised to become a constitutional monarchy soon, Brazil remains an Empire, Spain might be able to become the greatest power in the Caribbean after the victory over the Dominican Republic... and yes, Portugal is in the middle of a war. The outcome of it will be interesting, that is something I can tell you.

Also, the Spanish Foral Map is now almost complete, and there is also the three new flags, corresponding to Hilaga, Kabisayan and Habagatan.

If you have any questions, please tell me!
 
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Razgriz 2K9

Banned
An interesting take on many world events...

Do you really think the Dominican Republic will revert to Spanish rule as Santo Domingo?
 
Awesome and looong update.

Thank you very much.

I like that Alexander II survived your TL, that will be a BIG butterfly in the long term, and I´m sad for the poor Portuguese ...

So I can see a Nicaraguan Canal instead of a Colombian one ...
 
Awesome update, man. I do love to see the tearing apart of the alliance between Britain and Portugal. :D

I can't wait for you to post more!
 
Thanks for the update on one of my favorite threads.

By the way, is there any significant development of the Spanish cultural scene during the Leopoldine era?

Keep it up.
 
Thanks for all of your comments! And I hope others will follow your example soon...

@Razgriz 2k9: way I see it, it is going to depend on how world events evolve, and on how the Dominican people change due to their status as a Spanish protectorate. If they travel to Cuba or Puerto Rico, or people from there travel to Santo Domingo, and they see that both islands are getting better and more prosperous thanks to the new administration, they might like the idea of having something similar. I might just make a coin toss to decide whether they choose to join or not. Though, if it happens, I doubt it will be before 1905.

@Faralis: I see Alexander II's death as the first step that led towards the 1917 revolutions, and the appearance of Soviet Russia. His death means that the czars still govern autocratically, which means the people cannot express themselves politically, which leads to radicalization of many people's ideologies... you can see the pattern. Yes, Portugal is up for a bad year due to the Civil War, and the eventual consequences are going to be interesting. And you might be able to see both Canals being built...

@Cuãuhtemõc: it was quite weird that it did not happen in RL, because what the Brits did was pretty much a betrayal of the alliance. You can bet on Anglophobia becoming part of the Portuguese culture for many years...

@ramones1986: the stabilization of Spain, politically and economically, is obviously going to change a lot in the cultural sphere. The spirit of "renovation" of Spain that was so pre-eminent in the '98 Generation is not much of an issue here, because Leopold's arrival has, in essence, caused that renovation. No war in Cuba or in Philippines has also changed a lot, as people from both places are more accepted in Spain, and they can attend universities without any problem. There is also a bit of more appreciation of the Army and the Navy, due to their success in the Guerra del Rey Leopoldo, the Carlist Uprising and the Cuban War, as well as their will to not remain last in the arms race. Some Francophobia is also part of it, due to the GRL and France's attempts to prevent Spain from expanding their sphere of influence in Africa (Morocco and Guinea). That would, however, not prevent Verne's more scientific novels (From the Earth to the Moon) or adventures (The Mysterious Island) from becoming popular in Spain, although I could see him writing a novel where one of the bad guys is a Spaniard (as it happens in The Five Hundred Millions From Begun, where the bad guy is a stereotypical Prussian with proto-Nazi beliefs). Anything related to caciquismo goes missing or changes (like La Regenta). As for sports, football will become popular (although, due to the greater position of Spain in the world, the word balompié will become more expanded, perhaps reaching the Latin American world), but football teams will not have the Real added to their names. Hope this is good enough (next update should include a piece of this).
https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/member.php?u=9724
 
Great update, especially to what you did with the rebellious Philippines.

And Portuguese Civil War, no doubt Spain will do something about it.
 
Undoubtedly, you've done a great update.

I've loved the ways in which you've developed the African Division, and your plans for Portugal. :D

I hope you can update very soon your great uchronia.

PS: For my part unfortunately I have to delay my plans (due to unforeseen personal situations) to continue with my version of the Legacy of the Glorious.
 
it was quite weird that it did not happen in RL, because what the Brits did was pretty much a betrayal of the alliance. You can bet on Anglophobia becoming part of the Portuguese culture for many years...

You could say that the poor Portuguese were accustomed by then, it was not the first time the Brits "altered" their alliance with them ...
 
Good updates, Milarqui!:)
The attempted revolution shortly after the Ultimatum, turning into a civil war is a likely result of the loss of territory from the Pink map.
I belive that regarding the Portuguese PM, you meant Henrique de Barros Gomes, instead of Henrique de Barros (you might be thinking about Spanish naming conventions).
The survival of Alexander II of Russia, avoiding the backlash against liberal ideas will prove beneficial for Europe and the world in the long term.

I found this about the rebellion of 1891. One of its leaders was a future Prime-Minister in OTL's First Republic. You can find more details on the names here.:)
 
@brokenman: The Philippines never went rebellious in here. In fact, the actions taken by the Spanish government are aimed at preventing such rebellions from happening.

@Linense: you already know my plans for Portugal. After all, we developed them together for the original The Legacy of the Glorious.:p

@Faralis: "I am altering the deal. Pray I don't alter it any further." Excellent idea for the Axis Power Hetalia equivalent?

@Archangel: Spanish naming conventions are very similar to those of Portugal, but in Spain the first surname is that of the father, instead of that of the mother. I remember that Henrique de Barros was, in RL, the economy minister for the actual president at the time of the Pink Map event. Also, thanks for the help! I might get some ideas from there very soon :)
 
Thanks for all of your comments! And I hope others will follow your example soon...
@ramones1986: the stabilization of Spain, politically and economically, is obviously going to change a lot in the cultural sphere. The spirit of "renovation" of Spain that was so pre-eminent in the '98 Generation is not much of an issue here, because Leopold's arrival has, in essence, cause that renovation.https://www.alternatehistory.com/discussion/member.php?u=9724

So the Leopoldine era is considered as the Second Golden Age of Spanish culture, am I right?
And another question: How popular is bullfighting in this timeline?

As for sports, football will become popular (although, due to the greater position of Spain in the world, the word balompié will become more expanded, perhaps reaching the Latin American world), but football teams will not have the Real added to their names. Hope this is good enough (next update should include a piece of this).

Because balompié is more popular translation of football in this timeline, how about the players?
 
Nice one. I notice that there are uprisings in the colonies as well as Portugal proper: it would be interesting if the colonies (or at least some of them) went one way and Portugal the other.

Also, now that the Dominican Republic is a Spanish protectorate, are its citizens allowed to work and study in Spain? What is the relationship between this protectorate and Haiti?
 
@ramones1986: Yes, to the first question. Take into account that the Restoration (of Alfonso XII to the throne) happened after six years where the democracy most of the population had demanded for years before had proved to be a failure. It was then followed by several more years of slow decline and of lack of actual democracy (caciquismo) which ended catastrophically in the Spanish-American War. In here, as Leopoldo's presence has helped to not only maintain democracy, but also to strengthen it, bring Spain back to the higher echelons of international diplomacy, restore the economy and defeat Spain's historical enemy in war, it has been a great boost to national pride, which becomes reflected in culture.
About bullfighting... pretty much the same as in RL. Perhaps a bit more, so as to strengthen the Spanish culture (and also since the French will probably reject it entirely).
What do you mean about the players?

@Jonathan Edelstein: In the end, the colonies are going to end with the royalist side. Of course, it does mean that some colonies will initially fall to the Republicans, but in the end the republicans are going to lose, especially since Spain is going to support the royalists, and all Portuguese colonies are near enough to a Spanish colony to act as a base.
The Dominican Republic is a protectorate, so I guess there is some kind of agreement to allow a certain number of Dominicanos to come to Spain, but there is no free movement of people between both nations: that would only happen when the Dominican Republic votes to become a Spanish Foral Region.
 
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@Archangel: Spanish naming conventions are very similar to those of Portugal, but in Spain the first surname is that of the father, instead of that of the mother. I remember that Henrique de Barros was, in RL, the economy minister for the actual president at the time of the Pink Map event.
According to this, he was the foreign minister at the time (and between entre 23 February and 9 November 1889, a Finance Minister again).
Also, thanks for the help! I might get some ideas from there very soon :)
Look forward to read it.:)
 
Hello everyone. Irecognize the great work done here but I have just a couple of objections:
1-Catalan/Valencian discussion: This false distinction wasn't createduntil XXth century (and backed by pro-spanish high valencian society). In academic circles and, until blaverisme creation in late 70's, for the common people, the language was almost the same de Salses a Guardamar i de Fraga a l'Alguer (pancatalanist motto). I think that if catalunya and València had its own "government"(just to say so), there wouldn't be such false division, just remember it was/is a harsh left-wing reaction to pancalanism.
http://ca.wikipedia.org/wiki/Lo_Rat_Penat
http://ca.wikipedia.org/wiki/Renaixença_valenciana
2-Prior to Leopoldo I, Isabel II made this división of Spain. I think it's a good base to grant Fueros instead of yours. I have to say that you had some good points like Vascongadas(let's name it from now on Euskalherria;) ) but I think putting Murcia into Bética(I think it's also a good point to split Andalusia into "Oriental" and "Occidental", no matter the names), Valladolid into Asturies-Llión and Ses Illes into València are no clever moves at all. (BTW , I assume Murcia is hard to "put" into something).
Spain_-_Territorial_division_of_1822.PNG


Nevertheless, I'm not an expert in history and I think you've done a marvelous work. If you want anything from me, just fell free to PM me.
 
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