The Eternal Flame Dies Out: Rome Loses The Siege of Veii

SlyDessertFox

SlyDessertFox

I'm working on a new update that should be up tomorrow (well I guess technically today since it's 1:30 in the morning). It might get delayed to Monday because I have an Italian essay that I have to work on tomorrow as well (plus I'm probably going to see Selma).

EDIT: Also, woot, 300th post in the thread ! \o/
 
SlyDessertFox

SlyDessertFox

[FONT=Algerian, fantasy]The eternal flame dies out[/FONT]
[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Chapter V: Every Tyrant Is An Enemy To Freedom[/FONT]
[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Part I: The Enemies of Peace[/FONT]

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[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]It would be incorrect to say that the Athenians had been beneficiaries of Jason's eastern expedition. They made up a crucial portion of the fleet that was to prove critical to the seizure of the Ionian islands in the early stages of the Asian expedition, and were returned the island of Chios in thanks for those services. The brief end of internecine warfare in Hellas allowed the Athenians to recover economically from the wars of the past three decades that had sapped their treasury. All in all, Athenai enjoyed a privileged status among the members of the Delphic League that the other Hellenic poleis simply did not, largely due to their important contribution to the war effort. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Yet that did not stop the Athenians from resenting their subordinate status in the league and the de facto domination by its hegemon, Jason. The anti-Jasonian faction, led by prominent statesmen and military leaders such as Demosthenes, Chabrias, Demades, and Diopheites, enjoyed widespread public support in the city. Their opponents led predominately by the obstinate statesmen Phokion and his disciples, could not dream of having the support they possessed. While Phokion, with the assistance of Chares, had successfully prevented Athenai from supporting the Thebans in their revolt, this was more due to lack of confidence of being able to take on such a large state at its height, rather than their acceptance of the new order. The destruction of Sparta only increased their convictions that the Thessalian-Makedonian yoke needed to be overthrown.[/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]This was the toxic environment in Athenai when word arrived of Jason and Artaxerxes Ochos' death reached the city in October 420 [356 BCE]. This was just the environment where Demosthenes thrived, and he wasted no time stepping in. He lambasted the Athenians, Phokion and some of the elder politicians in particular, who had allowed Athenai to be subordinated to Jason, declaring that every tyrant was an enemy to freedom[1]. Now that Jason was dead, he pointed out, the League of Delphi was effectively no more. To allow Philippos (nobody had known of his death yet) or another one of Jason's henchmen to take over as hegemon would be nothing less than sacrificing Athenai's freedom. The city was still strong, possessing most of the southern Aegean, and he reminded them that Athenai's navy was battle hardened from the invasion of Asia. Now was the time to seize the day and restore freedom to the Hellenes. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]This was clearly an argument aimed at all of Hellas, but it struck home particularly with the Athenians who immediately approved a commission to travel across the region to gather together support for a general revolt against Jason's former henchmen. They received a particularly warm welcome in Thebai and Korinthos, and the Aitolians too pledged their support. The Odrysian King Kotys expressed interest as well, sensing an opportunity to prey on his enemies' momentary weakness. On the other hand, cities in the Achaian League became divided on the issue, though for the moment they were persuaded by the eloquent speeches of Polybios of Elis, who saw an opportunity to establish Achaian hegemony in Hellas if Andronikos and Philippos were neutralized. A[/FONT]
[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Later, when Olympias arrived in Epiros with her infant son Alexandros, the Molossian Basileus Arybbas expressed interest in joining the frey. secret delegation was also dispatched to the fleet stationed at Miletos, alerting the Athenians and other Hellenic ships there to the fast moving events and achieving their defection. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Meanwhile in Athenai, at the heart of the rebellion, money was being diverted to multiple projects, including the improvement of the long walls and the seeking out of mercenaries willing to fight for them. While no official declaration of war had been declared at this point, it should have been clear as day to Andronikos and Philippos what was happening, yet curiously Andronikos did nothing (and Philippos by extention was unable to act since that would require moving through Andronikos' territory). His later actions suggest he had ulterior motives in mind and was paying attention to the bigger piciture, for there is hardly any other reason for his inaction. Decisive action now could have snuffed the rebellion out in its infancy, just like it had done with the previous rebellion a year ago. His inaction allowed it to gain steam, and the subsequent arrival of winter gave the Hellenic alliance breathing room to prepare for the war the following spring. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]It was the spring of 421 then, that the war really began. It should suffice to say that Andronikos and Philippos found themselves in deep trouble. The Athenian navy alone now was 110 triremes that had returned from the fleet based at Miletos, and 20 shiny new quadriremes which had been built in the preceding 2 years[2]. This was coupled with 20 ships from the Korinthian navy, and so the allies had a formidable naval contingent of 150 ships. This was more than a match for what remained of the fleet based at Miletos, now under control of the Lydian satrap, Antipatros. The men in Babylon would have no doubt been aware of these developments, but there was little they could do. Neither could Nikias do much, as he was dealing with a flare up in the war with Autophrodates, who had escaped his mountain fortress of Nora to wreak havok in Kappadokia and Pontos once more. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Events moved quickly after things heated up once more in the spring. The precariousness of Philippos' and Andronkos' control over the Aegean islands and coastal cities was painfully apparent early on, as the Athenian navy swept the Aegean. In quick succession Lesbos, Lemnos, and Imbros fell to the Athenians, and Sestos on the Chersonese followed. Antipatros, feeling it necessary to respond, attempted to engage the Athenians at sea, and the result was a total disaster. Antipatros was no naval commander and his fleet was not as well trained and well led as their Athenian counterparts, which spelled its total defeat at Skyros. The sweep was completed when an Athenian sponsored revolt on Euboia brought the island once more into their sphere, eliminating the immediate threat posed to the city by its occupation. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Meanwhile on land, at around the same time the men in Babylon were engaging Tiribazos, the alliance enjoyed similar successes. For a number of reasons, a revolt in Upper Makedon, trouble with Kotys, and the Athenian fleet's meddling along the Makedonian coast (which would later result in their capture of Potidaia) among them, Philippos was unable to send forces to assist Andronikos in Thessalia. The alliance forces, under the overall command of the still brilliant Athenian commander Chabrias, defeated marched north and defeated Andronikos at Lamia. Holed up behind the city walls, Andronikos offered an olive branch to his enemies. He promised to assist them in their war and even cede to the Athenians many of the coastal Makedonian cities (not that these were under his jurisdiction anyway), if they would lift the siege. In addition, he was willing to declare the “Freedom of the Hellenes” and formally dissolve the League of Delphi. The allies deliberated, and after a few modifications in the terms (which saw the Aitolians granted control of the vital Thermopylai pass), the allies agreed.[/FONT]

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Modern-day Lamia

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Philippos now found himself in dire straits. The Thrakian King Kotys, having launched probing raids, was preparing a full scale incursion, and the teenaged Arybbas was also getting ready to invade. The last thing he needed was Andronikos and his newfound allies threatening him from the south, in addition to Athenian actions along the coast. Further trouble would arise when Byzantion broke away as well. Makedon was falling apart in a spectacular fashion. He called on Antipatros in Lydia for assistance, but his Makedonian friend was unable to cross the Hellespont. He was consoled by his ability to smuggle his family over to Lydia, where they were sheltered by Antipatros. Otherwise, only bad news greeted him.[/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]The coup de grace came in July-August, when Arybbas, Kotys, Andronikos and his Hellenic allies, and the Athenian navy along the coast, all coordinated a simultaneous assault on his lands. Philippos' army, not at all oblivious to the situation facing them, defected en masse, and Philippos himself was captured by Kotys, who wasted no time in executing him. The allies had previously agreed to divvy up the Makedonian kingdom, with Arybbas receiving the western half, Kotys receiving the north, Andronikos the south (including Pella and the old capital of Aigai), and the Athenians given free reign to besiege the coastal cities at their own leisure. The speed in which all this occurred was stunning. In under a year, the system Jason had worked so hard to put together had imploded in a spectacular fashion and was now in shambles. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]This was not the end of the wars in Hellas however. Multiple parties were unsatisfied or had further ambitions. Olympias had apparently expected her infant son Alexandros to be declared Basileus, and Arybbas' failure to drew her to scheme against him. Andronikos was a shrewd statesmen and strategos who would never be content with his current holdings, and there was always Antipatros and the children of Philippos present in Lydia. This does not even begin to take into account the measures the men in Babylon might consider taking once their conflict with Tiribazos was finished. All this had done was set the stage for further conflict. [/FONT]






[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif][1] This was an actual quote from Demosthenes OTL. [/FONT]
[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif][2] The first attested use of quadriremes was in Alexander's siege of Tyre in 332. However, I doubt that was the first time they were in existence. Alexander was hardly known as an innovator at sea warfare, and I'd wager instead Alexander modeled them off of Phoenician warships which were likely larger than Greek triremes. Here, the Athenians would have came to blows with Phoenician warships in the Persian fleet, so I see no reason why the same innovation would not have been picked up this early. [/FONT]
 
SlyDessertFox

SlyDessertFox

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Chapter V: Every Tyrant Is An Enemy To Freedom[/FONT]
[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Part II: Cracks In The Coalition[/FONT]

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Remains of the Old City of Assur

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]The decisive battle in the east came in June of 421 [355 BCE]. Tiribazos had gathered an impressive force on his long march west, including an unusually large contingent of cavalry. This cavalry heavy army is not surprising-the easterners, particularly Baktria and Sogdiana, were known for their crack cavalry. Modern estimates for Tiribazos' army range from as little as 20,000 infantry and 10,000 cavalry, to as high as 80,000 infantry and 20,000 cavalry. The consensus however appears to be in the range of 40,000-50,000 infantry, and 13,000 cavalry, which would still be impressive for someone who only controlled the eastern satrapies at this period. While the infantry forces were relatively equivalent in numbers thanks to the 10,000 Babylonians levied, the Babylonians could not be relied on (or so it was thought), and the Thessalian and Makedonian cavalry was less than half that of Tiribazos'. Jason's former commanders faced a formidable opponent, one who was arguably a better commander than his predecessor. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Simply guarding the crossing points to the Tigris was not a feasible option. There were any number of crossing points that Tiribazos could utilize, and unlike Jason, he had no reason to fear an attack on his rear. Alternatively, he could even move around the Tigris entirely, marching up into Armenia where Orontes would surely allow him through, and then descend south on Mesopotamia, or threaten to rendezvous with Autophradates in Anatolia. He held the initiative now, and they had to fight on his terms. The only logical option was rolling the dice on a battle in the open plains of Mesopotamia. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]When Tiribazos made his appearance on the far side of the Tigris, the Hellenic army began to shadow him, and kept up pace as he marched north on opposite ends of the riverbank. As they continued north into Assyria, the council (none of the personalities leading the army were willing to allow another to take sole command) agreed to cross the river and offer battle. This may seem puzzling at first glance-why cross the river rather than continue to shadow Tiribazos and force him to cross the river? Upon further inspection however, it makes perfect sense. As mentioend, Tiribazos could continue north indefinitely into Armenia where challenging him would be a fools errand, and had no need to cross the Tigris. If they wanted to prevent him from doing so, crossing the river and offering battle was the only way. Orestes showed no interest in helping Tiribazos unless the latter was actually in Armenia, and so they had no reason to worry about him descending from the mountains. It was the most sound choice, and so it isn't surprising they took it. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]The two sides pitched camp near what remained of the once magnificent Assyrian city of Ashur, destroyed by the Babylonians and Medes more than two and a half centuries ago. By now it was mid-June, and the summer heat was upon the them. To take full advantage of this, on the night before the battle would take place on June 18th, the commanders of the Hellenic army made sure their soldiers were in their tents early and were well rested, before rising and beginning to draw up for battle. The Persians became alarmed at this, and so they too drew up early in the morning in response, but before eating their breakfast and having slept less. They made them wait for hours in the hot sun, with their own forces being given plenty of water by camp attendants throughout the wait. Finally, unwilling to continue to await for his opponents to make the first moves, Tiribazos took action himself and moved his army forward. By now the heat had taken a toll on them, but they were still an effective fighting force. The battle was on. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]It would commence in a similar fashion to that of Jason's encounter with Artaxerxes, with the cavalry being the first to engage. This was where Tiribazos had placed the most hope of victory, for he outnumbered his opponents 2:1 in this category, with cavalry that nearly equaled the Hellenes in quality. To his credit, [/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Demetrios[/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif] was able to hold his own on the left for quite some time, but with the majority of the Thessalian and Makedonian cavalry concentrated on the right wing, his was a losing fight. The infantry battle meanwhile raged, and here the exhaustion of the Persians showed. They made little headway, and the [/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Myrmidones and Makedonian phalanx began to push back. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]The crucial moment of the battle occurred when Demetrios' cavalry finally gave way. 6,000 Baktrian, Sogdian, and Median cavalry led by [/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Dareios[/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif] stormed behind the Hellenic lines, threatening to turn the tide of the infantry battle. It was here, on the left flank of the second line, that the majority of the Babylonian levies were stationed. Under the command of the Babylonian [/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Nutesh[/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif], they attempted to screen the vulnerable flank and braced for the coming cavalry charge. Their quick thinking paid off. They successfully withstood the charge, bogging the Persian cavalry down in their ranks where their spears were deadly effective. The Persian cavalry on the left was shattered, and on the right, in no small part thanks to the heroic leadership of [/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Parmenion [/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]and [/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Olympiodoros[/FONT][FONT=Book Antiqua, serif], the mostly Makedonian and Thrakian cavalry miraculously held their own against the odds. Thanks to the Babylonian heroics, Tiribazos' army buckled and soon shattered, scattering in multiple pockets off the battlefield. Tiribazos himself tried to salvage what was left of his army following the defeat, but was soon after assassinated by Dareios who proclaimed himself Great King before he too was assassinated. The Achaemenid Empire had descended into chaos and civil war amidst the defeat and succession crisis. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]This was not as good news as it might sound for the stability of Jason's former empire. With no common enemy to unite them, squabbling among the army's leaders and, more importantly, among the various ethnic groups that made up the army, was sure to follow. Another effect to come out of this, one that would have long lasting consequences, was the confidence gained by a now battle tested Babylonian force, under a commander in Nutesh who had big plans for his people. The destruction of the Achaemenid Empire would paradoxically be the impetus for the breakup of what Jason had worked so hard to bring together. [/FONT]
 
SlyDessertFox

SlyDessertFox

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Chapter V: Every Tyrant Is An Enemy To Freedom[/FONT]
[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Part III: Things Fall Apart[/FONT]


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[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Kleitos Redbeard[/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Events began to move rapidly in the east after the Battle of Ashur. Kleitos Redbeard proved to be as astute as any at the game of politics, and quickly maneuvered so as to solidify his position as regent. He offered Jason's niece Nikesipolis[1] his hand in marriage, and began dispensing of his enemies. With the help of Mentor, he arranged for an accident to befall two of Makedonians in Jason's former bodyguard, Parmenion and Leonnatos, thus getting rid of two potential troublemakers that could rally the Makedonian phalanx against him. In return, Mentor was granted the black sea satrapy of Pontos, something he personally requested. This was not difficult to arrange; that Mentor had even wanted Pontos was a surprise in and of itself, and nobody else had any reason to reject it. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]This was followed by Demetrios, another ally of Kleitos, being given the green light to evict Antipatros from Lydia, and Aristodemos being uprooted from his satrapy of Kilikia for Antiochos. The only Makedonian left in a powerful position, Ptolemaios, was given the frontier satrapy of Susiana, from which it was expected he would be able to accomplish little. These moves were a testament to how formidable Kleitos actually was and how much he was able to dictate the proceedings. Lydia and Kilikia were vital satrapies, the former being a crucial starting point for controlling western Anatolia and the eastern Aegean, and the latter being the gateway into Anatolia. Being able to place his own loyalists in these places was no small feat. Kleitos clearly had the upper hand in solidifying power in the early going. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]What he failed, or perhaps was unable, to take into account was the reaction of the soldiery to all of this. What Kleitos inherited was not a unified army, but a conglomeration of different ethnicities that and groups that were distrusting of each other. The Hellenic forces and Thessalians looked down on the “barbarian” Makedonians, Illyrians, and Thrakians, the Makedonians looked down on the Hellenes, Illyrians, and Thrakians, and the Thrakians and Ilyrians just did not seem to want to be there. The result was a rapid disintegration of unity in the army, as competing interests among the soldiers won out. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]The Makedonians were fed up at what they saw correctly as a purge of their leadership. Their homeland was being torn apart, their king had been murdered, and their leaders were meeting similar fates. The only Makedonian with any power left was Ptolemaios, and so they rallied behind him. When he set off for Susiana, the Makedonian phalanx promptly decided to go with him. This was, perhaps surprisingly, not opposed by Kleitos. The Makedonians in the army numbered only 7,000. In addition to the 3,000 Hellenic mercenaries lent to him, and the small garrison placed in Susiana, his forces numbered merely 11,000 men. Removing the Makedonians from the scene for the time being was seen as advantageous-they would only be a burden on his attempts at consolidating control over the regency, and Ptolemaios had more to worry about in Susiana than plotting his return. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Of more concern to him was the grumblings among the Thrakians, Illyrians, and Delphic League soldiers. It was clear they were not willing to cooperate. In their minds, their mission was over. Revenge had been gotten for the Persian invasions of old, the Hellenic city states in Ionia had been freed, and the Achaemenid Empire had disintegrated. In the Thrakian's case, Kotys had ordered in no uncertain terms that he wished they be returned to his retinue, having loaned them only to Jason, not to his successors. Kleitos had trouble convincing them to remain, and when they began to coordinate with each other, he needed to act fast. The last thing he needed was roughly half his army disobeying orders. [/FONT]

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Depiction of what a Thrakian soldier may have looked like

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]His reaction left much to be desired. After they elected a leader, a certain Agathokles, his initial response was to offer an enormous sum for those who wished to enroll in his service as mercenaries. This worked for a few thousand of them (roughly 2,000 Delphic soldiers and 1,000 Illyrians), but the vast majority simply wanted to return home. Before he could make any pre-emptive actions, 14,000 Hellenic, Thrakian, and Illyrian soldiers had departed for home underAgathokles' command. For centuries, historians have placed the onus completely on Kleitos for his inability to respond to this desertion in an effective manner, but a newly discovered fragment from the lost history of the period written by the Hellenic historian Pleistarchos of Utica[2],sheds new light on what measures he had actually taken. The fragment refers exclusively to the events in Babylon at the time, and Pleistarchos mentions an order given to the Babylonian commander Nutesh, to prevent the rebellious soldiers from leaving. Given Nutesh's future actions, it is likely he disregarded this order, and may even have been complicit in assisting in their escape. It would certainly be in his best interests for chaos to engulf Kleitos' realm. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Kleitos was now in a precarious position, with only around 16,000 soldiers under his command, not counting the nominal loyalty of the 10,000 Babylonians. He could not simply allow the deserters to enter Anatolia and head home, but he also could not respond with his full force, for Ptolemaios would surely be ready to strike now that he was weakened. Furthermore, his weakness opened up opportunities for his enemies still lurking around to pounce on him. He was in an impossible position, and soon began to recognize that trying to maintain a precarious hold over the east and the west simultaneously from Mesopotamia was an impossible position. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]So instead he hatched a compromise. He still maintained control of Jason's body, and an elaborate procession was already waiting to head back to Thessalia, where he would be buried in Pherai. Kleitos decided to accompany this procession back west with most of his army, leaving Nutesh in Babylon as his viceroy along with 4,000 Hellenic mercenaries to help him and his Babylonians guard against Ptolemaios. He was gambling that he could restore the situation in the west now and still be able to return east later. Nutesh was all too happy to oblige as he watched Kleitos depart, unable to believe his good fortune.[/FONT]

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Stylized depiction of Nutesh's soldiers-in reality they would have looked nothing like this; rather this was an attempt to show them as a continuation of the Babylonian soldiers of old rather than in a realistic contemporary form.

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Ptolemaios could not believe his good fortune either. In an attempt to capitalize on these developments, he launched a thrust into Mesopotamia, thinking Nutesh and his Babylonians to be pushovers. Nutesh apparently didn't get the memo that he was supposed to roll over and submit to Ptolemaios, for he blocked him at every crossing point along the Tigris, establishing forts where necessary and shadowing him with a picked force. Two crossing attempts nearly ended in disaster and were pushed back, and Ptolemaios and his men were increasingly frustrated. He petitioned to be allowed through Mesopotamia back west claiming he bore no ill will to Nutesh, but the Babylonian was not fooled and refused. Instead he replied with a counter offer. He'd lend his Hellenic mercenaries over to Ptolemaios, in addition to a small troop of cavalry, if the Makedonian wished to head east, instead of west. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]It is possible Ptolemaios had never considered this before, and it was certainly not something his Makedonians were disposed to. Their biggest wish was to return west, and, eventually, home. They shared no love for an eastern adventure, and shared the sentiments of their Delphic League counterparts-the goal of the war was achieved, so why shouldn't they be allowed to go home? Ptolemaios had one thing going in his favor however, and that was that these men had only been campaigning for a little over two years. They were not as homesick as they might have been had they been campaigning for longer, and Ptolemaios had a golden tongue, enticing them with the riches ripe for the picking in the east. He further pointed out that the mission was not completely over; an Achaemenid in Baktria, Artashata[3], was claiming the title of “Great King”(this was only loosely true; Dareios was a distant Achaemenid relative, but he only showed interest in ruling Baktria, so far as it is possible to discern). Furthermore, they would return west in time, stronger and richer than before. The Makedonians were won over, albeit reluctantly. Ptolemaios accepted Nutesh's offer, and the Babylonian was relieved see his enemy head on a certain suicide mission east, with scarcely 20,000 men to attempt the feat. [/FONT]

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Back west, the war with Autophradates entered its final stages when Kleitos arrived with his army. After slipping away from Nola, Autophradates had found finding manpower difficult. Datames, perhaps more furious than anyone else at his escape (for he had long been a personal enemy of his), was the most active in hunting him down. Alongside Nikias and, shortly after his arrival in Pontos, Mentor of Rhodes, he gradually began wearing away at Autophradates forces. Kleitos' arrival along with his men decisively tipped the scales. Denied refuge in Armenia by Orontes, he was soon flushed out of his mountain hideout, and crushed for good by a force personally led by Datames. In gratitude, the ex-Persian was confirmed as the satrap of Kappadokia, and after receiving it, the satrapy was not something he was prepared to relinquish for himself or his descendants. [/FONT]

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Kleitos now faced a different problem as he approached the Aegean coast. Antipatros was proving surprisingly difficult to evict, having cultivated goodwill with the Ionian cities in Lydia, and the Athenian navy ruled the seas, preventing him from crossing over into Hellas with Jason's funeral procession. Antipatros had shut himself in at Ephesos, but other Ionian cities, including Pergamon, had also refused to open their gates to Demetrios. What was left of Antipatros' fleet prevented an effective blockade, and it was apparent that without a fleet of their own Kleitos and Demetrios would be unable to take the holdout cities. They hastily ordered Mausolos to mobilize his navy for action, and Kleitos even made appeals to the Athenians for assistance. [/FONT]

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Temple of Artemis at Ephesos

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]In the traditional manner of the slippery snake diplomacy however, what the Athenians proceeded to do was forge one of those odd couple alliances not often seen in history. They instead saw the wisdom in backing Antipatrosagainst Klietos and Demetrios, after recognizing that Kleitos was by far the bigger threat if he could make it across the Aegean. With the backing of the Thebans, they offered him their assistance, and Antipatros, all too eager to put aside old differences if it meant saving himself, readily accepted. For the first time in a decade, the Athenians found themselves in the position of the major power broker in Hellenic politics. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif][1] I recently discovered she existed. OTL, Philip II married her. [/FONT]
[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif][2] A Greek in a Punic city? But how? [/FONT]
[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif][3] Dareios III, of Alexander fame[/FONT]
 
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SlyDessertFox

SlyDessertFox

Grouchio said:
...When did you want to finish this timeline? The end of the year?
Click to expand...
I intend to take this timeline far, far, far into the future (as far as I can go really). I don't expect to come close to finishing it this year. This is certainly a multi-year project. I want to speed it up though, since otherwise I'll never get out of the 4th century BC.

EDIT: If you folks are wondering what happened to the mercenaries, the next update might answer your questions.
 
SlyDessertFox

SlyDessertFox

Grouchio said:
BTW I just found a website for a R2TW mod with links to the finest imagery of different armies of antiquity right here:
Enjoy!
Click to expand...
Gracias por favor.
Pio2013 said:
One thing, i didnt understand, Ptolemy went Bactria instead Egypt IOTL?
Click to expand...
This is a different Ptolemy. He's a completely fictional character. It's tough to justify why this Ptolemy would consider it and why his troops would accept it (and it being impossible for him to cross Babylon), but I don't think it's impossible. If I didn't do an adequate job explaining it, I apologize: Basically, Ptolemy is being blocked from making it west. He's an ambitious man, and so sitting around in Susiana is not something he wishes to do. He was one of the few officers of Jason who actually embraced the idea of plunging deep into the east and took a liking to the idea of a greek/makedonian empire stretching the length of the Persian Empire. So for him, the solution is obvious-if he can't go west, why not go east? It's not the most rational decision, but then again, he could just be a delusional guy who just so happens to have great charisma and a personality that makes his soldiers trust him and inspires their devotion (a la Alexander, who's troops likely wouldn't have done a lot of what he asked of them under a different king). And of course, there's the promise of returning west (and given how quick the campaign east has been so far, it might be easy for the soldiers to assume this campaign will only last a couple years at most).

The only difference is, he has a force half the size of Alexander, but he/his men may believe they are facing a broken and disorganized foe, given they've crushed their armies twice now. This is all a stretch, but it's all plausible imo.
 
SlyDessertFox

SlyDessertFox

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Chapter V: Every Tyrant Is An Enemy To Freedom
[/FONT]
[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Part IV: Division and Separation[/FONT]
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Modern Smyrna

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]In choosing Pontos as his satrapy of choice, Mentor of Rhodes was playing the game for the long haul. If he was going to carve out his own independent state, it was best he remain as removed from the action as possible. Few were better than he at forward thinking, and his choice of Pontos is perhaps one of the best examples of this in action. First and foremost, the satrapy was safely away from central and western anatolia, where he knew the focal point of the inevitable civil war would be. Mentor did not wish to be caught up in the power struggle, as it would only place him a precarious position where he would likely end up deposed sooner or later. Pontos was isolated enough to allow him to safely watch the action unfold while he focused on securing a stable kingdom for himself and his successors. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]This was not the only role geography played in his choice of satrapy. Pontos had a sizable Hellenic population along its long Black Sea coast which provided a ready source of manpower for his army. He was in the best position out of all the successor states to exploit and control the Crimea, a vital breadbasket for Hellas. This would at the very least make him a regional power player, and force the Athenians in particular to remain on friendly terms, lest he cut the grain supply. Furthmore, its location provided ready means for expansion-west into Paphlagonia, east into Armenia, and south into Kappadokia. None of this was possible for the moment; controlling the Black Sea was out of his reach anytime soon, and expansion would have to wait. Yet it was in recognizing this future potential and in playing for the long haul that separated Mentor from the rest of the diadochoi. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]It should come as no surprise, then, that Mentor was the first to seize on the potential the Hellenic deserters presented. Mentor spoke their language well. He entered into negotiations with Agothakles, and rather than offer the soldiers a handsome sum to serve as mercenaries, he offered them and their descendents land in return for their services in his army. For Agothakles, he offered a high ranking command in his staff, which convinced the general to work hard at persuading his men to accept the offer. Faced with the prospect of returning to overpopulated Hellas (where they may very well have ended up serving as mercenaries anyway), or securing a plot of land, the soldiers overwhelmingly voted to accept the offer. Mentor had thus markedly increased the size of his army while also securing more manpower for future generations in one fell swoop. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Meanwhile, in Lydia, the siege of the Ionian cities was progressing terribly. While Pergamon fell early in 422[354 BCE], the lack of an effective navy hampered attempts to siege Ephesos and Smyrna. An Athenian seizure of Miletos that spring by Diopheites, turned Mausolos' attention to protecting his own cities, and thus for a time kept his fleet away from assisting in Lydia. Its subsequent defeat later that year was another major blow to the siege efforts. Mausolos was forced to retire his fleet from action while he rebuilt its strength, and no end appeared in sight for the two sieges. Kleitos and Demetrios resorted to increasingly elaborate siege engines. A massive siege tower designed by Polydos of Thessalia, referred to as the Helepolis (“capturing cities”)[1], was constructed for an assault on Ephesos, but was burned in a night time sally by the defenders. Mining and counter operations went on vigorously throughout the siege, and at one point Demetrios' forces managed to collapse a part of the wall only to be bloodily repulsed by the defenders. Attempts to take the harbor of either city were met with similar failure. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]As the campaigning season of 422 drew to a close, Kleitos and Demetrios had all but given up hope on being able to successfully take either city. Instead, the diplomatic alliances once more shifted. They agreed to a reconciliation with Antipatros, and the following year the trio made plans to ferry Demetrios and Kleitos across the Hellespont. This required keeping the Athenian navy at bay, and by spring of 423, they felt their navy sufficient to take the Athenians on. An engagement with Diopheites was fought to a standstill, but it forced the Athenian to withdrawal his navy away from the north Aegean and thus allow the Thessalians sufficient time to cross. For this he narrowly escaped prosecution, with Demosthenes quickly coming to his defense. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]Their presence in Europe became just the spark needed to ignite the powder keg created by the division of Makedon. Being the most immediately threatened out of the three, Kotys was first to respond to the invasion, quickly wrapping things up with his campaign along his northern frontier and gathering all the forces he could muster for a confrontation. By this time, the Odyrisian King's army was very similar in composition to that of his opponents; he had followed in Jason's footsteps with his administrative and military reforms, and now posessed a strong phalanx corps similar to his successors. Nevertheless, Kotys' forces were defeated in battle, on April 21st, and Kleitos and Demetrios proceeded south, bypassing the many coastal cities which belonged to the Athenians, Jason's now very much decayed body in tow. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]This victory triggered an about face in diplomacy for Andronikos, who promptly switched sides once more, this time aligning himself with the incoming conquerors. He took it upon himself to drive Arybbas and the Epirotes out of western Makedon, following it up by turning back south towards the Hellenic cities. This in turn created another unlikely alliance between Kotys, Arrabas, and the Hellenic states in opposition to the Thessalians, who all felt threatened by this powerful force. Athenai dispatched an expeditionary force to the Chalkidike, liberating most of the peninsula and reconvening the Chalkidian League at Potidaia. Meanwhile, a joint Aitolian, Phokian, and Boiotian force occupied the crucial Thermopylai pass, preventing Andronikos from pushing further south. [/FONT]

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Jason's Tomb

[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]The situation was further complicated by Andronikos' scheming. When Kleitos and Demetrios reached Pherai, where an elaborate funeral ceremony for Jason's burial was performed, Andronikos attempted to murder both of his rivals at a banquet on June 1st. He succeeded in the assassination of Kleitos, but Demetrios escaped, oddly enough seeking refuge in Thebai, which was eager to accept him if it meant causing more chaos with their enemies. Andronikos completed his coup by marrying the now widowed niece of Jason, and proclaiming himself the regent for the infant Jason II. If this were not enough to complicate things, the power vacuum in Makedon led to a pretender also by the name of Polyperchon rise to the Makedonian throne. This was promptly followed by an invasion of the country by Arybbas, which saw Polyperchon's brief reign end in his execution. With Kotys busy licking his wounds and dealing with flare ups to his north, Arybbas was able to seize the whole of Makedon save for the Athenian coastal cities, setting himself up as the major power in the region. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif]That state of affairs hardly lasted a a few months. On December 22nd, Olympias had him murdered, helping to lift her brother Alexandros I to the Epirote throne. This was done on the condition of her son Alexandros being accepted by Alexandros I as Basileus of Makedon, to which he promptly assented. Fully understanding the volatile climate in the country however, Olympias chose to remain in Epiros with her son, preferring to rule Makedon in name only from a distance until a more agreeable situation presented itself. The year 423 ended with all sides licking their wounds and preparing for the next round. [/FONT]


[FONT=Book Antiqua, serif][1] This is not as massive as the Helepolis used by Demetrius at Rhodes, but rather the smaller variety used at the siege of Salamis[/FONT]
 
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Dathi THorfinnsson

Pio2013 said:
Great update!

BTW, did Mentor gained the upper hand to control all the Caucasus?
Click to expand...

Surely not ALL the Caucasus. Pontus may well control chunks of the coast
1stMithritadicwar89BC.png


But the text seems to indicate that he doesn't have Crimea/Chersonese yet, just is in position to take it soon when he consolidates power. Or that's how I read it.
 

Pio2013

Dathi THorfinnsson said:
But the text seems to indicate that he doesn't have Crimea/Chersonese yet, just is in position to take it soon when he consolidates power. Or that's how I read it.
Click to expand...

Yeah, i thought the same, besides he will must face whatever he finds there (Scythians, masageteans, etc) and i think he has the power to do so.
 
SlyDessertFox

SlyDessertFox

Pio2013 said:
Great update!

BTW, did Mentor gained the upper hand to control all the Caucasus?
Click to expand...

Dathi THorfinnsson said:
Surely not ALL the Caucasus. Pontus may well control chunks of the coast
1stMithritadicwar89BC.png


But the text seems to indicate that he doesn't have Crimea/Chersonese yet, just is in position to take it soon when he consolidates power. Or that's how I read it.
Click to expand...

Pio2013 said:
Yeah, i thought the same, besides he will must face whatever he finds there (Scythians, masageteans, etc) and i think he has the power to do so.
Click to expand...
An astute observation. ;)
 
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