Taking the Cross: A Crusader ATL

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The Caesarpapism

Chapter Twenty Four
Land of Milk and Honey - Part II...



...As can be seen from the proliferation of the military orders and the popular support which they enjoyed, West Europe at this time was an extremely religious place. Religion and the Church were a unifying force in every settlement and priests were accorded respect as wise and holy men who led the community. Of course, there were often abuses within the Church, with absentee bishops and many clergy charging their flock for their services, for which the Church suffered, but most damaging of all to its position and power was the increasing political involvement of the Pope. By conquering vast swathes of Italy and using the religious orders for his own gain, the Pope embittered many Christian powers towards him, with the French and the Germans being especially upset. The former saw the Pope as favouring their enemies such as England and Arles, whilst the latter blamed him for his part in the Holy Roman Empire’s loss of Italy. Thanks to this, numerous heresies had been springing up in both countries, becoming increasingly accepted by the local authorities.



Interesting and nice Story, but I can not agree in your identification of the political opposition to Rome, in the Medieval Europe, with the doctrinal dissent with respect to Catholicism and fewer still that such dissent was tolerated and supported by the ruling classes of any European State of the time.

Not to be confused the political opposition to some Popes and their political, doctrinal disagreements with Catholicism and / or to the Papacy.

The political opposition was not unknown among European rulers and the Papacy in the Middle Ages remember the Investiture conflict between the Germanic Emperor and the Papacy or the Kings of France that led to Otl Gallicanism and a Pope puppet living in France and the emergence of anti Popes, this period is known as '' The Babylonian Captivity ''.

Despite all the above and the discrediting of the Papacy and the prestige of the Church, caused mainly by the excesses Nicolaism and the Simony .
The Simony ,in the Corpus Juris Canonici the Decretum and the Decretals deal with the subject; the offender whether simoniacus (one who had bought his orders) or simoniace promotus (one who had bought his promotion). And not by political disputes, always the faith in Doctrine and hopes of self-reform of the Church was maintained in the Catholicity European.

The Caesarpapism as Ideology not stop having their advocates at the Medieval Christendom. In conclusion one can not extrapolate this period, the sociopolitical conditions that allowed happened the Protestant Reformation.
 
Interesting and nice Story, but I can not agree in your identification of the political opposition to Rome, in the Medieval Europe, with the doctrinal dissent with respect to Catholicism and fewer still that such dissent was tolerated and supported by the ruling classes of any European State of the time.

Not to be confused the political opposition to some Popes and their political, doctrinal disagreements with Catholicism and / or to the Papacy.

The political opposition was not unknown among European rulers and the Papacy in the Middle Ages remember the Investiture conflict between the Germanic Emperor and the Papacy or the Kings of France that led to Otl Gallicanism and a Pope puppet living in France and the emergence of anti Popes, this period is known as '' The Babylonian Captivity ''.

Despite all the above and the discrediting of the Papacy and the prestige of the Church, caused mainly by the excesses Nicolaism and the Simony .
The Simony ,in the Corpus Juris Canonici the Decretum and the Decretals deal with the subject; the offender whether simoniacus (one who had bought his orders) or simoniace promotus (one who had bought his promotion). And not by political disputes, always the faith in Doctrine and hopes of self-reform of the Church was maintained in the Catholicity European.

The Caesarpapism as Ideology not stop having their advocates at the Medieval Christendom. In conclusion one can not extrapolate this period, the sociopolitical conditions that allowed happened the Protestant Reformation.

They haven't fully gone off and started a reformation or anything. I'm probably going to go over it in one of the next few posts, but it'll be more like the Western Schism that created the Avignon Papacy. Local authorities are sometimes supporting heresies ITTL. When the reformation does roll around it'll probably be about the same time as OTL.

If you're saying there wasn't any opposition to the Pope in Medieval Europe at all, that's just not true. Heresies did often pop up and become locally powerful, the Dulcinians and the Cathars being the two main examples I can think of off the top of my head. And it certainly won't be tolerated for long ITTL, just as in OTL. There'll be wars over it coming up soon.
 
The Great Western Schism
The Great Western Schism

In the mid-14th century, political opposition to the ever increasing temporal power of the Popes reached a head when the French King Lambert and the Holy Roman Emperor Charles IV met along with many of their senior clerical officials in the Council of Rheims. The conduct of the Roman Popes was becoming ever more unacceptable, the Emperor upset over the loss of his authority in Italy and the King enraged over the Papal support of the Kingdom of Arles. The current incumbent of the throne of St Peter at the time was Pope Innocent IV, a decadent ruler who was more than happy to act as a King rather than the spiritual leader of the Church and was widely accused of keeping a mistress. Discontent with his governance had increased among the cardinals when in 1352 he had lost the Republic of Siena, a vassal of the Papal States since his immediate predecessor’s campaigns in the region.

With the ineffectual rule of Innocent IV, the French and the Germans sought to use the chance to place their own candidate on the throne, marching south with a combined army that didn’t even have to fight a battle. Innocent, upon hearing of the invasion, had dropped head from shock, a not wholly surprising fact when one considers his frequent over indulgence in virtually every worldly pleasure, and his reasonably advanced age (he was 74 at his death). The cardinals hurriedly proclaimed Pope Marcellus II, a veritable puppet of the French and the Germans, the new Pope to prevent the invasion from advancing any further. However, peace was not to last, as Marcellus began handing out titles to various French and German nobles, giving them almost complete autonomy from Rome and undoing much of the hard work of his predecessors in establishing a temporal kingdom of the papacy.

Faced with this new turn of events and the alarming reformist ideas of Marcellus who was eager to rebrand the Catholic Church, a group of dissatisfied cardinals proclaimed that their choice had been made under duress and was therefore inadmissible. Removing themselves to Naples where they found much support, they declared one of their own as the rightful Pope, with the regal name Pius II. Marcellus initially moved quickly to crush this opposition to his rule, dispatching messages to France and the Holy Roman Empire warning them of the danger and requesting aid, whilst gathering his forces and advancing on Naples. In response, Pius gathered his own troops and dispatched requests for help to Arles, Sicily, Genoa, Pisa and Aragon (among others).

The two armies clashed at the Battle of Pontecorvo, where Marcellus’ 11,000 strong forced clashed with Pius’ 7,000 men who were supported by a further 1,000 Sicilians. Although Marcellus had the numerical advantage, most of the men that he and Pius fielded were only militia, whilst the Sicilians were all hardened troops and as such were instrumental in breaking the Roman Pope’s left flank on which they had descended. With his left thus disintegrating, Marcellus threw in his reverse to stop the complete annihilation of his army and successful prevented the total collapse of his force, allowing him to fall back in good order towards Rome. He had lost some 3,400 men in the battle, whilst Pius had lost 2,600 and the Sicilians only 300. The Sicilians were hungry for blood and advocated the pursuit of the enemy, but Pius was content to watch his opposite number abandon the field, as he expected his surrender, and simply let the enemy force escape.

After the inconclusive battle, France and the Holy Roman Empire, worried over the threat to their ally, dispatched forces to Italy to quell the rebellion. Unfortunately for them, it was to prove no simple task as the other monarchs of Christendom banded together to put an end to French and German meddling in the affairs of the papacy. King Odo of Arles, King Henry IV of England, King Roger IV of Sicily, and the republics of Genoa and Venice all banded together against Pope Marcellus and his supporters for a wide variety of reasons. King Odo was concerned about the French growing too powerful and the threat they would provide to his Kingdom, whilst King Henry was eager to conquer France and add it to his growing empire on the continent. On the other hand, Sicily and the other Italian states in the alliance were unhappy over the foreign meddling in their country and were afraid of growing outside influence in their affairs.

Fighting was to prove long and brutal, with much of the fighting occurring in France as the beleaguered King Lambert fought against English attacks into his lands. The main French army had been enroute to Italy and quickly found itself tied up in fighting King Odo, a fierce warrior who hated the French after the death of his younger brother at their hands in battle a number of years prior. The vengeful King had descended upon their force and in the Battle of the Great St Bernard Pass practically wiped out the 18,000 strong French force, of whom only 1,300 survived to be captured, whilst losing barely 4,000 of his own 14,500 man force. After this great victory, Odo pressed north into the Duchy of Auvergne which he put to the sword, taking the French castles that garrisoned the area and annexing it to his own Kingdom. As this was happening, King Henry was busy making his own gains as he had struck deep into French territory with his own army, overcoming an army of French nobles at the Battle of Orléans, losing 6,000 of his 15,000 men, as compared to the 6,800 losses the 13,000 French suffered. Although King Henry had only achieved a pyrrhic victory, the French had been forced to retire and the city was left open for the King to lay siege to it. By 1359, virtually all of France’s territory had fallen to England and Arles, but King Lambert was not yet ready to accept defeat. His Imperial ally had repeatedly dispatched forces to his aid, although most of their troops were tied up fighting in Italy, and in 1360 a combined Imperial and French army numbering some 37,000 marched out to face the English army, clashing in the epic Battle of the River Yonne.

With only 10,000 English troops, King Henry held off repeated attacks from the French knights whilst making good use of his large number of longbowmen, who made up the bulk of his force. The French knights, eager to fight, had attempted to rush across the river the previous day but consequently many had their horses shot out from under them. When fighting resumed on the second day some distance from the river itself, the French had lost the majority of their horses and were forced to advance on foot across the muddy field that separated them from the English. After bitter fighting in which the English got the better of the French who were tired from crossing the field in the mud, the latter began to fall back, just as the Germans began to advance. The result was that the Imperial and French force became hopelessly disorganised and was cut down by the English who seized the opportunity to charge the enemy. In the ensuing chaos, the French and the Germans both lost an incredibly high number of nobles, including the French King Lambert. The English had only lost a few hundred killed, whilst their enemies lost some 14,000 men, a stunning blow that was only compounded by the loss of the King.

In the wake of their defeat, the French Kingdom underwent its final collapse. Although King Lambert’s sons would continue to resist for decades to come, in truth his death caused the splintering of his realm and allowed the English to have completely seized control by 1370. With France thus divided between England and Arles, the Holy Roman Emperor at last gave up his support of the Roman Anti-Popes and acknowledged Pope Pius III, Pius II’s successor, as the true Pope. The conflict had seen the end of the independent Kingdom of France, which was split between England (who had also cemented her authority over Brittany) in the west and north and Arles in the south, whilst the Papal States were cemented as a significant power in Italy, although their lands had been severely damaged by war.
 
I'm glad to see that you're active again with this great timeline. I wondered what the heck happened to you that took you away from us. There's so much potential in a English-ruled northern France and Aquaitaine. England won't have an isolationist attitude towards continental European affairs as it did and it'll make sure that the Kingdom of Arles and the Holy Roman Empire don't get too powerful and threaten its position. French culture and language won't disappear from the English court as rapidly as it did; if not it's the English culture that has to worry about become attached to the continent. Future English kings would have to divide time between London and Paris.

A unified Italy under the Pope terrifies me. :eek:
 
I'm glad to see that you're active again with this great timeline. I wondered what the heck happened to you that took you away from us. There's so much potential in a English-ruled northern France and Aquaitaine. England won't have an isolationist attitude towards continental European affairs as it did and it'll make sure that the Kingdom of Arles and the Holy Roman Empire don't get too powerful and threaten its position. French culture and language won't disappear from the English court as rapidly as it did; if not it's the English culture that has to worry about become attached to the continent. Future English kings would have to divide time between London and Paris.

A unified Italy under the Pope terrifies me. :eek:

I had to actually work on the crusades and it was a bit much to do work on them and write AH at the same time :eek: Then I started my other TL I'd been meaning to post for aaages... Just got away from me I guess... :D

As for the rest, you'll have to wait and see :D :p The Normans are going to keep doing very well for themselves ITTL though
 
The Red Knight
The Red Knight

Ivon de Clisson, born around 1343, was a Breton noble who had his first taste of combat at the famous Battle of the River Yonne, where he fought on the English side. Winning fame by killing Mathieu de Beaujou, constable of France, it set him on the path of a soldier early on and for many years subsequently he fought against the French who continued to resist English rule, winning himself considerable estates in northern France in the process. His father having taken part in the Combat of the Thirty in 1351, Ivon felt obliged to participate in the Combat of the Fifty in 1364, when a group of French and German knights battled with a mixed contingent of Englishmen and Bretons. Many French nobles, in the years since the Battle of the River Yonne, had fled to the Holy Roman Empire, noblewomen especially, who in turn found themselves courted by various German nobles. Many of these women having lost husbands, brothers and fathers in the war with England, it soon became common for German knights to travel to France and seek out their love’s enemy, challenge him to single combat and seek to protect her honour. The Combat of the Fifty was organised by a group of Englishmen who were tired of having to fight a constant stream of Germans and arranged to get it done in one go. The combat itself was far more brutal than that of the Thirty, with nearly half on each side killed. Eventually the Germans came out on top, making good use of their longswords and heavy axes. Ivon, who favoured a Warhammer and small shield, personally killed three men in the battle and was described at its conclusion as “a fearsome sight, more demon than man and covered head to toe in the blood of those he had vanquished.”

With a love for battle and a berserker rage within his chest, Ivon lived in the perfect time to quench his thirst for blood, killing dozens of other knights in single combat over the course of his career, becoming the most famous of the duellists of the time, although he was rarely invited to the combats which became a common feature of life among the nobles in France after the collapse of the Kingdom. Marrying an English noblewoman in his youth, she later died in childbirth as she gave birth to his stillborn son and he next married a Frenchwoman called Magdalene who bore him three children, all girls. In 1387, he displayed his characteristic anger when he murder the lover of one of his daughters after catching them sleeping together, caving the poor boy’s head in with a curtain rail he ripped off the wall. The violent act began a blood feud with the family of the unfortunate lad, leading to the killings of Ivon’s eldest daughter and her husband, two of his knights and an assortment of his men over the next three years, before he took matters into his own hands and laid siege to the castle of his enemies. Storming the walls and slaughtering all those inside, Icon’s brutality earned him the ire of the English King, who intervened and exiled Ivon for his act of barbarism.

Ivon now travelled to Iberia to help in the Reconquista, reaching Madrid before turning back north to Navarra because he found the land disagreeably hot and the people insufferable, indeed the only people he hated more were Germans according to the Cornish monk Prudens who he befriended in later life. Embarking on a ship that took him to the Norman Kingdom of Ireland, he signed up under King John II of Ireland and helped him fight the native Irish who had in recent years been steadily reducing the size of the little Kingdom. By 1392, Ivon had become King John’s principle commander and had earned a reputation for brutality among the native Irish who were said to fear him greatly after he conducted a series of massacres against them that saw Norman authority once again extended over much of the isle. However, Ivon wished to return home and asked King John to intercede on his behalf so that he could return to the Kingdom of England, a request which was finally granted in 1395. His family having lost most of his lands after his exile, Ivon reported went on a killing spree after find out how his wife and daughters had been treated in his absence, as he had left them with relatives while he was gone, never expecting to return and not wanting to force them into exile as well (although they had visited him in Ireland a number of times). After viciously murdering his way through about 20 local nobles of various ranks, he soon found himself on the run and once again an exile, returning to Ireland but this time arranging to have his family move their permanently with him.

Once again finding service with King John (with whom he was apparently friends on a personal and professional level), Ivon led the Norman armies to victory in Ireland, earning himself the title Duke of Connacht in 1402. Immortalised among the native Irish as a bogeyman-type figure, among the Normans who settled Ireland he remains a heroic figure, seen as saviour of the Kingdom and victor over the Irish barbarians. One little known fact, however, is that the final battle he fought was actually against the Scottish, a force of whom had arrived in Ireland to fight the Normans in 1411. Successfully defeating the small invasion force before they could rally a significant force of Irishmen, Ivon died five years later in his bed.
 
Agyptischordenstaad
Agyptischordenstaad

After the Ilkhanate had collapsed, the Latin East went through a particularly profitable era, as wars with Islamic rulers were limited to some small conflicts to the east of Mosul, which acted as a barrier to any westward push the Moslems made. However, wars with Makuria proved far more commonplace as Jerusalem’s old ally found itself increasingly at odds with the Teutonic dominated Principality of Egypt, which in recent years had become more repressive to the Copts with its borders. Without any immediate Moslem threat looming over Egypt, the Teutons had become bolder in their dealings with the Kingdom of Makuria, some knights even raiding Makurian caravans. Thanks to this, in 1379 war erupted between the Makurians and the Principality of Egypt, with much of the Principality falling to the invading Corpts before the Teutons were able to gather an army and strike back, winning the Battle of Lüttenphiom (previously known as Faiyum) in 1380, during which the 6,000 strong Teutonic force, supported by 2,600 men under the command of the Prince of Egypt, faced off against a 13,000 strong Makurian force. Initially, a detachment of the Latin army numbering some 1,000 men was caught off-guard by the superior enemy force and swiftly found itself in danger of being surrounded, before the rest of the Latins rushed onto the battlefield and descended on the Makurian left flank, a devastating cavalry charge rolling up the Makurian line and breaking their army. The Makurian King, Ayay III, was captured in the ensuing rout, with 1,100 Teutons, 400 Egyptians and 3,700 Makurians killed in the battle and a further 4,400 Makurians captured. King Ayay spent a number of years as a prisoner of the Latins, being forced to agree to hand over a number of fortresses, pay a huge ransom and marry his daughter to the second son of the Prince of Egypt before he was finally set free.

When King Ayay did die in 1389, the Kingdom of Makuria was swiftly engulfed in civil war as the Latins fought to establish themselves as rulers of the Kingdom, despite the opposition of much of the nobility and populace who chose a popular noble called Stephanos as their new King. From 1389 to 1396, the fighting raged up and down the Nile, with the Egyptian army starting to incorporate large numbers of Copts into its ranks for the first time in many years. The fact that the Egyptians and their Teutonic allies were able to count on the support of a sizeable minority of the Coptic population is thanks largely to the continuing process of Latinisation that had been occurring across the Near East ever since the success of the first crusade, earning many converts to Catholicism, mainly from among other Christian religions such as the Orthodox and Coptic Churches rather than among the Moslem population. Furthermore, the Coptic population in that lived in Latin Egypt had been treated relatively well, although there were always some complaints to be made, with most of the Teutons’ ire reserved for the remnant Moslem population, which much to the Knights’ chagrin continued to exist. Most of the discrimination carried out against the Copts had lessened since the 13th century as the Latin population acclimatised to Egypt and began to integrate more with the local culture. Thanks to this and the fact that by the second half of the 14th century there was indeed a sizeable Latin population in Egypt, the total having grown to nearly 10% of the population, along with another 5-10% also being Catholics (generally converts), and the remaining population being split between the Moslems (2-7%) and the Copts (73-83%). Thanks to this, the Latins were able to field sizeable armies and rely on the support of a fair number of the Copts, initially winning a series of battles that allowed them to win dominance in the northern half of the Kingdom, before they were defeated in a devastating loss during the Battle of the Third Cataract in early 1394, in which Stephanos descended on the Teutonic army as they crossed the Nile, virtually wiping out the 24,000 man force (less than a thousand returned) and suffering the loss of only 4,000 of his 19,000 strong army. The heir to the throne of Egypt was also killed during the battle, leaving his younger brother Humphrey as heir to Egypt as well as claimant to the throne of Makuria. Following the battle, by the start of the New Year the Teutons had been forced north of the First Cataract, the city of Schlösserstätt (Luxor) subsequently becoming the centre of King Humphrey of Makuria’s power.

The civil war in Makuria should not been seen as merely a Teutonic invasion, but rather as the most violent act in the conflict between the ‘Latin faction’ and the ‘native faction’ in the Kingdom, the two long disagreeing over the direction the country should take. In the end though, their struggle was ended when Makuria under Stephanos, weakened by the long civil war, was invaded by the Kingdom of Alodia, who swiftly occupied much of the country. By 1398, Stephanos was dead and Alodia had conquered everything south of the Second Cataract, with everything to the north falling into Latin hands. Peace now reigned as Alodia and the Latins focused on consolidating their gains and incorporating what had been Makuria into their realms. However, in 1399 the old Prince of Egypt died and King Humphrey of Makuria claimed the throne of Egypt as Humphrey VIII. Having grown up under the tutelage of the Hospitallers, he had sought to limit the power of the Teutons in his realm and the Order, led by Grandmaster Heinrich von Rasidhaven (Rosetta), was fearful of the changes his rule might bring. Lüttenphiom, a rich and important territory, was to provide the catalyst for the civil war when Humphrey handed it to one of his supporters rather than to the Knights as his father had promised. Grandmaster Heinrich subsequently attempted to seize the Duchy by force and so a civil war began in 1400.

With the large Teutonic presence in the Delta, much of the Principality of Egypt had falling into Teutonic hands, with Humphrey’s supporters there forced to retreat into Cairo, where they made a desperate stand until eventually the city was taken by assault in 1402. Humphrey himself was in the south at the time and moved north with his forces to face the Teutons, first defeating them in the Battle of Mazghuna before they had marshalled their full strength, then again in the Battle of Menfe when they attempted to strike towards Memphis. By 1404, the fighting had come to an end, with the Nile Delta and Cairo becoming Agyptischordenstaad, and the Kingdom of Makuria controlling territory from Memphis to the second cataract. Subsequently, Humphrey began to ‘go native’ in the eyes of many of the Latins as he enthusiastically embraced many aspects of Coptic culture, although he retained his Latin religion. By the time of his death in 1432, King Humphrey of Makuria had earned the nickname ‘the Learned’ and probably did more than anyone else to further the cause of Catholicism in Egypt (albeit indirectly) thanks to his popularity (the total Latin population being around 5% and the rest of the Catholic population being roughly another 15-25% in Makuria by the time of his death). Despite this, the Kingdom of Makuria would continue to be looked down on by its neighbours, the Knights considering it to be the barbarous and semi-heretical bastard child of two cultures and the Alodians considering them to be traitors to the Coptic religion.
 
I do like me some Teuton knights lording over the land of the Pharaohs, well whatever that isn't occupied by King Humphrey of Makuria. The funny thing about this is that with Humphrey's pivot towards the Copts, Makuria becomes more native Egyptian than Nubian while Makuria's former heartland is subjugated by the rival Alodians. I suspect Humphrey's successors would succeed in converting the Copts wholesale to Catholicism (if the Maronites could become Catholic without abandoning their culture and remaining distinct from the Europeans, so can the Copts) while abandoning all ties to the Latin-Levantine culture shared amongst the Crusader states.

Teuton rule over Egypt will not last though I suspect that they will do everything it takes to keep the Nile Delta under their grasps: dispossessing the Muslim and Copt peasantry of their land and handing it to German colonists, and perhaps declaring vassalage to the Holy Roman Empire for protection. The Holy Roman Empire is stronger and a bit more centralized than OTL; the Emperors might use Egypt and the knights as a means to muck around Jerusalem. They did have a claim on the throne after all. That is, if Makuria doesn't reclaim complete control of Egypt from the knights.
 
I do like me some Teuton knights lording over the land of the Pharaohs, well whatever that isn't occupied by King Humphrey of Makuria. The funny thing about this is that with Humphrey's pivot towards the Copts, Makuria becomes more native Egyptian than Nubian while Makuria's former heartland is subjugated by the rival Alodians. I suspect Humphrey's successors would succeed in converting the Copts wholesale to Catholicism (if the Maronites could become Catholic without abandoning their culture and remaining distinct from the Europeans, so can the Copts) while abandoning all ties to the Latin-Levantine culture shared amongst the Crusader states.

Yup, the next few posts are going to be religion orientated, so one of them will be going over the conversion of Makuria and the creation of the Coptic Catholic Church.

Teuton rule over Egypt will not last though I suspect that they will do everything it takes to keep the Nile Delta under their grasps: dispossessing the Muslim and Copt peasantry of their land and handing it to German colonists, and perhaps declaring vassalage to the Holy Roman Empire for protection. The Holy Roman Empire is stronger and a bit more centralized than OTL; the Emperors might use Egypt and the knights as a means to muck around Jerusalem. They did have a claim on the throne after all. That is, if Makuria doesn't reclaim complete control of Egypt from the knights.

The HRE's going to have its hand full for a while... :D Haven't quite decided what to do with Agyptischordenstaad yet, might kill it might have it survive.
 
The Althaussite Crusades
The Althaussite Crusades

For many years the Holy Roman Empire had been a hotbed of what the more orthodox members of the Catholic Church condemned as heresy, the problem being especially evident in the western provinces where the French population (which included many exiles from what was now English and Occitan territory) bitterly remembered the Pope’s role in the downfall of their Kingdom. But it was not until Johannes Althaus, a Catholic priest, began his teaching that things really got out of hand. Born around 1369 in the city of Urach, Johannes travelled to Heidelberg at a young age and enrolling in the university there which had much expanded since its founding during the Great Western Schism thanks to the emigration of many French teachers from France and the University of Paris after the English conquest. Earning the degree of Bachelor of the Arts in 1393 and his master’s in 1396, Johannes was ordained a priest in 1400 and began preaching in the city for reformation of the Church. Influenced heavily by the teachings of Giovanni Donato, leader of the Donatrini, who called for Church reform in the Republic of Venice earlier in the 14th century before his death and the movement’s suppression, Johannes translated many of Donato’s works into German and French, popularising them in the Holy Roman Empire.

By 1410, Johannes had become popular throughout the HRE, especially in the western provinces, thanks to his calls for reform and condemnation of absenteeism among the clergy and the sale of indulgences. In 1412 fighting broke out when a group of Johannes’ supporters, popularly known as ‘Althaussites’, were arrested in Arlon by the Count of Luxembourg, an old man who was a rigidly orthodox Catholic. Rioting broke out after rumours were spread that the men were to be executed and the inhabitants of Arlon stormed the town’s castle and freed the prisoners, capturing the Count in the process and forcing him to accept their right to freedom of religion, before parading him naked through the streets as punishment. When the Pope and the ecclesiastical authorities demanded that the secular authorities come down hard on the inhabitants of the town, Emperor Frederick IV refused to act against them, declaring that they had acted justly. Frederick, who had fought alongside the French against the English and the Occitans when his father had been Emperor, despised the Pope and saw him as an enemy of the Empire.

Immediately following Frederick’s announcement, the Pope excommunicated the Emperor and denounced Johannes as a heretic, warning Frederick that a crusade would be in order should he not mend his was and hand over the troublesome priest. When the Emperor dithered, the Pope issued a Papal Bull calling for just such a crusade and armies began gathering across Christendom to depose the wayward ruler and restore the rightful order of things, whilst a rebellion in Bohemia broke out among the devoutly Catholic inhabitants, whose religion had become a mark of pride that separated them out from the rest of the Empire. The First Althaussite Crusade thus began, although it took until 1414 for the fighting to truly start, as an English army advanced into Lotharingia, a Polish army moved into Bohemia from Morawy to support the rebellion of King Wenceslaus V and a Papal force advanced into Swabia with the support of a sizable contingent from Lombardy (the Duke of Lombardy having promised to go on crusade years before after being implicated as involved with the Donatrini in his youth).

The first (full-scale) battle of the war was the Battle of Vyšehrad, in which the Imperial forces in and around Prague were defeated and the survivors forced to retreat into Vyšehrad Castle by the local forces of King Wenceslaus who were supported by armed citizenry. By October the castle had been taken and Prague was firmly in Bohemian hands, although as the other enemies of the Empire were still organising at this point (it being August 1413), Frederick was able to make use of the centralised and efficient state created by his forefathers and quickly raise an imperial army some 28,000 strong to march against the rebels. In the wake of this superior force (his own army only numbering some 12,000) Wenceslaus retreated but he and his army were surrounded by the enemy, leading to the Battle of Kutná Hora. To start with, the Bohemian force held its line against the imperials, but the superior numbers eventually began to tell and the line broke, leading to Wenceslaus conducting a fighting retreat before ensconcing himself and his remaining men in their camp which he fortified by chaining their wagons together. Despite repeated imperial attacks against the camp, the Bohemians held them off and eventually counterattacked, destroying around two thirds of the imperial army and forcing Frederick to flee, whilst having lost some 7,400 men themselves (mostly during the opening half of the battle).

With the loss of much of his army, Emperor Fredrick was forced to withdraw from Bohemia, effectively abandoning it to the rebels and the Polish who arrived the next year whilst turning his attention to the other crusaders. Unlike in Bohemia, the imperial forces in the rest of the Holy Roman Empire successfully defeated the invaders, the Pope and the Lombards being forced back in the Battle of Fern Pass (spring 1414), in which their combined force numbering some 30,000 was defeated by an imperial army numbering 21,000 that held the pass against the crusaders until they were forced to retreat after three days of fighting, having suffered 17,000 losses in their attacks, whilst only inflicting 4,000 on the imperial army. The English, despite initially winning a number of battles against the imperial forces, had their 24,000 men decisively defeated by a 25,000 strong force made up mostly of Althaussite militia in the Battle of Boullion (summer 1414), where their longbowmen were decimated by artillery (previously only used as a siege weapon), losing them the battle. Some 16,000 Englishmen and 13,000 imperials were killed.

Despite these defeats the First Althaussite Crusade continued until 1418, with a second Papal attack launched in spring 1415 into Austria with Venetian backing, although once again the crusaders were defeated. The remaining fighting was mainly focused in Bohemia, with an imperial incursion across the Oder River into Poland in autumn 1417 in retaliation for Polish support of the Bohemian rebellion. However, by the end of 1417 it was clear that the Bohemians had won their independence (much of Thuringia and Lausitz having been pillaged by the Poles) and Emperor Frederick was forced to accept the inevitable, with the Treaty of Munich officially bring an end to hostilities (England had signed a separate treaty in winter 1415). Although the Althaussites had momentarily won, but when Emperor Frederick died in 1439 he was replaced by his cousin who was crowned Charles V. Proving to be a comparatively hapless ruler (although not incompetent), Charles lost to the forces of the Second Althaussite Crusade after they spent 1443 burning Lotharingia, captured and burning Johannesat the stake in the process. After acknowledging Papal authority and returning to the Catholic Church, Charles then had to deal with a rebellion in 1445 when radical Althaussites refused to accept the return of Catholicism and began a civil war than once again dragged much of Lotharingia into bitter fighting. Eventually the rebellion was defeated with the help of various Catholic rulers, the fighting finally coming to an end when Liège, the last stronghold of the Althaussite movement, was captured in 1448. The fighting against this rebellion is often termed the Third Althaussite Crusade, although unlike the first two it was not issued its own Papal Bull.
 
The Land of Black Soil
The Land of Black Soil

The ‘Conversion of the Makurians’ as the event later became known, is often viewed as a single event rather than a slow process that lasted many years, with stories generally focusing on St Humphrey ‘the Learned’. The seeds had originally been planted during the Latin conquest of Egypt in the 12th century, but it was St Humphrey’s rule that really opened the region up to the Catholic Church, as previously Catholicism had mostly failed to penetrate into the minds of the local Coptic population, remaining only the religion of the comparatively few Latin settlers in the region. However, this changed when St Humphrey, after his conflict with the Teutons, found that his support base lay almost entirely among the local Makurians (despite the presence of a limited number of French and English settler up the Nile). Becoming friends with many of the locals during the civil war in which he fought against Stephanos for the Kingdom, he became doubly indebted to them when they next supplied him with the army he needed to fight the Teutonic Knights.

Following these wars, St Humphrey began to immerse himself with the local culture, engaging in debates with Coptic clergymen and regularly touring his Kingdom as he sought to explore the culture, chroniclers recording that he enjoyed regularly throwing festivals for the people and staging great feasts for the nobility to attend. However, St Humphrey remained a pious Catholic and after discussions with various Coptic religious leaders in his Kingdom, in 1409 he sent a delegation to the Pope to ask permission for the formal union of the Coptic Church and Rome, a request which was granted, thereby founding the Coptic Catholic Church which was headed by the Coptic Catholic Patriarch of Schlösserstätt (later in Humphrey’s reign being renamed the Patriarch of Thebes as the King developed a fondness for ancient place names). Of course, to start with much of the population simply ignored the change and the Coptic Church with its own Pope remained relatively unmolested under St Humphrey, who busied himself by rebuilding ancient Churches and monuments, as well as constructing new ones (the most famous being the Cathedral of the Theban Legion, the tallest building in the Kingdom for years after its construction).

Although St Humphrey did adopt many aspects of his Kingdom’s culture, it should be noted that he retained some important ones of his own Latin heritage, namely primogeniture succession (rather than the traditional uncle-to-sister’s-son formerly found in Makuria), his inviting of Latin monks to the Kingdom (by the end of his reign a third the Latin population of Makuria was part of one religious order or another), monasticism previously being unpopular in Makuria (by 1432 there were thousands of Makurian monks, making up nearly a quarter of the total monastic community in the Kingdom), and his establishment of a Makurian heavy cavalry contingent made up of the nobles (created in the image of the Latin armoured knights, with many of the contingents earlier members being personally trained by the few Latin knights who followed St Humphrey). Interestingly, the Kingdom no longer inhabited the ancestral land of Makuria, with only a few of the nobles still being able to claim direct descent from the Nubian inhabitants of the Old Kingdom, the New Kingdom being majority Coptic, the title ‘King of Makuria’ simply being maintained by Humphrey to preserve his authority. Thanks to this, the culture and customs in the new Kingdom became a mix of Latin, Nubian and Coptic, with the influence of the former two decreasing significantly with time, until they had been all but assimilated and Coptic was easily dominant.

Although by the time of his death the majority of the Kingdom’s population remained Coptic, St Humphrey continues to be seen as the single most important figure in the history of the Catholic Coptic Church for his efforts in founding the Church and ensuring that the Latin and Coptic nobles were successfully integrated, thereby securing his Kingdom. When his nephew Simon (known as King Simeon II in Makuria) came to the throne in 1432, the process of conversion was sped up. A tax was levied on the people who continued to worship as Copts rather than Catholic Copts for the first time in 1435, leading to some limited rebellions, but these being dealt with quickly. St Humphrey had raised a contingent of skilled archers during his reign (the Makurians being known for their skill with the bow), but this royal army was first put to the test under King Simeon in 1436 when an Alodian invasion sought to take advantage of the Coptic revolts (their size being grossly overestimated by the invaders). Expecting to be welcomed with open arms by the locals and relishing the thought of an easy conquest much like that of Makuria south of the Second Cataract had been many years prior, they were greatly surprised to find the Makurians united against them and a powerful army arrayed against them. The Alodians had been planning their invasion for year, but had been absorbed in a number of bitter wars with the Bejas (descendants of the Blemmeys people), who had used the civil war in Makuria as their chance to declare independence and found a series of petty kingdoms to the east of the Nile, and a series of wars of conquest against the successor states of the Kingdom of Aksum.

The Alodian invasion force numbered some 31,000 men, whilst the Makurian force that went out to meet them numbered some 28,000, the two armies meeting at the Battle of Buhen, fighting within easy sight of the ancient fortress. The Battle was a vicious one, with the Alodians relying on their light cavalry and infantry, whilst the Makurians put their faith in their archers and heavy cavalry. The battle opened with the Alodian cavalry, led by the capable general Shekanda, harassing the Makurian lines before being driven back under sustained fire from the Makurian archers. The Alodian infantry next began to advance, with the Makurian line moving forward to meet them whilst their heavy cavalry began moving forwards to sweep away the Alodian cavalry. On the Makurian right, the heavy cavalry thus began pursuing the Alodians but were led on a merry chase that tired them and left them susceptible to the javelins of the light cavalry, who later moved in to attack the remaining Makurians there and defeat them. However, on the left the Makurian heavy cavalry ignored the Alodian light cavalry, leaving the archers to deal with them (Shekanda being killed by an arrow at this point, causing his unit to rout), instead charging straight into the enemy right flank. Despite this success, the battle was far from over, as the Alodian infantry fought bitterly against the encirclement, eventually extracting the majority of their force when King Barak of Alodia attacked with his royal guard. Some 11,000 Alodians were killed, with a further 4,000 captured, for the loss of some 10,000 Makurians, meaning the result was hardly a decisive victory, but the loss of Shekanda (who was a personal friend of King Barak) deprived the invaders of their best general and set the stage for the West Bank Ambush that followed the next night.

After the somewhat stalemated Battle of Buhen, King Simeon began to fall back his army, spending that night and much of the next day retreating at speed. King Barak, assuming that the Makurians must have been greatly weakened in the battle to cause them to retreat thus, began a hot pursuit of the Makurians the next day, until night came and he set up camp. Confident that the Makurians were on the run, the Alodians failed to properly forify their camp of ensure the surrounding area was guarded, allow Simeon, who had rested his army that evening and early night, to descend on the Alodian camp in the early hours, using his archers to pepper the camp and his infantry to sweep through, whilst his cavalry waited at the other end to catch the fleeing invaders as they attempted to escape. By the time the sun rose, the fighting was over and more than 12,000 Alodians were slain, along with their King, a further 2,500 captured and only 1,500 odd having escaped, for the price of just 2,300 Makurians. The Alodian invasion had thereby been defeated, following which a Makurian counter invasion (in reality more of a large raid) spent the next couple months pillaging much of northern Alodia, carring off huge amounts of loot and resulting in celebrations of victory in the war being held in Makuria and the ruins of Buhen was being subsequently rebuilt by King Simeon, the colossal fortress being permanently garrisoned by 1440 and most of the walls fully repaired by 1442. Before long it would become the primary border fort on the Makurian-Alodian border, with a thriving town swiftly springing up within its formidable walls, and the envy of all of Egypt.
 
what kind of language do speak in the Crusader States

Some Mixed between French-German-arab-Copts or mixing hasn't happen yet.

If so when the Great Vowel Shift happens
 
We need a map for this and the update(s) were good!

As I'm going through history a bit faster than before I can't quite decide when to put a map out. Also I'm terrible at making them :eek: I'll try and throw something together, but no promises!

Some Mixed between French-German-arab-Copts or mixing hasn't happen yet.

If so when the Great Vowel Shift happens

In Jerusalem and Antioch, Old French is the language of the court (and lingua franca among the Latin population) with Latin as a liturgical language. Greek and Italian are common in cities for trading purposes, in Agyptischordenstaad German is the common tongue of the Latins, with the Copts there all speaking Coptic. There's also various pidgin languages that vary from city to city. Basically lots of mixing with loads of loan words.

I think the language would remain Coptic, but with additional borrowed words from French and German (aside from Arabic).

Yep, that's how it is in Makuria.

Started reading this, and couldn't wait for more. Subscribed! :)


Thanks! :D Should have another update out tonight.
 
The Great Pestilence
I originally intended to have this as a full chapter, but decided against it. Still, thought I'd put it up anyway, so enjoy!

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The Great Pestilence

After the collapse of the Ilkhanate peace had largely reigned in the Holy Land, Byzantium had been tied up briefly in fighting half-hearted Mongol incursions into Wallachia and Bulgaria, whilst the Kingdom of Jerusalem had only one small conflict with the Sharifate of Mecca in 1360. But peace did not mean all was well for in 1347 the Black Death had reached Constantinople, killing the populace in droves. As the largest city in Europe, Constantinople was especially hard hit with in excess of half the city’s 400,000 inhabitants dying. As the plague swept across the Empire, ships brought it to the crusader states, with the rich coastal cities of the Holy Land being devastated. Between a third and half the total population in the Near East perished, with the crusader states’ Italian and Greek traders suffering the highest percentage of their population lost, at around 60%. Among the Latins in the Kingdom of Jerusalem, the nobility were able to avoid the plague somewhat by sequestering themselves, but in the end the disease touched all. The Latins in Outremer having 30-40% of their population killed, unlike the relatively small Moslem population which was mostly isolated and therefore only lost around a quarter of its total. However, rather unfortunately for them, the Christian population of the Holy Land undertook a series of massacres against the Moslems as they decried that the plague was God’s judgement for failing to wipe the Holy Land clean when they had first taken it, another 25-35% of the Moslems thereby being put to the sword.

In the end though it was not the death it caused that was to be the plague’s greatest legacy, but the decline of the old feudal order. With land now plentiful and wages high thanks to the shortage of workers, the peasants found it much easier to choose their own path in life and had less of a need to remain bound to their local lord.
 
The Northmen
Big thanks to Cuāuhtemōc for his help with this chapter! :D And thanks for reading everyone!

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The Northmen

For many years the Norse settlement on Greenland had been struggling, as first the Inuit peoples had arrived and begun raiding their settlements, then the Church had succeeded in achieving ownership of most the usable land, before finally the ‘Little Ice Age’ of the Medieval Period had arrived and made eking out an existence on the cold island even more difficult. When a particularly bad raid occurred around 1398 and several families had lost both their kin and their food stores, the people had waited obediently for the arrival of ships from Iceland to help replenish the stocks. However, when the ships finally did arrive they were fewer in number than expected and when the local lords bought all the supplies aboard, seeking to sell them to the farmers as was the custom, a rebellion broke out. Usually the Greenlanders would have suffered in silence, but the local bishop, a newcomer from Iceland, had proved particularly greedy and cruel (remembered only in the folk memory of the people as ‘Illugi’ meaning ‘bad-thought’ or ‘evil-mind’, eventually becoming their culture’s version of the bogeyman). Hoarding many supplies for himself and his supporters. The rebellion came be seen more as the boiling over of resentment against the Church and ruling class, who were increasingly accused of failing to protect the people.

Rather unfortunately for the peasants, the combined power of the Church and the chiefs in the settlement, along with the Icelandic sailors who sided with them, proved quite capable of protecting their authority and the rebels soon found themselves on the losing side. Still, the rebels had not been completely crushed, and anticipating the arrival of warriors from Iceland after a message was dispatched there from the bishop, they took to their boats and fled. Although some argued for sailing south, to the distant Basque regions which they knew of thanks to their contact with Basque fisherman who routinely reached as far as Greenland, in the end it was decided to sail west, as they knew there to be a rich land within relatively easy reach there thanks to their regular voyages to Vinland and Markland for timber. The small fleet of 29 ships, bearing around 800 people, sailed for twelve days before a small storm scattered them, with three ships disappearing. Despite this setback, the remaining ships sighted land on the fourteenth day and put ashore (with just over 700 people remaining), building a small camp in a seemingly innocuous cove. As they unloaded their supplies, the settlers established a camp and sent scouts out into the area, although no other people were sighted until the next day, when a delegation of skrælings (as the natives of these lands were known to the Norse) arrived. The Vinlandic folk tales recount that Jǫrundr Blátǫnn (Jǫrundr ‘Black-tooth’), leader of the settlers, agreed to meet with the skræling chief, but parted bitterly when Jǫrundr said they had come to stay and proudly declared that they would not leave what was now ‘their’ land. Although still considered a noble action among the Vinlanders, it quickly led to disagreements and when a party of skræling warriors carried off two of the settler’s women the next day, things quickly went from bad to worse. A confused series of tit-for-tat retaliatory actions occurred, with the Norse (being used to blood feuds) probably just escalating the situation. Eventually, after just two weeks ashore, the Vinlanders found themselves battling a large skræling war band that attacked their camp and carried off many of the women and children. Although the skrælings were eventually repulsed, much of the camp had been devastated and when Jǫrundr, along with a party of nearly 80 warriors, disappeared and the scouts sent to find him were attacked after finding the site of a battle, the remaining settlers, now numbering less than 600, returned to their ships, naming the site ‘Mannafallsbrekka’ as a testament to the bloody fighting that had occurred on the shores.

Following the coat south, the Vinlanders put in again on a small island they named ‘Skjaldey’ (‘Shield Island’) where they set up a camp in the east (named ‘Garðar’ or ‘Stronghold’ for the fortifications subsequently constructed around it), although not before doing a sweep of the island and enslaving or killing any of the skælings they found. As the Vinlanders considered what to do next, contemplating abandoning the whole venture and returning to Europe, they sighted a Norse ship. Sailing out to meet it, they realised it was one of the ships lost during the storm some weeks prior and for the first time in a while the Vinlanders rejoiced, with a great feast being held that night (or at least as great as their limited resources would allow). Not only did this event greatly boost the morale of the Vinlanders, it also provided between another 60-80 people for their settlement, people who were desperately needed after the loss of so many at the hands of the skælings.

For the next few years the Vinlanders took it upon themselves to wage endemic warfare on the skælings from their island fortress, using their ships and steel to their advantage, occasionally stumbling across a survivor who had escaped or been freed from captivity in the fighting. However, after several months of this, they found the remains of Jǫrundr’s band living a short distance inland from their original camp at Mannafallsbrekka (which had been generally avoided by the Vinlanders since their flight), some of their number having taken skæling wives following the departure of the Vinlandic ships. Assuming that they had been abandoned and would never see their kin again, the men had made a pact with the skælings to live in peace and end the feuding, even having many of the captives returned to them so they could rebuild their lives as best as possible. The skæling chief’s change of heart in this matter can be attributed to the fact that Jǫrundr was dead (which greatly pleased him) and the remaining Vinlanders were relatively few in number. Not enough to bother wiping out, but considering they were virtually all warriors (and comparatively tough ones thanks to their European equipment) it was simply easier to allow them to continue living in peace. Led by Úlfr Jǫrundsson, eldest son of Jǫrundr (who would displace his half-brother Óleifr as paramount chief upon his triumphant return), the band happily re-joined their fellows although much fuss was made over their skæling wives upon their return to Garðar. Thankfully the Vinlanders in the small town eventually accepted them and the settlement began to thrive, although on the Vinlandic mainland diseases brought by the settlers ravaged the skæling population.

After nearly a decade on Skjaldey, the Vinlanders had established a thriving community, with regular voyages along the nearby coasts for supplies from furs to timber to fish. Many of the few remaining skælings on the island had even become dependent on the comparatively well-off Vinlanders for trade as their own people were ravaged by disease. The settlement at Mannafallsbrekka was even rebuilt as a trading post with the natives, becoming a rather metropolitan little town as a fair number of them moved in to reap the benefits of the Vinlander’s animals and agricultural techniques. Pigs thrived both on Skjaldey and the mainland where they spread quickly, becoming common even among the skælings within a decade. Sheep too were successful, especially on Skjaldey when the Vinlanders kept flocks of them, slowly spreading to the skælings but remaining comparatively rare. On the other hand, cows were just unlucky and the few that the settlers have quickly died out. Luckily, thanks to the limited number of horses the Vinlanders had, they didn’t really mind too much, although the dwindling herd was the impetus for the first expedition back east in 1411 which reached all the way to Iceland, with three of the five ships sent completing the voyage along with another three ships which returned with them from Greenland and Iceland (although one of those was also lost at sea). By 1412, the settlements were blooming, with the total population at Garðar reaching 700 Vinlanders and 150 skælings (roughly half of the latter being slaves) and a further 100 Vinlanders and 300 skælings at Mannafallsbrekka. Also of note is the spread of the plough and the use of fertilizer to the skælings from the Vinlanders, although little came of it for many years thanks to crippling epidemics that spread across the land thanks to the Vinlanders.
 
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