Robert Whitlam, The Farthest Colonies: New Guinea (Queensland Bowen Press; 1989)
…Following New Guinea’s partition, nearly all the respective nations that now hold the land faced a new question: what to do now?
Before this, the polities of Great Britain, Germany, Italy, and the Dutch East Indies all staked control over the island primarily on the basis of territorial influence (or in Britain’s case, due to Queensland’s case of territorial anxiety). But that did not answer the actual subject of governing them. Of all the respective stakeholders, only Rome had a definite plan as to the future of her Papuan lands and how it shall be achieved: namely, to create a Italian colony through transplanting desperate citizens from the Peninsula to begin a new life abroad. For the three others, the policy of administration was something that entered their minds only after the dust had settled.
As a result, New Guinea became a microcosm of all the different flavours of colonial rule by the Great Powers, almost more so than the African continent. Each portion of the island was governed differently according to the ideologies, practicalities, and above all, the interests of each coloniser. And as such, the territories began to be developed in ways that would make them increasingly divergent from each other…
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British New Guinea
Of all the colonial holders, it was Great Britain that had the most trouble deciding what to do with their new piece of land. In all, British New Guinea was an unplanned protectorate, thrusted upon them due to the anxiety of the Queensland Colony over the goings-on up north following the debacle of the Marquis de Rays’ plan of New France [1]. As such, London was unprepared to govern such a faraway territory and thus installed the most rudimentary form of colonial rule anywhere within the British Empire. A few new trading posts were built across the land, a few offices were set up in Port Moresby to facilitate the minutiae of governance, and a small garrison was set up and staffed with neighbouring Queenslanders to defend the town, but nothing more.
And with that, the interests of the Australian colonies arose, and in particular that of Queensland. The territory always had a perennial fear of invasion from the north, and with the steady trickle of Italian settlers continuing to develop Italian Papua, several officials saw British New Guinea as a useful bulwark. There was also the concern that any development on the island would enable it to compete with Queensland’s agricultural exports, particularly in the sugar business. However, any plans for the protectorate were quickly made complicated by the Colonial Office, whom ruled against any form of interference to the indigenous peoples on the basis of Brisbane’s practice of ‘blackbirding’, and by the other Australian colonies whom couldn’t agree among themselves whether to funnel their money into an experimental venture. [2]
It wasn’t until 1886 that things changed. Following a deputation from the Premiers of Queensland, Victoria, and New South Wales, a new arrangement was hammered out in which British New Guinea would be developed through the pooling of resources from the three colonies. Settlements and plantations could be established, so long as the stakeholders obeyed the anti-blackbirding laws from the Colonial Office and have the explicit consent of land usage with the native tribes. And keeping with regional anxieties of non-white migrants, local natives would also be hired for labour.
And so began the colonization of the land and the rise of Australian influence in the local government. However, the strings of power quickly proved to be a hamstrung one. The ‘indigenous protection’ rulings established by the Office, coupled with Queensland’s skittishness for agricultural competition, massively dampened the push for local development; by 1891, there were only around two dozen copra plantations on the territory, all connected to the capital by a coastal dirt road. The following decade saw further disruption as Australia’s export economy imploded and global commodity prices slumped, extinguishing medium-term plans for a New Guinean agricultural sector.
The economic downturn also affected efforts to establish white settlement in the region, with many new migrants preferring to inhabit the more hospitable (and better paid) territories of the Australian continent. Despite a campaign to “spread the labour of the British race”, as Sir Thomas McIlwraith of Queensland declared, only around 2100 white residents were recorded in British New Guinea by 1904, most of whom lived in or around Port Moresby.
With that, it wasn’t surprising that native relations were very ambivalent. Many coastal tribes were unwilling to give up their lands unless compensated handsomely. Most also saw working for the Europeans as beneath them; they had lived well across generations, so why labour under the sun for whole days in plantations for scraps of foreign wealth that they would barely use? Besides, any foreign items needed could easily be obtained through the trading posts. When the local government
did turn to coercion – as it did after the land laws were reworked following British New Guinea’s administrative handover to Australia in 1901 – a few tribes simply retreated into the mountainous jungles or further down the coast, openly exposing Port Moresby’s deficiency in enforcing laws on a territorial scale.
But even with that, the development of British New Guinea was not written off as a failure. In fact, the birth of the Federation of Australia in 1901 saw the protectorate’s affairs being handed over from the Colonial Office to the new government. With local governance now fully in Australian hands and the upswing of the commodity markets later that year, new heads began to turn north…
Kaiser-Wilhelmsland (German New Guinea)
For the German Empire, the islands of the equatorial east were as distant and exotic as the great wildlands of central Africa. But unlike Africa, the region was far from being unknown. Indeed, German companies had already made the Papuan northeast as their mercantile stronghold by the time Kaiser-Wilhelmsland came into being, with some firms controlling up to 70% of commerce between the region and the nearby south Pacific archipelagos.
And as most companies saw the territory as a highway, it made sense to prioritise development on the outlying islands, where vessels are received and sighted, than on the mainland New Guinea, where contact was limited to a few trading posts. This was especially the case of Neupommern Island, where ramshackle wayports had been established since the 1870’s. Missionaries and traders had contact with the local tribes long before the New France affair caught the attention of Berlin, and the establishment of German rule was seen locally, at first, as little more than a continuation of what has been going on since the previous decades.
But the German government had other ideas. Based on the success of Dutch East Indies and influenced by Italian migration to the Bird's Head Peninsula, several officials embarked on perhaps the most ambitious plan of all the four Papuan Powers: to turn Kaiser-Wilhelmsland into
both a settler state and a plantation colony. That such divergent interests required divergent policies was perhaps not fully understood by the pro-colonial investors, whom set up the German New Guinea Company (
Deutsche Neuguinea-Kompagnie) in 1889, hoping to emulate the success of its British and Dutch ancestors. However, the monopolisation of trade caused ill-will towards the other trade firms and the company was never able to balance its budget of appropriating lands, planting cash crops, and subsidising settlers. With the tumble of the global economy in the 1890’s, the company finally broke and was promptly liquidated in 1897.
However, German New Guinea had the one thing neither of her neighbours had: royal prestige. Just as Siam had Chulalongkorn and Sarawak had the White Rajahs, Neupommern Island had the sovereign grace of ‘Queen’ Emma Eliza Cole. Born from mixed-raced parents to a branch of the Samoan Malietoa dynasty, she was educated in both Australia and the United States and quickly found her island home too small for her growing ambitions. Using commerce and coercion, Emma began acquiring large tracks of land from the local tribes to create a plantation colony on Neupommern’s north end in 1881, ultimately possessing over 100,000 hectares to her name across the Bismarck Archipelago, the single largest of any landholder [3].
From this, Emma’s business empire would be a beacon for the German government. Her partial success in the plantation industry – partly due to the over-prioritisation of copra and the unwillingness of local tribes to labour for worthless cash – was immaterial, for her actions spoke enough of the territory’s potential. Advertisements across Imperial Germany expressed Emma’s business acumen and sense of intellect, utilizing her achievements and nicknaming her as, “The Queen of Kaiser-Wilhelmsland”, to entice prospective settlers. In any case, the German government had as much success as Australia’s, with many migrants preferring the Americas or the main southern continent as their new home. Nevertheless, the adverts did attract some interested folk and by 1899, Emma’s palace at modern-day Kokopo was surrounded by a burgeoning port and the offices of the German administration.
The influx of foreign planters also led to some of the most idiosyncratic policies of the territory. As with their British neighbour, many local tribes were hesitant to work in the cash crop industry. However, the German administration did
not have a home office that was suspicious of its conduct, nor do they share the differing conflicts of interest that plagued the Australian colonies. As such, they were free to enforce native tribes to work for them, however brutal the methods. Queen Emma was known for importing thousands of men from the Solomon Islands to work her plantations before the Great War – sometimes by force [4]. Another method involved placing armed patrols at every plantation to ensure locals do not escape until the end of the day.
Slowly, these policies and more began to turn Kaiser-Wilhelmsland into what explorer Theodore Roosevelt would famously call, “…an illusory paradise…”
Italian Papua
By contrast to her neighbours, it could be said that Italy had the most coherent and comprehensive development plan to her Papuan holdings. While many of her territorial neighbours stumbled from one approach to another, Rome viewed Italian Papua as a place of settlement for the poor and destitute of the European Peninsula, especially after their episode with the Marquis de Rays. “Papua shall be a land owned by farmers and smallholders,” voiced Italian politician Francesco Crispi. “The land shall neither be a coffee republic nor a tribal wasteland. Instead, Papua shall belong to all Italians in the same way as the British do with their own territories.”
This was greatly aided by the fact that the land has a significant amount of mountainous regions that lay close to the coast. Unlike Sabah, which had its highlands parcelled out between Sarawak and Dutch Borneo, Italian Papua had the mountainous and sea-fronting Bird's Head Peninsula all to itself, granting a more temperate climate that was absent in other colonial holdings. Advertisements on the region highlighted this, imploring farmers and settlers of the potential of starting a new life.
Unlike Australia or Germany, Rome did not have regional anxieties to exploit or a half-native royal to entice pioneers. However, they did have the ironic advantage of a large poor population, an underclass whom usually chose Dalmatia or the Americas to seek new beginnings. Now, and with the state subsiding the endeavour, a few began to turn their heads to the far southeast. From the trickle of men and women whom settled there in the aftermath of the New France debacle, Italian Papua would see a stream of around 800 settlers per year between 1883 and 1904. By the eve of the Great War, around 12,000 farmers called the territory home, migrating from places as north as Friuli and as south as Catania.
Early life in Papua was far from idyllic. Initially, reaching the high slopes required muscle and grit, clearing rainforests that meant hauling heavy equipment and tools across muddy roads and swift streams. Malaria and other tropical diseases were prevalent, as were attacks by wild cassowaries. Disease alone killed more than 250 colonists in the first half of the 80’s. But by 1888, highland farms were popping up on the hillslopes, growing coffee, spices, and tobacco alongside more temperate crops like strawberries and cabbages. The following year saw the opening of the first mountain railway, connecting the makeshift town of Nuovo Umbria with the regional port city of Manokwari. Two years year, the line was extended to the new colonial capital of Cavour.
Of all the places, the Anggi Lakes grabbed the most attention. With its cool climate and blue waters, the lakes of Anggi Gida and Anggi Giji quickly became the most sought out location for many farmers. However, this was quickly made complicated by the local Manikom and Hatam tribes – whom lived on the surrounding slopes for centuries – and how the local officials sided with them. Unlike the British and Germans, the Italian administration never forgot how the colonists in the Marquis de Rays’ debacle survived their ordeal: namely, through exchanging labour for food with the local natives. This compact was never forgotten, and the officials in Cavour quickly reached out to the indigenous peoples surrounding the lakes, promising to side with them in land disputes and guarantee their inclusion in local affairs if they accept Christianization and five days of paid labour a month.
Partly due to this, the Anggi Lakes remain as one of the most mixed, colourful, and picturesque region of Eastern New Guinea to this day. The proximity of different peoples living together would also give birth to new families, some of whom would play an outsized role in the future of the island…
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Muhammadiyah University of Surabaya
Name: Kakabusan Bauw
Date: 19/1/2003
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AUTO-PLAGRISIM CHECK
ASSIGNMENT (RESEARCH PAPER): Historical Compilation of Islam in New Guinea
SECTION 3: Advances in Dutch Papua
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…by all means, the west-jutting Onin Peninsula could be said as the farthest point of both Dutch and Islamic influence in New Guinea. But this status quo was shattered by the partitioning of the island during the early 1880’s.
At first, the Dutch authorities were confused as to their objectives in such a remote piece of land. Dutch Papua was heavily forested, full of primitive tribes, and far from the main commercial and trade centres of the East Indies. While there was the potential of valuable mineral and ore deposits in the central mountains, the rough and largely unfooted terrain made for a daunting prospect for any geologist or prospector.
But as time went on, and as their colonial neighbours began settling New Guinea with their own settlers, farmers, and planters, there was a sense among Batavian officials that formal rule must be established to enforce their claim on the island. After a land deal was signed with the sultanate of Ternate for the Onin Peninsula in 1890, the Dutch began establishing a trading post that would later become the modern-day city of Fakfak. Reluctant clerks and officers were sent there to set up a rudimentary administration while missionaries were sent far and wide to Christianise the native peoples.
But this was made difficult by the native Islamic village-states [5]. Through it all, the tiny fishing villages that dot the northern and central coasts of Onin had received, through the centuries, enough contact with the Moluccas to reach a religious “critical mass”. Several of these settlements had already converted to Islam before 1880. A few had even enthroned their headman as native rajahs, though their power is often checked by tribal values and were limited to just the very village they ruled, with a few surrounding hamlets, islands, and bays at the most.
But the coastal state of Patipi went further. Situated around the Fatagar Cape, it had the most contact with the archipelagos of the west, and the centuries of Moluccan contact had also accumulated a band of tribal nobles with far-reaching visions. After his enthronement, the new Sultan Fahim Kanumbas quickly set out to transform the land, hoping to retain as much as he could from the Western nations that were planting their roots. Local imams were tasked to preach to the interior peoples of the Onin Peninsula while scholars from the Moluccas were courted to live and work in his new village-capital of Tanisapata.
Sadly, few took up the offer. Western Papua was too tribal, too distant, and too different for many learned men of the west, whom viewed the local tribes with condescension and disdain. The fact that Fahim Kanumbas’ state blended native traditions and rituals to Islamic thought drove off many more whom cared past race.
Regardless, the creeping influence of Patipi in the west and north began to make itself known to the Dutch, whom were busy promoting their own missionaries up and down the coast from Fakfak. While the sultanate acquiesced to Dutch rule in 1893, it continued to promote imams to proselytise in the interior. Throughout the 1890’s, the Peninsula of Onin and larger region of Bomberai formed the scene of an unspoken war, where missionaries and clerics fanned out across forests, mountains, bays, and islands to see how much they can save in indigenous souls…
VERDICT: 37% SENTENCES MATCHED
THERESHOLD EXCEEDED
MARKS: 0/100
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Notes:
Firstly, Neupommern Island = OTL
New Britain.
And before you ask, that photo of a lake surrounded by mountains is
Anggi Gida, not somewhere in Europe or the Americas. Makes me want to wander around the hills…
1. See post #723.
2. Partly OTL. The Colonial Office had doubts as to Queensland’s intentions towards British New Guinea because of it blackbirding history. The Australian territories were also hesitant on pooling their resources IOTL, though they cleared that up by 1900.
3.
Emma Eliza Cole was a real figure who really owned enormous tracts of land across German New Guinea. unfortunately, her business collapsed when she sold her plantations before the territory's takeover by the British and Australians following WWI.
4. Unfortunately, this was also IOTL.
5. Islam really did reach New Guinea IOTL, though conversions were very fragmented and whatever polities that formed were mostly small (think village-level small) and were more akin to lone vassals whom look to the authorities of faraway sultans rather than, say, the Bruneian Empire.
EDIT: cleared a few spelling mistakes and added some links in the notes.