Lands of Red and Gold, Act II

Not that I expected any less of Tjuwagga, but I am glad that he is making sure he approaches Pinjarra's philosophy at his own pace. I'd anticipated Pinjarra being some kind of Kautilya or Nizam al-Mulk for this growing empire, but you've really made the interaction between emperor and philosopher something unique. I look forward to more interaction between them, and to seeing whether Pinjarra moves from being sort of passively interested in the Dominion for curiosity's sake to being actively invested in its further progress.
Glad you liked the interaction between them. This is one of these cases where, as hinted at in the conclusion, the legacy of each of them and their interaction will live on long after both of them have breathed their last on this mortal realm.

In terms of interactions between them, the point of paying the ransom was that Pinjarra was now free to leave. For at least the short term, he will do so. He is always willing to share is insights, but as he said earlier in the chapter, this would not have been his first choice of destination. This hasn't been the last of Pinjarra, but he won't feature directly in the next couple of chapters.

More broadly, this chapter adopts a similar technique to the main one being used for the Hunter - very rarely is anything shown from his perspective. Instead, what is shown is how others interact with him. The effects of his interactions with Pinjarra will be shown in how he administers new territories and sets up the governance of the Dominion. (And to an extent already has been; this chapter was chronologically set before the descriptions of the Consolidation in the previous chapter, but many of the consequences flow afterwards, including how the Hunter decided to get the former people of Daluming to really get behind him).

It would seem to me that Watjubaga remains a big counterexample to Pinjarra's point about allowing the Ordinary a space within the system making that system sustainable. If I recall, a big problem with Watjubaga's setup was that governors began to identify their subjects' interests with their own, and used local support to establish de-facto independence. Of course, one could say that it was the Biral's fault for being so ethnically exclusive-- by not allowing the Ordinary a way into Biral status, they guaranteed an outcome where the Ordinary seek to either capture the local state structure or expel it.
Pinjarra's analysis of Watjubaga would indeed be along those lines. Their empire was ruled by the ruling ethnicity, for the benefit of the ruling ethnicity, and any benefits which flowed to the other ethnicities were almost incidental. They did get some benefits from the security of the Empire, during its height, and the spread of literacy, crops and technology, but the Biral weren't doing that to benefit others. The Biral were ruling for their own interests, and had no interest in integrating others, only in ruling them. This meant that once the local governors identified more with their subjects' interests than with that of the central government, they quickly concluded that their interests were best served by standing apart from the Empire.

In short, Pinjarra would view Watjubaga as a clear example of how the Blade did not lead to lasting rule because they never sought to incorporate the Ordinary.

Even in the admittedly very successful case of Tjibarr-style factions, assimilating the Ordinary on their terms instead of the ruler's seems risky. The various color factions are a sustainable system for now, and the way they guarantee lifelong training for negotiating with Europeans has been massively beneficial. But how will they respond to a real crisis, like a threat of being steamrolled by the Dominion or facing discontent from within? Malligo's defection to the Dominion and his ominous remarks on "bringing harmony back home" seem to imply that the factions, or members of them, are capable of putting themselves above the nation.
The Tjibarri faction system essentially operates to channel internal discontent and ambition, by giving anyone a way to rise within the system rather than needing to break it. Upward and downward social mobility, for the elite. Less obviously, it also gives the ordinary working classes a stake in keeping the faction system running. Workers and farmers are free to relocate and change factions. This means that the elite rely on the goodwill of the masses, since, for example, paying your farmers a pittance wouldn't work, when they could switch factions or even different lords within the same faction. People with talent can be, and are, promoted quickly. It also means that wealth really does trickle-down here, since if it doesn't, the workers will find someone else to pay them more. (It helps that this has generally been a case of labour shortage for the last few centuries). This has some side benefits in terms of interactions with Europeans, but even then the biggest advantage of Tjibarr has been simple geography; the Europeans can't conquer their heartland (and know it), leading to them being required to diplome instead.

That said, the system certainly has its drawbacks as well as benefits. As you note, if an outside foe really does look like they can prove a threat, then there is the temptation to switch sides to them. It also throws up a lot of people who are very high in ego, which can lead them to making decisions which are bad for the nation but good for them personally.

On the subject of Watjubaga, what has Garrkimang City been doing since the establishment of Yigutji? Do the Yigutji kings maintain it in any way? Its population has no doubt shrunk, but is the site fully abandoned? Do the surrounding folk still identify as Biral? And given how much the Hunter seems to have it in for the country that took Burren from him, will he damage the site in some way or decide to preserve it? I suppose it might be cool for him to take bricks from Garrkimang and use them to build a Tjarrling temple somewhere in the Five Rivers, or even back in Cankoona. Garrkimang once extracted resources from the Yalatji and Butjupa periphery, now the tables are turned around a millienium later...
Garrkimang is still one of the three largest cities in Yigutji. It's much smaller than it was at its height, and also much smaller than Yigutji City is today, but it's not abandoned or anything close to it. It remains at the centre of a productive agricultural stretch of land, and has developed a number of agricultural support industries: iron-working, kunduri processing, leather-workers and tanners, and so forth. Much of its old architectural heritage still stands, though certainly not all.

The Yigutjians see themselves as heirs to the Biral, although they tend to call themselves more Yigutjian than Biral - that latter name is more used by their neighbours than themselves. Their main language is a direct descendant of the Biral language.

The Hunter doesn't have anything much against Garrkimang as a city; his hatred is directed more at the capital than the rest of the kingdom. He certainly wants to subdue all parts of the kingdom, and would want to conquer Garrkimang as much as anywhere else, but his usual rules would apply: submit and you will probably live, defy him and get a one-way ticket to visit your ancestors.

Also, what do the Tasmanian Kurnawal think of Tiyanjara? Did they supply men and arms to their mainland compatriots during the Tiyanjara rebellion? I wouldn't expect unification between the two, as the British can't be seen to be favoring the Kurnawal too much at the expense of the Yadji, but how deep is the cultural and economic exchange between the two Kurnawals?
Before the successful mainland Kurnawal rebellion, the answer was "not much." The languages had diverged enough that they were not readily mutually intelligible, and the island Kurnawal thought of themselves as superior to everyone else, including their mainland relatives. There was some contact, as with all near-neighbours, but nothing which motivated the islanders to send any support to the mainland rebels.

Things have changed simply because there is now a island-descended dynasty on the throne of Tiyanjara. They brought their religion with them, ie Plirism. That said, Tiyanjara nowadays looks to France more than to Britain. There is currently religious competition amongst Cider Isle-descended Plirism, French Catholicism, and defenders of their traditional religions. There are also more meaningful cultural exchanges with the Cider Isle, such as the importation of the island Kurnawal poetic tradition.

I had started a chapter exploring Tiyanjara, but due to various other commitments have never finished it. I expect I will pick it up again some time after finishing the Hunter sequence.
 
A wonderful chapter. I wish I had more to add, but at this point I'm just waiting to see how things play out. The Hunter chapters are narratively some of the strongest I've seen on this site.
 

zhropkick

Banned
This is a fantastic timeline. I have a question though - why did Aururians never domesticate sorghum? If I remember correctly, more than half of the world's sorghum species are in Australia. Are they too poisonous to be domesticated or something?
 
A wonderful chapter. I wish I had more to add, but at this point I'm just waiting to see how things play out. The Hunter chapters are narratively some of the strongest I've seen on this site.
Glad you like it.

I think that the Hunter chapters are helped because I waited to write them in a sequence, and had some time to polish them a bit as they were waiting a while. This helps to make things run together more smoothly than if I just post chapters as I write them.

This is a fantastic timeline. I have a question though - why did Aururians never domesticate sorghum? If I remember correctly, more than half of the world's sorghum species are in Australia. Are they too poisonous to be domesticated or something?
Australia does have the majority of Sorghum species, but with only one or two exceptions, most of them are in northern Australia. This is out of the range of where agriculture starts, or indeed where their agriculture thrives at all until around 1400. The only Sorghum species that I know for sure lives in the agricultural areas of *Australia is S. leiocladum. This is not a horrible candidate for agriculture, but its seeds are not particularly large or attractive, so it doesn't leap out as a "must-domesticate" candidate.

The other reason I didn't have much in the way of domesticated cereal crops is that ITTL, agriculture started with tubers and perennial trees, not with cereals. This means that the agricultural technology which develops is more oriented toward managing and harvesting those crops, and cereals offer no particular attractions over those, so the right technology doesn't really develop. Once the initial crop package is established, then in most cases the focus is on using those crops and on other new domesticates which are suited to the same technology, rather than developing the technology needed for harvesting cereals. There was one exception (alpine rice), but that was due to localised circumstances, and even that hasn't spread very far.
 
Lands of Red and Gold #117: A Matter of Skin
Lands of Red and Gold #117: A Matter of Skin

“A coward turns away, but a brave man's choice is danger.”
- Euripides (480 BC-406 B.C.), Greek playwright. Iphigenia in Tauris, l. 114.

* * *

Murrghini: the Kingdom of the Skin. The kingdom of the Patjimunra, a people who live along the Kuyal Valley [Hunter River]. The second-largest state on the east coast of pre-Houtmanian Aururia. One of the eastern ends of the Spice Road which anciently brought those desired commodities to the more populous states further west. The largest miner of coal on the continent.

The King of the Skin rules over a people who are legendarily insular in their attitudes to the wider world. They are divided into five ginhi [“skin” or caste] which have defined occupational codes, and strict rules about intermarriage and other social interactions. They see the rest of the world as being Skinless, not worthy of their interest. They produce spices, products so valued that traders have long come to them, from the Five Rivers, the Nangu and the Māori. This permits them to buy the few outside commodities which interest them, and means that only a small minority of their people ever venture beyond the borders of their kingdom.

The King of the Skin has a capital at Kinhung [Maitland, NSW], and claims rule over all the Patjimunra. The effective authority of the king’s writ has varied over time, with usually at least one outlying region possessing effective independence as a city-state. At the time of first European contact in 1618, three Patjimunra city-states maintained independence: Torimi [Corlette / Salamander Bay], Gwalimbal [Wollombi] and Ghulimba [Morriset / Dora Creek]. Soon after, in 1630, Ghulimba fell to the Malarri people migrating up from the south, though it retains a significant Patjimunra population.

European and Nuttana traders frequently tried to persuade the King of the Skin to agree to permanent trade deals or a permanent colonial presence. Secure in their insularity, successive Kings of the Skin rejected all such efforts. Their only real addition to foreign trade was that they purchased some firearms for their own internal wars, to protect against raids from migrating peoples, and later against the threat of Pakanga raids from Aotearoa.

Not even the fabled introspection of the Patjimunra could protect the Kingdom of the Skin from European diseases. These took a heavy toll of the population, as they did elsewhere in Aururia. They also had indirect effects, with many more displaced peoples migrating across the kingdom’s borders despite the best endeavours of the soldier caste to keep them out. In spite of the strong restrictions on caste, and priestly fulminations, Patjimunra society found a new place for the displaced migrants, who were essentially integrated into a new, lowly sixth caste. The plagues also led to some religious dissent, which was reflected in new schools of thought amongst the priestly caste, and in an expansion in the percentage of the population who had converted to Plirism.

Despite many problems, the Kingdom of the Skin remained a functional state into the eighteenth century. European efforts to destabilise it via intrigue and sponsored Māori raids failed. Disease took a toll but did not break it. Immigration of many displaced peoples led to some social disruption but helped to restore some of the lost population, and the newcomers were gradually integrated. The Kings of the Skin even managed to recapture some lost territory, with Ghulimba and Torimi both reconquered shortly after the turn of the century.

However, the greatest challenge that Murrghini had ever faced arose when the Hunter began his series of Yaluma (crusades) against east coast kingdoms, culminating with the conquest of Daluming. Following that, he began to send raids into Patjimunra territory. Even the Kings of the Skin could no longer pretend that there was nothing important outside the kingdom’s borders when cavalry raids became a monthly occurrence.

In August 1715, foregoing their traditional neglect of the outside world, the King of the Skin entered discussions with Yigutji emissaries about possibilities for mutual support if the Hunter resumed open conquest against either state.

[Note: For more information about the Patjimunra and their history, see previous posts #79 and #88.]

* * *

9 January 1716
Cankoona [Toowoomba, QLD], the Neeburra [Darling Downs]
Dominion of Harmony

Malligo still thought of himself as Malligo of the Blues, no matter that he had been stripped of his title and honours for consorting with the Hunter. He had earned his title, and would call himself that until he earned a new title that was worthy of equivalent respect.

Two guards escorted him into the Hunter’s presence, as had been the case with every audience with the warlord. Unnecessary, of course. Even if he had come to Cankoona with violence in mind, he would never do anything so stupid as seeking to assassinate the Hunter in his own throne room.

The summons here suggested that the recognition he sought should be coming at last. For the Hunter to have sought one private meeting with a Tjibarri exile was to be expected, though Malligo had left discussion of matters of faith to the priests he had sent to Cankoona ahead of him. Even the second meeting could have been courtesy for a wealthy co-religionist. To be summoned to this, the third private meeting, was a sign that the Hunter truly valued his counsel.

As it should be, given my worth. Malligo had not uprooted his residence, destroyed his reputation, and severed every political and commercial contact he had built over his life to become a minor functionary of a Tjarrling warlord. He had come here because he believed that the Hunter had the power to conquer Tjibarr, something which had not been done since the long-vanished days of the First Speakers [1]. He wanted to become a powerful figure here, not a powerless émigré.

The Hunter looked plainly-dressed, as usual, and with a charming grin, also as usual. Speaking in Nuttana, he made some polite enquiries about Malligo’s health and his presence in harmony, to which Malligo responded in kind.

The Hunter then said, “I have asked you here to hear your thoughts on several matters. First, where do you think the next conquest should be?”

Malligo said, “This has been the topic of much discussion amongst the people of Cankoona as to whether you will march on Yigutji or the Kingdom of the Skin. Most, of course, believe it will be Yigutji.” Malligo thought it best not to comment on the small number who asked whether the Hunter would dwell forever in indolence at Cankoona.

“Do they?” asked the Hunter, his tone neutral.

“Yes. Naturally, this means that you will choose to invade the Patjimunra.”

“You are perceptive.”

Malligo shrugged. “Part of it is to be contrary to what people are anticipating, to keep them from becoming comfortable that they know you, and also in case word spreads to your enemies ahead of time.”

‘And the rest?”

“To let your army become more experienced, to gain more wealth and perhaps more recruits from the rest of the Sunrise Lands.”

The Hunter said, “Also because the Raw Men greatly desire spices, and conquering the rest of the Sunrise Lands will force them to trade with my Dominion, in a position where I hold all of the bargaining power.”

“A monopoly is a marvellous thing, if it can be maintained. Kunduri used to be exclusive to the Five Rivers, though now the Nedlandj grow it also. Not the best strains, fortunately. Expect similar Raw Men efforts to steal the cultivation of spices.”

“I shall remember that,” the Hunter said. “But while my people are over-eager in naming Yigutji, they have good grounds. The Five Rivers is the great prize. It always has been.”

“The greatest prize is the hardest to win.”

“Ah. You doubt I can conquer the Five Rivers?”

“You cannot conquer it. Not yet.”

“You are blunt.”

“You want truth, not sycophancy,” Malligo said. “The truth is that you do not yet have enough men. Your men have courage, which is good, and horses, which are better. They have your generalship, and the experience of your Warego, which is also excellent. But there are far, far more men under arms in the Five Rivers than in the Dominion. They could afford for you to kill two men of theirs for every one you lose, and still overwhelm you. Probably even three men to one.”

“So, you think that the Five Rivers cannot be defeated in a grand battle, as the Kiyungu were at Wu Yung Fields and the Daluming were at Mandalong?”

“No. One great battle will not defeat the Five Rivers, even if you kill or capture everyone they send in their first army. Two or three great battles may suffice, perhaps, if they can be brought out of siege to fight, but not one. Nor are they divided in the same way that many of your previous enemies have been, so you cannot destroy them piecemeal as you have done to the Kiyungu and the Gemlanders.”

“More men.” The Hunter stayed quiet for a time, then said, “Doubtless you also have thoughts on where I can obtain more men.”

“You are already gathering them. The longer and better your rule the new lands of the Dominion, the more you can recruit men from them, both to serve directly and because if you have trustworthy local recruits, you can release the garrisons that are keeping order there. Conquer the Patjimunra and elsewhere in the Sunrise Lands, and in time you can recruit more good men from there, too.”

“You have the look of a man who has more to say,” the Hunter said. “Speak on.”

“It is on a related matter. In Tjibarr, we had long known that raising the men is only half the battle; feeding the men is the other half. We moved supplies by water easily enough, within the Riverlands. You will need to do the same for your armies. Supplies can be pillaged, sometimes, but not reliably. Keep up the breeding of your cattle here – the pause for your Consolidation is good at letting you rebuild your herds – and they can be moved to supply larger armies with food, which is excellent.”

“I could bring a larger army south if I did not need to hold forces to conquer the remaining Kiyungu,” the Hunter mused. “But no peace with the Nuttana and their vassals.”

“It need not be peace. A ceasefire for an agreed time would suffice.”

“They must be conquered.”

Malligo shook his head. “They should, and they will be, in time. But there is a saying in the Five Rivers: one who tries to gather two quandongs [desert peach] with one hand will drop both. Your conquest in the north consumes more of your men, and you will need them all in the south. You cannot risk moving against the Five Rivers in full force if the Nuttana and Kiyungu may bring mercenaries against your rear while your forces are committed in the south.”

“You have had dealings with the Nuttana. Do you think they will accept a ceasefire?”

“Yes, provided that you permit them to trade with you during the ceasefire. The Nuttana have lost much of their trade; the chance to restore it will placate them, for a time. You can always block trade again when you resume the war, or even before if you wish.”

“A valuable suggestion,” the Hunter said. “I will consider whether to offer them a ceasefire after I have conquered a city or two more.” He paused again; he seemed to have several matters on his mind. “Everyone speaks of Tjibarri guile, from those who bargain with their traders to the worthy Pinjarra himself. What would you say about it?”

I hope he does not suspect me of guile in coming here. Malligo briefly considered that, then rejected it. If the Hunter feared duplicity from him, then he would not ask such a question, he would exile him or simply execute him. Yalatji could be refreshingly direct when compared to the intricacies of Tjibarri politics.

Malligo said, “It is something to beware of, but it can be managed. When you come to Tjibarr, it will be a matter of war. Tjibarri guile can be employed on the battlefield, as it can elsewhere, but craftiness on the battlefield is part of your vision, too. Be alert for it, of course, but do not let caution of it overwhelm you.”

“And once the Five Rivers is conquered?”

“Then it will be harder to detect, but also something which gives you more time to search it out and uproot it. We can discuss more of how that can be arranged as the time approaches.”

“I shall remember that. Now, aside from their guile, I would ask your views on what Tjibarr will do to prepare for fighting my conquering armies.”

“Diplomatically, reinforce the alliance with Gutjanal and Yigutji. Do what they can to keep Durigal from interfering, though I doubt the Yadji would bestir themselves while still engrossed in their own religious arguments. Keep the Raw Men friendly, as best as can be managed.

“Militarily, they will be preparing for war. Building fortifications, rebuilding city walls, training more soldiers and factionaries, buying as many arms and powder as they can from the Raw Men, or making some themselves. Most of all, they will train cavalry as fast as they can breed or import the horses. They have already started down that path.”

“Cavalry is what would make them the most dangerous,” the Hunter said.

“Indeed. My remaining friends amongst the Blues – and others who follow the Seven-fold Path – are keenly joining their new units of cavalry. Once the training has been completed, they will steal as many weapons, powder and horses as they can… and come to join me in serving your banner.”

The Hunter grinned widely. “Manage that, and I will make you a Warego and give you the battalion to command.”

* * *

4 October 1716
Cankoona, the Neeburra
Dominion of Harmony

All of the Warego, in council assembled, save one. Minjaree still commanded the siege of Beyral [Buxton] far to the north, though Kyulibah had been recalled to the council.

So many brave commanders here, the first time there had been a full council in more than a year. So many men who could be both foes and rivals. Yongalla, who had led the last Horse-Men alliance against the Hunter before submitting to his superior vision. Kyulibah, a living terror in battle. Goonawa, whose softly-spoken manner and avid pursuit of any unclaimed woman belied the fact that he was second only to the Hunter himself in his ability to read a battlefield and judge the required tactics. Nowenrat, whose skill in riding to the hunt was legendary.

Jowarra, the oldest and most experienced Warego, knew each of these men, and the lesser Warego. He did not like all of them, but he knew them. What concerned him now was the newest Warego, the only one who was not a North-Man [Yalatji] or South-Man [Butjupa]. Malligo, he called himself, a former Tjibarri who had come north to pledge his service to the Hunter and the True Heir [i.e. Tjarrlinghi].

Jowarra approved of the misguided adherents of Plirism coming to a proper understanding of the Seven-fold Path. What he disapproved of was how Malligo himself had been raised to the status of Warego after persuading a few hundred River-Men to come north to form a new unit, the Harmony Battalion.

The deed was a worthy one, but elevation to a commander was not. Malligo was young. Not a fatal flaw, but where the Hunter had proven himself in battle in his youth, Malligo had never commanded men in battle at all, and had only served in one or two minor clashes. He was a newcomer to the Neeburra. He was not even fluent in any useful language; he spoke some Yalatji, but still required an interpreter to sit beside him to murmur translations.

Yet by all reports, the High Warego [i.e. the Hunter] sought advice from him. It was not proper. Malligo had not yet proved himself sufficiently to offer advice worth having, and especially not to take command in battle.

The Hunter strode into the council, without announcement as always, and Jowarra put his concerns to one side. The High Warego went around the chamber, offering personal greetings to each man. When he came to Jowarra, he smiled and said, “No fresh scars from your latest jaunt into Tjibarr?”

“River-Men are always slow in battle,” Jowarra said, returning the grin.

“Excellent!” The Hunter clapped him on the shoulder and moved on.

Jowarra noted, with some relief, that Malligo was the last of those greeted.

After finishing his circuit of the room, the Hunter said, “Warego, attend! I have chosen that the time of Yaluma will soon come again!” He waited for the cheers to subside, and continued, “The Riders shall strike to the south-east, into the lands of the Patjimunra. That is my decision. What I would hear your wisdom on is the best route to invade them. You have each led or spoken to raiders who have targeted the Patjimunra, by different paths.”

An unpleasant omen. Usually, the High Warego let Jowarra open discussions of strategy, as befit his status as the most senior and experienced of all Warego. This time, the High Warego had spoken first, and not even invited Jowarra to speak next. Ill fortune, or has this River-Man poisoned his thoughts against me?

Even without an invitation, Jowarra took the opportunity to set the framework for the discussion. He said, “There are two man routes: along the coast, or inland. The inland route is the one we have most commonly used in raids, riding south through easier country and the subdued Panjimundra [2], then crossing the mountains east into Patjimunra lands. The coastal route can also be used, riding south across more difficult country, with hills and rivers, then entering Patjimunra lands from the north.”

Yongalla said, “A question, first, before we speak. The Patjimunra are wealthy, but are they the only target? There is also the Loomal, and the lesser chiefs who rule along the coastal path between Daluming and the Patjimunra.”

The Hunter said, “All must fall in time, but whether the Loomal or Patjimunra should be first is what I wish to hear from you.”

The Warego argued at length about the merits of the two routes. The proponents of the inland route, Jowarra among them, argued that travelling inland was quicker and easier, with mostly flat country, fewer rivers, and those more easily forded in many places. They said that men, horses and cattle could be more quickly moved into the Kingdom of the Skin.

The proponents of the coastal route, led by Yongalla, argued that the country might be more difficult, but that it would allow the weaker Loomal to be conquered first. They also declared that striking the Patjimunra from the north allowed more choice of routes to strike at different parts of the Kingdom, while coming west meant going through only a couple of mountain passes which were more restricted.

After a time, Jowarra said, “Travelling by the coast means that the Raw Men or Nuttana may strike by sea, at the cattle coming behind our horses. They will be bestirred anyway, if we are conquering the Loomal first, and may act against us as they did when we conquered Daluming.”

Malligo had been silent during the discussion so far, but now he sent a half-glance at the Hunter, who shook his head in permission to speak.

The River-Man said, “A question. For those who have raided the Patjimunra, do you judge them more likely to come out to battle at once, or retreat into fortifications and force us to siege.”

“Siege,” three Warego said at once, Jowarra among them.

Malligo said, “If it is siege, then our armies will need to obtain food, too. Many a siege has failed because the besiegers could not obtain sufficient food once they had plundered the nearby countryside.”

“We had no difficulty bringing in food while besieging the Kiyungu League cities,” Jowarra said.

“Did anyone there try to interfere with you moving the cattle herds to the right place?” Malligo asked.

“Of course not, for no-one could.”

“I wish that were the same here. Yigutji still claims all of the country up to the border with Murrginhi [Kingdom of the Skin], and they are incensed with the raids they have seen lately.”

“The River-Men do not dare face us in open battle,” Jowarra said.

“Our cavalry moves too fast for them to chase, so they do not try. But cattle move more slowly. And while the mountains are easily crossed even by cattle, there are only a handful of paths across the mountains, which makes it easier to chase the cattle-herds. That would make it much harder to supply a siege if food cannot be brought in.”

“We-” Jowarra began, then stopped. Despite his dislike of the River-Man, he had to admit that Malligo raised a meaningful concern. Perhaps sufficient cavalry could protect the herds, but every rider keeping the cattle safe was one not being used against the Patjimunra.

Yongalla said, “The coastal route is one that the River-Men cannot touch. Perhaps the Raw Men may still try to strike at our herds there, but it is sure that Yigutji will attack our herds if we need to move them past there for a siege.”

Before Jowarra could formulate a reply, the Hunter said, “I have decided. The Yaluma shall be declared against the Loomal, Patjimunra and lesser chiefs. We can travel along the coast to conquer the Loomal first, to push the Raw Men further away from the Dominion.”

The Warego shouted their acclamation, Jowarra’s voice among them. He would still have preferred the inland route, on the whole, but the other choice was not horrible, and it was the Hunter who had made it.

The High Warego said, “Two further things. Jowarra, when we begin the Yaluma, you shall lead your warband on a new raid into Tjibarr. A larger raid than has been done before. Travel along the Anedeli [River Darling] into Tjibarr’s lands. Strike at them. Bypass major towns, but raid other places. Burn. Destroy. Make them fear. Avoid any large battles, but scourge them. Let Yigutji be too fearful that they might be called to aid Tjibarr to contemplate supporting the Patjimunra.”

Jowarra bowed his head in acknowledgement. Is being given a feint an honour because he thinks I will carry it out the best, or a dishonour because he will keep me from the main battle?

“Also, orders will go to Minjaree. Once he has completed the siege of Beyral and conquered its environs, he is to give this message to the next Kiyungu or Nuttana emissary he encounters: let them send a delegation to Mullumba [Petrie, QLD] to discuss terms of ceasefire.”

The Hunter paused and looked around the Warego, but none of them commented. “I have in mind to grant the northerners a three-year ceasefire. That will let us conquer the Patjimunra first, and then, while the truce holds with the northerners, to invade into the Five Rivers in strength. They must be defeated.”

Everyone cheered again, including – as Jowarra noticed with a surreptitious glance – Malligo of Tjibarr. So, he is not a complete fool. The only remaining question is whether the Hunter has decided that I am not worthy of proper battle.

* * *

From: “The World Historical Dictionary”

Harmony Battalion

A noted Aururian cavalry unit in the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries. Despite the usual translation of its name as battalion, for most of its existence it had the size and approximate function of a European regiment. The Harmony Battalion distinguished itself in several Aururian and Aotearoan wars, including the latter part of the Yaluma era, the Nine Years’ War, the War of Six Kings (Rīriri Ariki e Ono), and the Dawn War.

The Harmony Battalion was founded by Amity Nyumoon (also called Malligo) in 1716. It initially comprised about 350 cavalry of Gunnagal origin, though fighting for the Dominion. It first saw service, and first distinguished itself, in Murrginhi during the Fourth Yaluma...

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From: The Hunter and His Times
RG Toohey (1996). Oxford: University of Oxford Press.

The Consolidation lasted just short of three years, with the Hunter declaring a fresh period of Yaluma in February 1717...

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[1] That is, since Tjibarr was conquered by the rising power of the Watjubaga Empire in AD 488.

[2] The Panjimundra are a people who live in the lands which historically form part of central New South Wales, between the core of the Five Rivers and the Neeburra. The Panjimundra live in scattered towns and small city-states, and have never formed a unified polity of their own. Most of their lands are nominally claimed by Yigutji or Tjibarr, and some peoples of Yigutjian or Tjibarri descent live amongst the Panjimundra.

At some times Yigutji or Tjibarr have exercised actual control over the Panjimundra, but that control usually faded when those two kingdoms were distracted by struggles with other kingdoms. With the spread of European plagues and resulting population collapse, the Five Rivers states withdrew control from most Panjimundra lands.

The Panjimundra city-states have mostly been intimidated into submission to the Dominion’s forces, although no formal Yaluma was declared. The Dominion’s level of control is nearly as nominal as previous Yigutjian or Tjibarri rule, but it does permit unhindered military movement for Dominion forces.

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Thoughts?
 
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The Dominion will be fighting in Aotearoa!?!? Ferrying cavalry across that ocean would be an interesting piece of logistics, especially for a nation not used to ships.
Strictly speaking, the Harmony Battalion will be fighting in Aotearoa at some point. The timeframe noted is into the early nineteenth century, so that doesn't mean that the Hunter himself will be sailing across the *Tasman. It's safe to say that his short-term aims are in Aururia, not Aotearoa. Of course, for the conqueror, there is always another frontier...

What's Maori for "divine wind"?
Tāwhiri-mātea is the Māori god of wind and storms. Draw whatever conclusions you want from the fact that I could name him without looking anything up.

When are we going to get a chapter on the Nutannese navy?
Not in the short term, since that would mostly come up in the context of fighting another naval power. The Dominion is not (yet) a naval power, so that won't be for a few chapters yet. Unless there's a time skip, of course.

But a chapter on Aururian shipbuilding is something I need to work into the timeline at some point. The Nuttana are the premier Aururian shipbuilders, but not the only one; new techniques are also evolving elsewhere.

Or maybe the Harmony Battalion turns mercenary?
Or "mercenaries", if someone in Aururia is trying for plausible deniability. That's a Tjibarri technique originally, but then the Harmony Battalion is founded by someone who was exiled from Tjibarr, and its founding members are all Gunnagal.
 
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Will this "War of Six Kings" be the Aotearoan theater of what seems to be an alt-Seven Years' War that goes on for two more years? Of the 10 iwi of Aotearoa, 4 primarily deal with the Nuttana, 2 with the English, 2 with the French, 1 with the Dutch, and Waikato has multiple patrons. Assuming only 6 are involved, seems either that the Nuttana are neutral while all the other European nations fight two-to-one, or the Nuttana are dealing with exactly one European power while the other 2 remain neutral, or the Nuttana and one European ally are acting against some external enemy (the Dominion?) while the other 2 Euros are neutral. All of those scenarios seem unlikely though...
 
Ah, the build-up to the invasion of the Five Rivers is excellent. I know you're not a huge fan of writing battle scenes Jared, but will we get any in this sequence? Or perhaps we'll get some DoD-style Great War semi-poetic broad sweeps. Either will be great. Particularly keen to see the Yadji get theirs. How much more of Act II is there post-Hunter? As in, do you think we'll get to see the start of Act III this year?
 
Malligo is perhaps the best advisor the Hunter could have, the Hunter just needs to make sure that Malligo’s surivival depends Hunter’s success.
 
Given we're now in the early 18th century have the militias of the various kingdoms (including The Dominion) in Aururia adopted the principle of uniforms yet? Or does everyone still turn up for battle dressed in whatever was still clean enough to wear that morning?
 
Will this "War of Six Kings" be the Aotearoan theater of what seems to be an alt-Seven Years' War that goes on for two more years? Of the 10 iwi of Aotearoa, 4 primarily deal with the Nuttana, 2 with the English, 2 with the French, 1 with the Dutch, and Waikato has multiple patrons. Assuming only 6 are involved, seems either that the Nuttana are neutral while all the other European nations fight two-to-one, or the Nuttana are dealing with exactly one European power while the other 2 remain neutral, or the Nuttana and one European ally are acting against some external enemy (the Dominion?) while the other 2 Euros are neutral. All of those scenarios seem unlikely though...
The War of Six Kings is a separate war to the Nine Years' War; I can say that much. I can't go too much into what it involves without spoiling other parts of what's to come. I can say that Aotearoa is not a static place, so don't assume that the same ten kingdoms which were around in 1700 will still be there when the War of Six Kings rolls around.

Ah, the build-up to the invasion of the Five Rivers is excellent. I know you're not a huge fan of writing battle scenes Jared, but will we get any in this sequence? Or perhaps we'll get some DoD-style Great War semi-poetic broad sweeps.
There will be at least one battle scene where the actual combat is described. It's quite true that I struggle to write battle scenes, which is why LoRaG has seen relatively few (though I did enjoy writing the final battle between the Yadji and Nuyts's conquistadors). But the other reason is that I've tried describing the battles in a variety of ways, such as the difference between the description of Wu Yung Fields (the great battle with the Kiyungu) and the "historian's battle report" for the Battle of Mandalong. The remaining chapters in the Hunter sequence continue to experiment in various ways.

How much more of Act II is there post-Hunter? As in, do you think we'll get to see the start of Act III this year?
How much of Act II is depicted really depends on how much detail I choose to go into - or get encouraged to go into, in some cases. There's enough material there that I could easily write twenty-plus chapters before things even get to the buildup to the Nine Years' War. The Nine Years' War sequence will probably be around 15 chapters including the lead-up, though it may be more depending on how much I depict of fronts outside of the Third World.

The other half of the consideration is that finishing Act II is heavily dependent on how much writing time I get this year. Life is ever busier, alas, and so if writing time is limited, naturally I won't get into Act III for a while longer.

So in short: maybe yes for Act III this year, maybe not.

Malligo is perhaps the best advisor the Hunter could have, the Hunter just needs to make sure that Malligo’s surivival depends Hunter’s success.
Malligo has backup plans. He's a Gunnagal, so that more or less goes without saying. But at present, for him to have any future in the Dominion, he needs the Hunter alive. None of the other Warego would leave him in power, viewing him as both an imperfect believer and as a foreigner.

Given we're now in the early 18th century have the militias of the various kingdoms (including The Dominion) in Aururia adopted the principle of uniforms yet? Or does everyone still turn up for battle dressed in whatever was still clean enough to wear that morning?
Tjibarr long had uniforms anyway; a legacy of their factions wearing colours for everyday purposes. The rest of the Five Rivers and the Yadji gradually adapted uniforms in response to that, in combination with growing European influence (in the Yadji's case). Daluming adopted uniforms under European influence too. The Kiyungu never really adopted the concept, and nor (at first) did the Yalatji and Butjupa. At present the people of former Daluming are the only ones in the Dominion who consistently use uniforms, though the practice is gradually spreading.
 
Is Western Aururia just Badlands or are there any significant civilisations there?

I can't remember if you mentioned anything happening in that area.
 
Is Western Aururia just Badlands or are there any significant civilisations there?

I can't remember if you mentioned anything happening in that area.
If you mean all of the western half of the continent, then yes, there's the significant realm of the Atjuntja in the south-west, with a realm stretching north to approximately *Shark Bay. Now effectively a Dutch protectorate, of course.

If you mean the northwestern coast of Aururia, from a European perspective, not much. The land is not very appealing to Europeans. There have been various explorations and a handful of missions set up by the Portuguese, some of which have failed. Other than that, the region still largely remains under the control of the indigenous inhabitants, who do not live in large cities and in most cases do not farm in the European sense of the word.
 
There have been various explorations and a handful of missions set up by the Portuguese, some of which have failed. Other than that, the region still largely remains under the control of the indigenous inhabitants, who do not live in large cities and in most cases do not farm in the European sense of the word.

I remember a post from when Tiayal was still independent talking about how the indigenes were hired as scouts by the Atjuntja and told to look out for Europeans in exchange for material gifts. Have the Dutch sought to continue this cooperation or are they confident enough in their ability to spot incoming ships from serious rivals (which probably doesn't include the Portuguese yet) themselves?

Also, are the Portuguese missions in the far north governed from/protected by Timor? Has there been any development of Timor (defenses, etc.) in line with any new responsibilities it's taking on?

Finally, how does Ft. Nassau compare to the White City in terms of importance? The White City is the VOC's main point of contact with the remaining structures of Atjuntja imperial administration, but with the diffuse nature of authority outside the White City it seems like most aristocrats in the west/north would have and prefer the option of dealing with the closer Dutch settlement.
 
Which key Old World architectural features did the Aururians manage to develop independently, and which did they only discover upon contact with Europeans or others?
 
I remember a post from when Tiayal was still independent talking about how the indigenes were hired as scouts by the Atjuntja and told to look out for Europeans in exchange for material gifts. Have the Dutch sought to continue this cooperation or are they confident enough in their ability to spot incoming ships from serious rivals (which probably doesn't include the Portuguese yet) themselves?
Tiayal historically had varying levels of influence with the various non-farming peoples who were its neighbours. That particular attempt was more ambitious than most since the Atjuntja made contact further north. That influence was all largely lost during the Time of the Great Dying (1660s-1680s) as population collapse and internal rebellion meant that Tiayal lost both the interest and the ability to influence their neighbours.

The Dutch did not pick up much of that influence, deeming it of no real value as by that point they were largely at peace with the Spanish and Portuguese, while their main rivals (English, and later French) tended to operate in eastern Aururia. The main Dutch contact with northwestern Aururia is sporadic visits in case of shipwrecked sailors and the like.

Also, are the Portuguese missions in the far north governed from/protected by Timor? Has there been any development of Timor (defenses, etc.) in line with any new responsibilities it's taking on?
The Portuguese missions are in theory governed from Timor, although the actual level of control is minimal, since most of the missions are run as semi-independent religious enterprises. There's no monetary return from them, it's done largely on religious grounds. The exception is in the east, where the Portuguese outpost at Rramaji (Karumba, Queensland) is a trading base for camel caravans to the gemlands around *Emerald. The Portuguese trade a wide variety of goods for gems, including among others muskets and powder. The outpost there is quite heavily fortified, for obvious reasons.

Portuguese rule of Timor at this point includes (similarly to OTL) the islands of Flores and Solor, as well as the eastern half of Timor. It is probably slightly more fortified than at the same point in OTL - gems help to pay for a lot - but its main defence is that once the Portuguese separated from Spain, the Dutch no longer viewed them as an existential threat. The Dutch may still strike at them if an opportunity presents itself, but the Dutch reserve their main focus for competition with the English, and are less inclined to strike at Portugal.

Finally, how does Ft. Nassau compare to the White City in terms of importance? The White City is the VOC's main point of contact with the remaining structures of Atjuntja imperial administration, but with the diffuse nature of authority outside the White City it seems like most aristocrats in the west/north would have and prefer the option of dealing with the closer Dutch settlement.
The White City is by far the more important location. This is where the majority of the aristocrats live, the centre of the still-extant road network, the better harbour (which the Dutch like for their own purposes), and also closer to the goldfields, which is the other key item of interest for the Dutch. Fort Nassau serves a useful secondary purpose as a victualling station and place where the local aristocrats can trade goods without needing to go via the White City (or for ships to sail that far). But the White City is still very much first.

Which key Old World architectural features did the Aururians manage to develop independently, and which did they only discover upon contact with Europeans or others?
Depends on what gets counted on the list of key architectural features, but they have invented among others the arch, the aqueduct, concrete (though not Roman concrete), and columns. On the other hand, they needed to learn more about glassmaking to be capable of making glass windows and the like. If you had other particular architectural features you were curious about, I can give more details about those.
 
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