CHAPTER III: REGICIDE
A Week is a long time in Politics - Harold Wilson
The political atmosphere in Britain in January 1982, was radically different in comparison to itself the previous year. The breakaway of the Social Democratic Party and their subsequent alliance with the Liberal Party had created a powerful new voting bloc in Westminster, attracting defectors from across the political aisle, by the end of Christmas recess the Alliance possessed over 40 parliamentary seats. Riding on a wave of political euphoria, the Alliance would consistently remain far ahead in the polls, polling 56% in a national Poll conducted in December, a remarkable 38 point lead against the vastly unpopular Conservative Government. The SDP had enjoyed the benefits of a honeymoon period with the national press, perceived by many optimistic Britons as the future of British politics, alienated by Thatcher's monetarist policies and the controversial left wing polices of Tony Benn, considered the de-facto leader of the Labour Party. Internally the SDP experienced relatively blissful harmonious relations in comparison to the Labour Party and Conservatives, despite the diversity of Parliamentary SDP in terms of previous affiliation, internal rivalry was scarce. Perhaps due to the youth of the party at the time, members of the party remained united in a commitment to espousing a middle ground between the perceived extremes of the Labour Party and Thatcher's Conservatives. Internal organizations would flourish within the party such as Tawney Society and the Young Democrats, comprised primarily of members of the Young Conservatives who had deserted the party en-masse following Scott and Gilmour's defections the previous year. Committed to a broadly Social Democratic set of policies, Pro-European Centrism, introduction of Proportional Representation, curtailing the power of the trade unions and the fostering of strong public and private sectors without frequent frontier changes. The Party had seen an inflation in its membership from eager members of the electoral, internal party surveys showed that 55% of members had not belonged to a party before, with 25% from the Labour Party, 18% from the Conservatives and 2% from the Liberals.
In Autumn 1981, the SDP steering committee hosted a constitutional conference in order to determine how the leader would be determined, the party's membership had rapidly increased and was well-organized on a national level yet still lacked a formal leadership structure. Previously each member of the Gang of Four had been regarded as a co-equal leader, yet it had quickly come to be that Jenkins was widely regarded official party leader. The manner of how the leader would be elected would split the Gang of Four, with Jenkins and Rodgers advocating for election by the now sizeable SDP Parliamentary MPs and Williams and Owen advocating for OMOV. The event would narrowly opt to support OMOV, despite heavy protest from Jenkins. Owen, enraged by the manner in which an MPs only vote had been proposed, would urge Williams to contest the election. Despite initially refusing, following efforts by Owen and other SDP representatives, Williams would reluctantly announce her intention to run for Party leader on December the 18th 1981. The following evening, Jenkins would also signal his intention to run. Despite intense media speculation on a possible third candidate, by the time nominations closed on New Years Eve, it would be a two candidate race. The candidate race itself would be relatively calm in comparison to other leadership elections of the previous two years, the candidates had agreed not to overtly campaign, in the fear of exacerbating tensions within the young party. Practically united on issue and policy, it appeared the primary differences were those of image and personality. In an extremely close contest, 85% of the membership would return their ballots, Williams would lose by a margin of 1% and be appointed was appointed deputy party leader by the victorious Jenkins. At the same time there was a separate contest to become President of the Council of Social Democracy, an institution with representatives of every area party of the SDP, with responsibility for deliberating on, and adopting, policies. The contest would narrowly be won by Bill Rodgers, defeating Peter Walker, Stephen Hassler and Philip Whitehead in a knife edge victory.
Peter Mandelson, a young well-connected former Lambeth Borough Councillor (before stepping down following disillusion with the state of Labour's internal politics) would join the Social Democrats in December, swiftly being appointed Director of Communications. Having become one of the first in Britain in which the term Spin Doctor would be applied, Mandelson would thrive in the position, organising the SDP campaigns that would clench victory in Mitchem and Morden and Peckham by-elections. Serving as a pivotal figure in the formation of the Alliance's early electoral strategy, he would revolutionize the nature of British campaigning. The SDP had begun diverting its resources in constituencies identified as potential "Swing-Seats," in an attempt to, quite ironically, emulate Labour's electoral tactics of the 20s against the Liberals. Mandelson's team would launch a media-savy campaign, utilising television and mass media to their political advantage.
On the second of January 1982, Scotland's longest serving MP Sir Tam Galbraith would die. A prominent member of Scotland's Conservative and Unionist Party, Galbraith had held the seat for 33 years, Hillhead itself had been held by the Conservatives since its creation in 1918, however the Conservatives had seen their majority reduced in prior General Elections as the Labour Party appeared to gain ground. The opening of a new potential electoral opportunity was appealing to the Social Democrats seeking to maintain their initial momentum, especially with the preparations for an early electoral campaign. Hillhead's primarily middle class electorate and the Liberal Party's electoral history in the constituency had allowed it to be identified as a target seat for the Alliance. However the matter of who would stand as candidate quickly became an issue of debate within the Alliance. Denis Sullivan, chairman of the Scottish SDP, had indicated to Jenkins that the party in Scotland was split on who to select. At the same time, the Liberal Hillhead association had selected Chic Brodie as their candidate. It had appeared as if Brodie would be the Alliance candidate, strongly supported by Liberal leader David Steel. Brodie's fortunes however were quickly overturned when an opinion poll released by National Opinion Polls on January 7th, suggested that a Labour candidate would be more likely to clench a narrow victory over Brodie. Further surveys consistently indicated that Labour's candidate, a firm Benitte, David Wiseman maintained a lead in the polls. Eager to win Hillhead, after consultation with various executive SDP groups in Scotland, Jenkins would invite a variety of SDP and Liberal figures to his home to discuss the candidacy. Following intense and uncomfortable discussion, the Liberals would agree to support the SDP candidate in return for numerous concessions in the candidates the Alliance would nominate in the upcoming General election. The candidate chosen would be Nicholas Scott. Despite representing Chelsea, it was highly unlikely Scott would be able to hold the constituency due its position as a firm Tory Safe seat. Regarded highly as an asset to the party, Scott was widely well known for his famous/infamous defection to the SDP and his former affiliation with the Conservatives would prove beneficial in the campaign. On the 15th January, Nicholas Scott would resign his seat at Chelsea to contest as the SDP candidate for Glasgow Hill-Head.
The Conservatives ran Gerry Malone, a local lawyer, who had supported Thatcher's monetarist policies and had called for the re-instalment of the death penalty. Malone's Roman Catholic faith was often used against him in a tactic of dissuading devout Protestant voters against him. The campaign would prove to be one of the most fiercely contested in Scottish history. Scott and Wiseman would regularly exchange places in the polls, often by a margin of 1%. Wiseman was voracious in his criticism of his opponents, stating a vote for any candidate apart from him would be "A signal of support for high unemployment, inflation and policies of 'poverty' and 'despair," along with dubbing the SDP as a watered-down version of the Tories. Scott's own background as a former Conservative "Wet" would become of the subject of a majority of Wiseman's attacks, fiercely arguing that Scott was evidence that the SDP policies were no different to that of the Conservative Wets. Labour's campaign would see Labour leadership, Michael Foot and Tony Benn campaign together and address large crowds. Following a large rally on January the 25th, the
Glasgow Herald would report that despite the well-known rivalry between the two, they were "United in their criticism and distaste for Thatcher and the Alliance."
Scott proved to be an effective campaigner, appealing to many voters with his charismatics approach. Pundits often commentated that Scott's campaign was especially effective in targeting former Tory voters. Advocating for the middle ground, Scott would criticise the Governments economic policy and the "Socialist insanity" of the Labour party. Joined by Jenkins and other members of the "Gang of Four," the SDP ran a high-profile media-savy campaign. Noted providing Claret at functions, an Evening Times editor would describe it as "The classiest campaign Scotland has ever had." Williams would describe the by-election as "the last chance for Britain to find a democratic, moderate but radical alternative to revolution." Malone would argue that the trade union movement was to blame for Britain's economic woes and was especially critical of Scott, who he would label as politically ingenuine and a sell-out. Yet in comparison to his two opponents, Malone's campaign would get little support or attention from party leadership, who were too embroiled in the party leadership election, following Michael Heseltine's challenge to Thatcher's position as leader. Throughout the course of the campaign, Malone consistently would trail in third, with many correctly assuming that it was extremely unlikely for the Tories to win the seat again
The day prior to the election, the Evening Times would report a Gallup poll indicating Wiseman to win the seat with a vote share of 31.5%, Scott with 31% and Malone with 25%, with a majority of bookkeepers holding Labour as favourites to win. When interviewed later in the evening, Scott, channelling Harold Wilson, would notably state "A few hours is a lifetime in an election."
Scott would secure another electoral breakthrough for the Alliance, managed to finish comfortably ahead of Wiseman and Malone, despite only winning slightly above a third of the vote. Scott's victory would provide another source of optimism for the Alliance, now confident of their ability to challenge both parties in the upcoming election. However Brodie's deselection had raised many eyebrows within the Liberal Party, many of whom had begun to become wary of the SDP and their influence within the Alliance. An editorial in
The Glasgow Hearld the morning after the election wary wary about the conduct of the candidates in the contest, noting that while public meetings were well attended with thoughtful questions being asked, the intense rivalry between the candidates had created unnecessary tension. The result was seen as yet another humiliation for Thatcher and the Conservatives who's position in the pending Beaconsfield by-election was further threatened
A common joke popular amongst political satirists of the era was that Thatcher's only New Years Resolution was to survive 1982 without being overthrown. One of the most unpopular Prime Ministers in British History, Thatcher's year would begin with widespread civil unrest across major cities in England. In January 1982, 11.5% of the workforce was unemployed, up three million individuals. Within her own party, opposition was mounting against the Prime Minister, with the moderate One Nation/Tory Reform Group rallying behind Michael Heseltine and Jim Prior. Alienated by her policies and her purges of more Moderate "Wet" members of the the Cabinet, Heseltine, who had been removed from Thatcher's cabinet a month prior, had become overtly critical of Thatcher, with many expecting him to launch a challenge to her leadership. Thatcher, however remained dismissive of speculation of an imminent back bench rebellion and would re-affirm her commitment to her extremely controversial domestic policies, arguing that her policies of Thatcherite Austerity had lead to greater economic productivity and decrease in inflation. Such a sentiment was not universally shared, especially amongst the working class in the North of England. On the 18th January 1982, miners would vote in favour of strike action. Faced with widespread civil unrest and a public sector strike, Heseltine would take the opportunity and challenge Thatcher for the leadership of the party.
Initially viewed as a "Stalking-horse" candidate, Heseltine would signal his intention to challenge Thatcher for the leadership of the party on the 20th January. Supported primarily by the Wet faction of the party, Heseltine was endorsed by Prior (who had declined to run in the first ballot), Ted Heath and Anthony Barber amongst multiple other moderates. Thatcher remined adamant in her chances of winning, in a notable speech to Conservative MPs she declared "A vote for Heseltine is a vote for Labour, a vote for Heseltine is a vote for the Liberals, a vote for Heseltine is a vote for a spineless incompetent Government, a vote for Heseltine is a vote for inflation. No! No! No! No!"
The result of the first ballot was fiercely close, exposing many of the internal divisions within the party and just how unpopular Thatcher had become. However despite winning a narrow majority, Thatcher would be forced to contest a second ballot, due to the rules of the contest which stated that a candidate needed not just to win an absolute majority, but also to have a lead over the runner-up of 15 per cent of the total electorate. Thatcher would require a 50 seat majority in the second ballot to avoid a third and final round of voting. A visibly exhausted, the Prime Minister would announce in a press conference her intention to continue running, stating "I fight on; I fight to win." A political upset, few had expected such a close contest, sparking a hubbub of speculation in Westminster. In the midst of the euphoric excitement, the Tory Wets would find themselves divided on who to support, while Heseltine had viewed himself as a genuine candidate, he would quickly discover many did not share such a sentiment. Begrudgingly agreeing to withdraw his candidacy following promises of a Grand Office of state, Heseltine would remain bitter and exasperated, expressing his grievances in a particularly incensed manner by storming out of Jim Prior's residence. As time passed, the Wets remained at an impasse, unable to select a favoured candidate, to the further rage of Heseltine. In an attempt to hasten deliberations, Anthony Meyer would accept a nomination by Fred Silvester, despite his staunch social conservatism, the firmly Pro-European Meyer would enter the race fully expecting that it would compel one of the more prominent pro-Europeans to take a stand. Indeed Meyer's gambit would prove successful, as Jim Prior would announce his intention to contest the Second Round the following morning.
The results of the second ballot were extremely dire for Thatcher, half of the party had signalled their desire for a new leader. With mounting pressure for her resignation, a cadre of prominent Tory figures including DuCann and Whitelaw, would meet with the Prime Minister in Downing Street to urge her to resign, fearing the prospect of the party being completely divided into two. Furthermore to exacerbate the situation, the Labour Party, seeking to capitalise on Tory internal strife, was considering launching a motion of no confidence in Westminster. A teary-eyed Thatcher would inform the men of her decision the following evening, in what she described later in a BBC Interview in 1991 as the "Most stressful night of my life," Thatcher would decide, despite the urgent advice, to contest the Third Ballot. The final round, unprecedented in the Party's history, would be conducted through instant run off voting: IVF/AV. The top three candidates, Thatcher, Prior and Silvester, would proceed forward to this round. The following days would frantic campaigning by all three candidates, with many MPs joking that they required police protection to avoid the campaigners. On the 11th February 1982, the final round of voting would be held
Despite clenching a narrow victory, there was little to be joyous about within Thatcher's inner circle. The Prime Minister had survived the coup but the consequences had left the party deeply divided, virtually split into two blocs. Urging reconciliation following the results, Thatcher would embark on a series of large meetings, dinners and conferences with MPs and members of the Party alike, to hear grievances and concerns. Prior would concede defeat the following morning and call for party unity after the ballot results. Disappointed yet still emboldened, Prior found conciliatory excitement in the surprising success he and Heseltine were able to achieve. The Wet faction now held considerable power over the Government. The leadership election would be considered a pyrrhic victory for Thatcher, who was able to narrowly clench victory, yet had resulted in the bolstering of Anti-Thatcher faction, who could now posed a significant threat to the Governments majority.
The 1982 Miners Strike had threatened the survival of Thatcher's Ministry, relatively short and significantly unpopular, it would conclude on the 15th February with a majority of the public, the Winter of Discontent still fresh in their minds, supporting the Government in the affair. Yet having being e distracted by the Leadership contest, little action would be taken against the strike, instead the National Coal Board would concede an 11.5% pay-rise for the miners. In her victory speech, Thatcher would vow to never permit such wide-spread Industrial action to occur under her tenure. Seeking to diminish the power of the unions, Norman Tebbit, the Secretary of State for Employment, would propose the Industrial Relations Act of 1982 on the second of March. The bill, described as draconian by critics, heavily restricted the power of the unions. Amongst its provisions would be the restriction of the immunities of unions, strengthened requirements for industrial action to be considered lawful, requirement for all trade unions to hold a secret postal ballot prior to calling a strike, harsher penalties for unlawful action and the introduction of threshold requirements.
An incredibly controversial piece of legislation, it was immediately denounced by numerous left wing figures across Britain. Tony Benn would emerge as one of the Act's most vocal opponents, rallying the Labour Left in voracious criticism of the bill. In a Special Conference of the Trade Union Congress, the TUC would vote in favour of supporting an eight-point plan to oppose the Act, along with affirming support of militant resistance should the bill be passed. The nationwide launch of the
Fight Tebbit's Law campaign raised over two million pounds for the TUC. While polling in 1981 had indicated that the general public and a majority of trade unionists would support some of the measures in the bill, the extremity of the provisions made it increasingly polarising. Even more moderate Trade Unionists found themselves revulsed by some of the proposed penalties. As a consequence of the Unions would undergo a major re-alignment leftwards, perceiving the Labour Right as complacent in the highly unpopular measures. This "Left-Wing revolution" would become a staple of the Labour Party's leftwards trajectory. The legislation would trigger significant debate amongst the Social Democrats. While the SDP supported curtailing the power of the unions, parliamentary members were split on whether they could support some of the harsher provisions of the law. The Parliamentary SDP and Liberals would convene and agree to only support the bill should certain amendments be made, appealing to moderate Conservatives who despite their broad support of the bill also raised concerns over certain clauses. The Conservatives would enforce a three line whip on the bill, eager to secure a victory in what had been a miserable few months. The debate would rage on for multiple weeks, creating especially electric sessions, until it was narrowly passed on April 13th following a series of amendments that watered down some of the harsher provisions. Such amendments were attributed to the growing power of the Social Democrats and Liberals as an electoral bloc in Westminster.
Throughout the early stages of the year, Thatcher would continue her domestic and economic policies, the passing of the Industrial Relations Act had provided her with a much needed boost following a miserable few months, despite being unhappy with the compromises made, in her precarious situation even Thatcher was willing to accept the circumstances. The Conservatives remained deeply divided as a result of her own leadership, and her policy remained incredibly unpopular. Voraciously criticised by the charismatic Benn to widespread applause, even amongst the Alliance and her own party, during parliamentary sessions, many speculated that despite her recent victories, her premiership had reached its twilight hours. Yet she would proceed with her policies, launching another widespread series of budget cuts in the 1982 Budget, including most notably the Royal Navy, bringing it in line with the 1
981 Defence White Paper. Most notably this would see the withdrawal of HMS Endurance from the South Atlantic, decomissing of the HMS Hermes and the planned, later cancelled, sale of HMS Invincible to Australia. These cuts would later prove to be Thatcher's undoing.
On the 25th May 1982, following a developing situation in the South Atlantic, Argentina would invade the Falklands and South Georgia islands...
