Es Geloybte Aretz - a Germanwank

[carlton_bach]

23 May 1895, Friedrichsruh

The headlines blared the debacle. “Russia Breaches Treaty!”, “Russia Seizes Chinese Land!” “Russian Annexation! Prince Regent Embarrassed!”. The Berliner Illustrierte even had a picture of Russian soldiers hoisting the flag over what they called Port Arthur. The Hamburgischer Correspondent was slightly more useful and less sensationalist. For one thing, their writers knew where Liaodong peninsula was. They even had a good understanding of Chinese affairs – in fact, though Bismarck would never have admitted as much, he learned a fair bit about the situation on the ground from them. In Berlin, of course, the fate of Chinese inhabitants of Liaodong peninsula mattered very little compared to the diplomatic embarrassment the act had inflicted in the foolish Prince Regent and his snivelling upstart chancellor Caprivi. When the Czar Nicholas had called on his support to prevent the Japanese from encroaching on the borders of his maritime province, Albrecht had hesitated at first. Both France and Britain had voiced reservations about the move, and he himself saw no reason to spend political capital on a part of the globe he was not invested in. However, when the British signalled that they were not going to block the move, the German government had decided to go support Russia in its intervention. As a result, Liaodong was to remain Chinese, and Japan receive an even heavier financial indemnity from defeated China. All had gone smoothly, the treaty had been signed and sealed, and then the Russians had walked all over it and seized Liaodong for themselves. Bismarck could only guess how badly this embarrassed Emperor Meiji, but he had a very keen understanding of how acutely it was felt in Postdam. He relished the discomfort of his enemies, certainly of his successor Caprivi, and lately he had begun to even count the Prince Regent among them. In this case – he wondered. Would studied silence leave a better impression, or should he write a letter to the editor? He asensed that Caprivi was wounded, and the publisher of his memoirs had assured the Prince that the coup de grace would be administered soon. Still, better to be thorough. He rose from his armchair and called for stationery and a sandwich.

The Russian seizure of Liaodong against jointly voiced guarantees that it would remain Chinese, and thus open to Western influence and trade, greatly embarrassed Prince Regent Albrecht who had assumed a higher profile in the joint intervention than his cautious foreign policy usually allowed. Though Germany would join the undignified scramble for Chinese territory to secure its own treaty port in Kiaochow, the perfidy of the move rankled with the Berlin establishment and is often quoted by historians as the beginning of the political rift between Germany and Russia. Though an apology was, of course, unthinkable, a visit by several members of German royal families to Japan in 1897 was widely considered as a conciliatory gesture. Relations with Japan greatly improved as a result, and the German policy of supporting Japanese ambitions would pay handsome dividends soon.

 

[carlton_bach]

23 June 1895 – Opening of the Kiel Canal.

It was a grand occasion, festive, summery and suitably patriotic. Young Wilhelm III was present in his sailor's suit, awkwardly surrounded by tutors and minders whose strict looks and sometimes harsh admonitions were strongly at odds with the fact that technically, their charge was also their divinely appointed ruler. His mother and Albrecht both insisted on a thorough education and frowned on coddling the boy. Some Social Democrat papers would dare comment on his schoolboy shyness and awkward demeanour as he laid the final stone of the grand project, but on the whole, coverage was favourable. The German press mawkishly adored their sad-eyed little emperor.

Of course, everything that mattered was saisd and done, again, by the Prince Regent. Albrecht had matured beyond everyone's expectations, a gifted politician and abler orator in his severe, modest style. His speech on the opening of the canal that linked Kiel and the Elbe was a masterpiece of polished rhetoric, invoking the spirit of German engineering, the march of progress, flourishing commerce, the strength of the realm and the desire to live peacefully with its neighbours. Of course he had not written it alone, but the spirit, everyone agreed, was his. More Great Elector than Frederick II, some conservative commentators quietly deplored, but widely admired. Albrecht was an easier man to admire than love.

At the end of the festivities, towards evening, when the Emperor had been packed off to bed and the crowned heads of the empire began drifting towards dinner, the Prince Regent took the opportunity to quietly accost Sie Edward Malet, the British ambassador. “Sir,” he said, in the interestingly accented but fluent English his mother had insisted he be taught, “I realise this is but a poor copy of Suez, but imitiation, in the words of the Bard, being the sincerest form of flattery: what do you think of it?”
Malet surveyed the scene pensively for a moment, making sure no unwanted listeners were within earshot. “It is a beautiful piece of work,” he then said, “and one supremely suited to benefit commerce between our countries. And it remains the sincere wish of Her Majesty's government that it be a monument to the continued peace between them. It is admirably placed strategically, though, is it not?”
“Of course it is. Sir Edward, we must think of our defense. But my assurances stand. I seek only peace with Britain. Anything else would break my grandmother's heart.”
Sir Edward smiled

.

 

[carlton_bach]

Berlin, 17 November 1895

The book resting on the desk felt even heavier than its considerable heft suggested. Chancellor Caprivi had brought a copy to the meeting for emphasis, though both men had read it already. Bismarck's political memoirs had exploded into Berlin politics like so much dynamite. The chancellor, of course, had been the prime target of his predecessor's ire, but there was plenty said about others, including Empress Mother Victoria and the Prince Regent, that set tongues wagging. Caprivi had rarely seen Albrecht so furious.
“A timid schoolboy afraid of the whip...” he quoted a choice piece, allegedly written by Alexander III in a letter. Surely, nobody but Bismarck would have dared to write such things. Nobody but him could have hoped to get away with it. Perversely, during his own tenure, anyone publishing these things would have been prosecuted, jailed, and sued into destitution. Times had changed. Social Democratic papers today routinely printed things that bordered on libel, and the prosecution service mostly passed it over. You couldn't crucify seditious writers any longer like you could in the old days. And you certainly could not make an example of Prince Bismarck.
“It might be possible to do something.” Caprivi tentatively suggested. “Some of the documents he refers to are technically government property. We cannot prosecute him for libel, and the censorship laws do not apply, but if we could get him for betraying secrets...”
“...we would have to execute him.” Albrecht finished the sentence. “I will not be party to that. Even if it were feasible, I will not attack Bismarck. Good Lord, we owe this man so much, why did he have to go and do THAT to us?”
Gratitude had a breaking point. Albrecht's was strong, but brittle. “We can go after the publisher. And it would be possible to have libel suits brought by – other parties.”, Caprivi suggested.
“Other parties – who? Who would let his name be dragged through the mud like that?”
“Your Highness, if it has never surprised you that loyal men will readily die for their king, why would it surprise you that some will suffer dishonour? A few can be found, retired officials most likely, or diplomats from other states. There are more men in your realm that hate Bismarck than you may think. And I think Czar Nicholas might also be willing to help.”
Albrecht began to look interested. “How would he do that? Surely the Russian state will not sue for libel?”
“Not itself. But they can certainly find some official who will. And of course, we can ensure that the loyal press covers this impartially. The former Chancellor has left me a rather impressive apparatus to that end, actually.” Caprivi smiled. Bismarck's slush funds, tame hacks and crooked deals were legendary, and the framework still existed. The Prince had been honest enough to design them to be run from the Chancellor's office, not through his person.
“I still hate to hurt him. But we cannot allow this to continue. Do it.”

The intrigues that followed Bismarck's indiscretion destroyed the reputation of the Cottasche Verlagsbuchhandlung and almost wrecked the finances of its owner, Adolf Kröner. Though Bismasrck himself remained untouchable – and continued to publish damaging material – the drawn-out court battles and negative press coverage increasingly made him a marginal figure. The Vossische Zeitung compared him to a ghost of times past impotently haunting a castle that his descendants had long ago rebuilt. The Times used the rather striking image of the “madman in the attic” in an obligue reference to Jane Eyre.

Perhaps the most important outcome, though, was the near self-destruction of the parliamentary Conservatives as they fragmented into a pro-Bismarck and a pro-Albrecht faction. It did little harm to their election prospects – the Prussian voting system and rural districts saw to that - but it all but paralysed the efforts of the party at imposing parliamentary discipline and pursuinmg a unified agenda in the years between 1895 and 1898. The crowning irony saw archconservative Junker delegates defend the principle of press freedom alongside Social Democratic firebrands as Caprivi's minions destroyed Bismarck's publisher.

 

[SavoyTruffle]

Oh, Bismarck, finally having his foot in his mouth.

 

[carlton_bach]

Potsdam, 14 February 1896

“I understand your intentions, Your Highness,” Admiral von Tirpitz pointed out, visibly straining to maintain an even tone. Emotions had run high in the days prior to the final meeting, and finding himself on the losing side had proved too much for the celebrated officer. Under normal circumstances, the ingrained habit of deference would have asserted themselves much earlier. “I understand your intentions, but surely you must see that we are abdicating from any ambition to be a true power without even having tried! Surrounded by foes on all sides, we must rely on the arms of our fleet as much as our army to safeguard our realm and assert our might. Anything less would betray the trust of our Emperor. He must be given the tools for greatness, or Germany will fade into insignificance come the twentieth century.”
Sensing he had gone too far, Tirpitz stopped abruptly. His oration had been effective – that much was clear from the faces of the men around the table. Caprivi seemed almost amused, Adolf von Bieberstein, the foreign minister, more shocked. The Prince Regent silently looked out of the window for a disconcertingly long time. When he turned to face his critic, his face was unmoved and his voice level. Those acquainted with his ways understood the habit of hiding his anger, but it sometimes gave the untutored a nasty shock.
“Admiral, you may understand my intentions, but I doubt you understand the realities. I have been accused of neglecting, of starving and disrespecting my fleet.“ Albrecht, as Prince Regent, was scrupulously careful to speak of the army, the government and the treasury, but it was always his fleet. “Mostly, it seems, by those who have read one book. Admiral, that book is wrong. I could spend much time on explaoining why it is, but I doubt it would have much of an effect. I love my fleet, Admiral, and because I love it, I will not see it abused or destroyed. You yourself have said it, we are surrounded by foes and must be ready to defend ourselves from the East and West. I will not ever allow our strength to be weakened by giving in to ill-considered demands to invest ourselves in things we do not need and cannot hold. Germany's might and freedom is not defended in the Indian Ocean. If you cannot live with this, you are at liberty to resign your commission. I will wish you every good fortune in civilian life.” Momentary silence prevailed until the Prince Regent, who was not a cruel man, added, “I am sure you have duties to attend to, Admiral. Let us not keep you.”
The crispness of Tirpitz' parting salute did his sense of dignity credit.

“Your Highness,” Caprivi asked quietly, “was that wise?”
“Oh, don't tell me you haven't wanted to do that for a long time.” Albrecht retorted. “I am so completely fed up with the windbags I have to deal with these days. The Socialists with their wage schemes, Bismarck's tame conservatives, the Centrum's ridiculous cant and the National Liberals with their colonies and their thrice-damned NAVY! What am I Prince Regent for if I cannot reign sometimes?”
“I don't think you can go on making enemies at this rate, Sire.” the Chancellor pointed out mildly. “I suspect you may be rivalling me for the least liked man in Germany already.”
Albrecht nodded, returning to his usual somber mood. “We have already talked about that. I may not be able to support you if we do this. My grandfather did it for Bismarck, but...”
“...we don't want the bad old times back.” Caprivi finished, a bit harsher than the Prince Regent had intended to. Sometimes he and Albrecht had wondered privately whether the Bismarck the Conservatives extolled in the Reichstag was the same man they had known. “And, your Highness, I am not sure I would want to stay on, even if you could. The Reichstag is a madhouse these days. Without a parliamentary majority, I cannot govern. You will have to call on the Conservatives. Anyway, the rest will do me good.”
Albrecht's gaze warmed. “Do not leave me entirely, Leo. I will need wise men around me.”
“Fear not. I will always be there if I am needed. And until then, I will stay in Berlin. They cannot yet take my seat from me.”

As Caprivi foresaw, the Anglo-German Naval Agreement of 1896 destroyed his government. He resigned as Chancellor and Minister President of Prussia on 24 April and was replaced by Botho zu Eulenburg, a pro-Bismarck Conservative. The Eulenburg administration would prove brief and luckless, lacking both a stable parliamentary majority and the trust of the Prince regent, but it produced a number of important laws strengthening the hand of the Reichstag against the royal government in efforts to ram through colonial appropriations, agricultural duties and the third attempt at school reform. Meanwhile, the treaty signed on 14 February in Sanssouci proved a diplomatic masterstroke, crafted largely by Caprivi, but later credited to Albrecht himself. While it placed few constraints on Britain's independence of action – there had been no intention to go to war with Germany in London - its secret corollary offered the Admiralty the best guarantee they could hope for against German efforts to challenge their dominance of the seas. The German navy would remain a defensive force designed to battle Russia's Baltic fleet and thwart a French blockade in the event of a continental war. At the same time, the agreement on the use of territorial waters – strongly supported by the same National Liberals who fiercely opposed ending naval ambitions – offered Britain the promise of friendly trading ports in Europe in the event of a war with France while guaranteeing German shipping passage of the Channel in the same case.

Their Imperial Majesties, Queen Victoria Queen of the United Kingdom of Great Britain and Ireland and Empress of India on one side and Emperor Wilhelm III of the German Empire on the other, in their desire for mutual peace and safety, accord in the following treaty regarding their mutual defense and the freedom of their respective territorial waters.

1. The high contracting parties resolve to remain neutral in the event that any Continental power, and in particular France, should attack the other.

2. The high contracting parties resolve not to enter into any alliance against each other with any Continental power.

3. The high contracting parties undertake to guarantee the ships of the other free passage through their territorial waters and use of their ports, observing always the usages of the sea regarding the rights and duties of neutral states. They resolve to ensure the safety and free passage of each other's ships through their territorial waters to the best of their abilities and defend them against any belligerent party.

Signed: Albrecht von Hohenzollern, Prince Regent of Germany, Sir Frank Cavendish Lascelles, Her Majesty's Ambassador Extraordinary and Plenipotentiary to Germany

Co-Signed: Leo von Caprivi, German Chancellor, Adolf von Bieberstein, Foreign Minister

Corollary to the Treaty, to be treated in strict confidence: The high contracting parties resolve not to engage each other on the high seas, nor to make preparations for any attacks on each other's coasts or naval defenses.

 

[Reichenfaust]

That is a really good way to end the the naval crap before it starts, and I like the way you showed the repercussion's. It most certainly would have been like that OTL if that had happened.

 

[SavoyTruffle]

Anglo-German relations are better than at this point in OTL. There goes the German tribulations of the early 20th century.

 

[Emperor-of-New-Zealand]

Out of curiosity, what of Germany's colonies ITTL? Has it gone much the same way as OTL? What about the Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty of 1890?

 

[carlton_bach]

Out of curiosity, what of Germany's colonies ITTL? Has it gone much the same way as OTL? What about the Heligoland-Zanzibar Treaty of 1890?

I am not quite sure, but there shouldn't be too much difference to OTL. Albrecht inherits the legacy of the 1880s, and he is a cautious man leading a caretaker government, so he will not risk, sell or swap them. That gives Germany Südwest, Tanganyika, Togo and Cameroon as well as the Pacific colonies. Since Bismarck is still in charge in 1890 and the change is as yet minimal (Albrecht is still young and does not like to assert himself over the chancellor), I'm also assuming the Heligoland-Zanzibar swap happens. Kiaochow is also annexed - all the cool kids are doing it. However, colonial policy will be even more marginal than IOTL. The position Albrecht takes is that if the damned free cities want those colonies so much, let them pay for them. There are no plans for the strategic defense of the colonies in a war with France. They are to be recovered by swapping them for French territory in Europe.

 

[Terranoso]

A very interesting TL. I'll be eagerly awaiting more.

 

[Faeelin]

Hm. Definitely interesting, although being a carlton TL I expect Germany to lose a war that pushes Denmark's border south in any case.

 

[carlton_bach]

Berlin, 24 January 1896

Brigadier General von der Goltz looked up from his papers. It was not unusual for general staff officers to call on each other in their offices – Berlin was not the place to work in peace and quiet, and sometimes he missed the dictatorial powers over his subordinates he had enjoyed during his service for the Sultan. A Pasha could order silence, and silence there would be. A Prussian brigadier had no such luxury. His mild annoyance dissipated, however, when he saw Helmuth von Moltke enter the room. He rarely disturbed you with trifles. Then his eyes fell on the figure of the Prince Regent, unprepossessing in his plain uniform – army this time, probably not to draw too much attention. Goltz rose to his feet and saluted crisply. “Your Highness, what can I do for you?”
Albrecht waved him back to his seat and settled himself into one of the chairs by the map table. “Don't stand on formalities, general. I was told that if anyone would know, you would be that person. It is about the scandal in France.”
“The Dreyfus affair?” Goltz shook his head. “I don't think anyone understands it.”
“I mean the story about Monsieur Delcasse, too. The two seem to be related.”
“Only in the sense that they do not reflect too well on France.” Goltz explained. “Delcasse lost his mandate and his freedom over much the same accusations as poor Dreyfus. The French intelligence service seems to have decided he was working for us.”
The Prince Regent looked up questioningly. “Well, was he? Was the money found ours?”
Goltz looked pained. This was not the kind of question you expectesd. Asking was bad form, answering even more so. He understood why Motlke had brought the august visitor rather than just passing on the request. Saying no in writing would have been possible. Albrecht had a reputation for being understanding, even supportive of officers who took their duties too seriously. Doing so in person, on the other hand, was ... indefensible.
“No, your Highness. You understand I cannot discuss details, but republics seem quite capable of inflicting this kind of injury on themselves.”
Albrecht nodded. “I thought so, general. Still, I believe it might be best if we offered Monsieur Delcasse a pension, don't you think?”
Goltz was momentarily puzzled. “Surely he would never...”
“No, I don't think he would. In fact I am quite convinced he would rather live out his life on Devil's Island than in a villa in Teltow, but that is not the point. The man was too intelligent.”
Brigadier general Goltz stood silent for a full three seconds. Then he nodded pensively. He liked having smart superiors.

 

[Reichenfaust]

The plot thickens

 

[carlton_bach]

Freiburg, 15 March 1896

Louis Ullstein had come with distinctly mixed feelings. A man like Bernhard von Simson was not his first choice to further the cause of his people. Son to a convert, ennobled by virtue of his father's career in the judiciary, and long used to the calm, unruffled industriousness of the civil service and professorial comfort, he could hardly be expected to understand the viciousness of the public debate or the harsh reality of discrimination that Jews met with every day. Certainly, the young publisher had not expected him to be willing to do more than dip his toes in the water of the press debate. But, much to hgis pleasant surprise, Louis Ullstein had been wrong. Von Simson was motivated, eloquent, erudite, respectable, and angry. His supply of anger might well last him a lifetime, Ullstein thought. He was not quite sure what had touched it off, but it had been long in building. The Ullstein family became aware of it after a letter to the editor of the Vossische Zeitung commenting with biting irony on the latest comments Chancellor zu Eulenburg had made about “the Jews”. It was always “the Jews” with that man; he seemed constitutionally unable to see any differences. To him, the dirtiest wheedling peddler from a Russian shtetl was much the same as a German businessman or academic, and he was not inclined to make any exceptions for those who had converted to the Christian faith for the sake of their careers. Ullstein's father Leopold had taken up the gauntlet years ago, of course. But it still came as something of a surprise to find an ally in such an unlikely place. Bernhard von Simson, son of the presiding judge of the Reichsgericht Eduard von Simson, was professor of ancient and medieval history at Freiburg University, a scion of privilege in every sense. No great speaker and shy of the limelight, his public profile was all but nonexistent, but Ullstein was determined to change that. He was still unsure what had lit von Simson – perhaps the sudden intensity of the humiliation that practising Jews were familiar with – but now the man was on fire, and he could write. Oh, he would not rouse the masses, but the Berliner Zeitung was not an organ of the masses. It aimed at the people who had an education, people who would look up to a professor out of habit. Ullstein had long hoped that his side would have its Treitschke, and now he was almost sure he had found him. Even wehen he had pointed out to the professor that he might risk his position, von Simson had only nodded quietly and remarked that he was not going to starve.
Now, comfortably seated on the train back to Berlin, he was already designing the approach. Much as the heir to the Ullstein press kingdom would have resented being called a scion of privilege himself, he thought like a prince, marshalling his father's armies for the attack. He was not a crusader by nature, but there was money along with virtue to be gained from this campaign. Von Simson's writings belonged in the Berliner Zeitung, or the Vossische. The Berliner Illustrirte would carry other stories, more visceral ones. There was no lack of those, sadly. Many people in the kingdom prided themselves on being reasonable. They might approvingly read the vitriolic speeches of the eminent Professor von Treitschke before the Reichstag, but they would balk at finding themselves on the same side as a pogromchik

.

 

[carlton_bach]

16 July 1897, Berlin

Annual Report
Student: his Imperial and Royal Majesty Wilhelm, German Emperor and King of Prussia etc. p.p.

Conduct: Satisfactory
Effort: Very Good

Religion: Satisfactory
German: Good
Latin: Good
Greek: Satisfactory
French: Good
English: Very Good
Mathematics: Very Good
History: Good
Geography: Very Good
Natural History: Very Good
Art: Satisfactory
Sports: Good
Equitation: Sufficient
Fencing: Satisfactory
Marksmanship: Very Good


Commentary on the Student's Progress in the Humanities and Languages
His Majesty is an able student, of quick mind and capable of retaining facts in memory remarkably well. His ability to understand and translate texts is considerable, though he is not as astute in his own written and oral expression. His oratorical skill still suffers from limitations, though he understands the stylistic figures and can deploy them as requested.
Particular attention must be drawn to His Majesty's facility with modern languages. His love for the English tongue is greater than for any other subject of study, and his French, though lacking somewhat in grammatical structure, is fluent. His weakest subject, Greek, suffers more from want of application than ability, His Majesty showing little interest in Classical languages. His Majesty's interest in reading is commendable, though his choice in literature is often to be deplored and we would recommend His Highness to apply greater discrimination in the choice of reading matter permitted His Majesty. We are particularly concerned over His Majesty's infatuation with utopian literature and technical romances. His progress in History is good, and his understanding especially of recent history surpasses that expected of a boy his age greatly. His commentary on current affairs is often astute, though sometimes unorthodox.


Commentary on the Student's Progress in the Natural Sciences
His Majesty's love for the natural sciences is great, and his abilities show quickness of intellect and readiness to apply himself. Both in mathematics and natural history, his knowledge surpasses expectations for his age, and his geographical education can, for all intents and pureposes, be considered complete. His Majesty has proven considerable aptitude at and affinity towards experimental science and has already requested to take his studies beyond the curriculum approved by His Highness. We would, however, advise caution in order to rein in His Majesty's unbecoming enthusiasm for engineering.


Commentary on the Student's Progress in his Physical Education
His Majesty is able of body and quick of mind, and has mastered all tasks required by the curriculum. His marksmanship is excellent and his fencing fair only through lack of study. We are, however, worried over His Majesty's continuing difficulties in horsemanship and his general lack of enthusiasm in physical pursuits and would recommend a schedule more dedicated towards vigorous physical exertion, especially with a view to his Majesty's glandular health, which is beginning to be a particular concern at his age.


Commentary on the Student's Conduct and Character
His Majesty is strong-willed and enthusiastic, though a strongly developed sense of duty and a powerful rational mind is able mostly to rein in bursts of passion. Modest by nature, he is little inclined towards outward display or formal ceremony, but has been willing to undertake such duties with good grace as they have been imposed upon him. He is, in the best Prussian tradition, desirous to serve the state and the people. His youthful exuberance and strong desire for rational conduct frequently interfere with his exhibiting proper behaviour and decorum.

Signed: Professor H. von Sigmar
Professor A. Dreyling
Dr. S. R. von Smith
Hauptmann der Kavallerie H. von Libow

 

[carlton_bach]

14 September 1897

To His Majesty's loyal Prussian Landtag

It is with a heavy heart that I take up the pen to write this letter, cognizant of the difficult constitutional situation this places both me and every member of the Landtag, but recent developments in these august bodies leave me no alternative. I have long viewed the activities of numerous organisations dedicated to the furtherance of the German nation and of Germandom with benevolence, but have seen with dismay how recent years have seen an increasing movement towards doing so to the detriment of others, namely our subjects of Polish and Danish descent and those of the Mosaic faith. As a German of oldest German blood, I cannot but be supportive of the cause, but my duties as Prince Regent of Prussia must override any sentimental ties to one or another party in this conflict.
In this, I particularly refer to recent legislative attempts to disadvantage those subjects of Polish blood in the purchase and holding of land at the expense of their German compatriots, and to disadvantages illegally placed in the path of Jewish candidates to the civil service. I must impress upon the members of the Landtag the supreme importance to remember their duty to the kingdom of Prussia, whose subjects all of us likewise are. No difference in the condition of any subject may be permitted on account of their descent, their mother tongue or their faith: this principle must stand ironclad at the heart of our law. How otherwise would I be able to look into the eyes of the many men of Polish blood and of Mosaic faith who are serving under the colours of Prussia, who have shed their blood and whose family members have often made the highest sacrifice for their fatherland? They, too, are Prussians, and I am their prince sovereign as much as I am yours. I implore you, gentlemen, to seek in your souls that sense of iron duty which shall brook no favouritism, and I am certain that you will find yourselves worthy descendants of Frederick the Great, whose words I reall to your memory.

Albert Wilhelm Heinrich, Prince Regent

(Letter leaked by an anonymous Deputy of the Freisinnige Volkspartei to the Vossische Zeitung)


27 September 1897

Le Judenkaiser Revelé
... the letter to the deputies speaks louder than all previous policies, than the shameful betrayal at the heart of our own Republic, than even the personal friendships of this perfidious German ruler to his true allegiance. It is Israel, not Germany, that faces us from across the border, Israel's mercenary legions, not Germany's armies, that threaten the peace and freedom of all of Europe today! No right-thinking Frenchmen can today deny this plain truth, written out in the ogre's own words, whose revelation to the world we must thank an anonymous, brave man for. One day we may hope that Germany in all her rough, coarse virtue will again arise and more men of such mettle will cast off the yoke of Jewish gold and perfidy. Until that day, we must remain doubly watchful, for this Germany is not only a powerful opponent, but a cunning, merciless foe under whose heel we may expect no mercy.

La Libre Parole


Albert's famous “Preußentumsbrief” of 1897 was a document of desperation. He had watched the rise of ultranationalistic and antisemitic parties and organisation for a long time, and while he had long tried to combat their influence in the civil service and the military, he felt constitutionally bound not to interfere with their political activities and legislative agendas. His policy of not interfering with the work of the parliaments of either Prussia or the Reich, as much an artifact of his caretaker role as of his respect for constitutional arrangements that, ironically, had never been intended to function as advertised by their author, Bismarck, had made Albert hesitant to voice any opinions, let alone take any action in the matter until the Enteignungsgesetz of 1897 came across his desk. This law, which proposed the expropriation of land held by non-Germans (in intent poles, though it could equally have been applied to Danes, Kashubians, Lithuanians or Alsatian French) and its distribution to Germans, represented a clear breach of constitutional principle and Prussian tradition. Despairing over what to do, Albert delayed signing the bill and wrote an imploring letter to the members of the Landtag to clarify his position. Leaked through the machination of his old friend and loyal adviser Caprivi, the letter caused scandal in the political establishment and so embarrassed the Eulenburg cabinet that the Chancellor himself resigned. Albert had not intended to dismiss him, despite personal differences, but accepted his resignation gladly. For the first time, the left-wing press discovered its love for the Crown Prince.

 

[carlton_bach]

Postdam, 12 January 1898

Brigadier General von der Goltz was increasingly unsure that including the Emperor in the discussion had been a good idea. His Majesty's presence had been suggested by the Prince Regent, and both Goltz and his colleague Moltke had agreed readily. The weekly meetings with their ruler were part of the Berlin routine, briefings on the military and political situation in which opinions were exchanged freely and no minutes were kept. They were not usually supposed to turn into debates on strategic philosophy. Especially not with the teenage Emperor holding forth on the virtues of plausible deniability and the Jameson Raid.

“No, it is brilliant. Using such private armies, modern-day landsknechte, allows you to deny any involvement in case of failure. Britain never needed accept any responsibility for the failure, while, had Jameson succeeded, she would have taken the Boer states with nobody able to deny her the prize. Surely anyone can see the virtue!”
Your Majesty,” Goltz interjected, “war is a complicated business. Those modern-day landsknechts are not easy to control, and though I am not privy to that kind of information,” - a quick smile flashed over Moltke's face - “I would hazard a guess that the British government had very little control over Jameson or Rhodes. Having civilians acting outside of any formal copmmand structure can put a government at the mercy of unscrupulous adventurers of any stripe. What if Jameson had started a war? He may yet – this crisis is not over. No responsible government can risk exposing itself this way. The embarrassment alone will be terrible, and the Boers were quite civilised about the whole business. Imagine some bush niggers had roasted their captives alive instead. The British government would have been obliged to fight, no matter what the plans might have been before. It is far too dangerous.”
“Yes, General, I understand, but the gains can be enormous. I grant that it is dangerous, but in war, anything is dangerous. A strategic genius will be able to foresee when to strike, and strike with any tool at his disposal. Why should we categorically deny us the opportunity?”
“For fear of fear, Your Majesty. We already fear our neighbours, as they fear us. Today, knowing that any French soldier crossing into Elsass-Lothringen means war gives us certainty. We understand which boundaries we cross at what peril. If we give this up, we could easily enough end up in a war we never planned nor knew how to avert.”
“And thereby we deny ourselves opportunities to weaken opponents against the day the war comes? Perhaps I do not yet understand enough, but it strikes me as shortsighted, General. A free column of patriotic men might work miracles in a crisis.”
“Your Majesty,” Albert interjected, “for all that may be true, it will be no comfort when free cossacks ride into Königsberg.”
“Well,” the teenage Emperor replied, clearly wounded in his dignity, “I didn't mean they should do it to us.”

 

[carlton_bach]

17 March 1899, Paris

I stand before you today bearing news that war has been averted. It would have been a war that our Republic would have been unable to win, a war that we would have fought in the certain knowledge that our dread ancient enemy would have descended upon our backs as we faced the foe upon the seas, and fighting it would have risked our very existence as a nation. Thus, I must also come before you with the news that our national interest have been compromised and the great achievements of the Marchand Expedition only partly realised. Future generations may well judge us timid in our caution, rather than prudent in securing what gains we could. But it must be impressed upon the mind of the nation that the agreement we signed in Copenhagen was not an amicable settlement among equals, but a treaty formed under duress, and under duress not from Albion's might, but from our continental enemy, Germany, whose dagger poised to strike at our heart obliges us ever to concentrate our forces in our own defense. France may forgive us our caution in safeguarding her present for future greatness, but she must never forgive the Prussian's perfidy in crippling her justified ambitions as a civilising power in Africa.

Foreign Minister Gabriel Hanotaux presenting the Copenhagen Agreement to the National Assembly

The resolution of the Fashoda Crisis at the Danish-mediated Copenhagen Conference was widely regarded as an undeserved British victory over France, especially as Hanotaux, the plenipotentiary French negotiator and foreign minister, saw himself as cornered between the British threat on the seas and the German one on the Rhine. His dispatches to Paris, written in his flamboyant style and more often than not apologetic, were instrumental in preparing government opinion for the far-reaching concessions that would be made, but at the same time poisoned it against Britain, which he presented as a bullying blackmailer. In the Copenhagen Agreement, France ceded the ambition to control an Africann Empire from the Atlantic to the Red Sea, but received little concrete in return. The concrete value of the concession may have been limited, but the sense of humiliation the agreement created ended up toppling the government and led to Hanotaux, who had tried to use it to paint himself as a prident and masterful statesman negotiating with overwhelmingly powerful enemies, resigning in disgrace. An article in the ultranationalist Libre Parole compared the Republican government to Louis XV, suffering twin defeats against Prussia and Britain. The poor showing of the British forces in the Boer War over the coming years would decisively tilt French public opinion against the authors of the treaty and prompted widespread calls for revenge.

 

[Amartus]

I cannot unfortunately offer anything constructive, but have to say that this timeline is fantastic. I look forward to more!

 

[My Username is Inigo Montoya]

Minor nitpick: in 1899, the German-French border is not on the Rhine...
Very good work indeed