BREAKING THE MOUND: THE BIRTH AND RISE OF THE SOCIAL DEMOCRATIC PARTY
INTRO
Deleted member 157939
In 1977, in his converted mill residence in Adderbury, Crosland suffered a massive cerebral haemorrhage. Hospitalized in the Radcliffe infirmary, he would remain in a coma for the duration of the next two years, awakening months following Labour’s defeat in the 1979 General Election. Initially news of Crosland’s awakening was celebrated jovially by members of the Party, yet as speculation mounted on the Labour veterans future, it became clear he could not be the figure to unite the party from its internal strife, to the consternation of many more optimistic right-wingers. The severity of his brain injury had rendered him in a vegetative state, succumbing to illness and dying in early 1982, leaving behind a monumental legacy. Whether conscious of it or not, Crosland would live through the unravelling of his legacy and achievements as the party shifted further leftwards, culminating in the Gang of Five’s defection and formation of the Social Democratic Party, which would espouse many of the tenants of Croslands beliefs. It is widely believed by many that had Crosland recovered or been in a healthier position, he would have been able to prevent efforts spearheaded by fellow reformist (and alleged lover) Roy Jenkins in the formation of the SDP and the subsequent defections and gutting of the Labour Right.
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Good to see you back i’m very interested to see where you take this new TL hopefully there will be a bright future for SDP
Crisis? What Crisis?
Deleted member 157939
As the first General Election to include three new leaders for the main political parties, along with the first to include a woman as leader, the campaign would be quite ground-breaking in the history of British politics. Labour's manifesto "The Labour Way is the Better Way," drafted jointly by the left-dominated NEC and the right-dominated Cabinet, strongly defended the record of the 1974-1979 Government but made a minimal number of specific policy commitments for the future, none of which were of a socialistic type. The document entailed four priorities, those being efforts to curb inflation, a framework to improve industrial relations, a high priority to full employment and a commitment to individual liberties. Campaigning on the issue of unemployment and an overarching theme of co-operation with the unions, Callaghan would warn that that Tory cuts in Labour's job-creation program would put 1.2 million jobs in jeopardy, along with suggesting the dangers of a Thatcher led Government. Yet aside from that, Labour struggled to focus on specific issues on the outset of the campaign, unemployment was considered a secondary issue and the unions were controversial to say the very least. Tony Benn, serving Secretary of State for Energy and prominent figure on the left of the party, would make persistent attempts to push the party into taking a strongly anti-EEC line, to the dismay of his pro-European colleagues and Callaghan himself. Benn's widely publicized speech in which declared, "A vote for Labour in this election will be a vote against the Common Market as it now operates," would serve to reopen recently healed wounds within the Labour party over the contentious issue of the Common Market. A fiercely divisive issue, the left-wing of the party tended to be fiercely Eurosceptic in comparison to the significant Pro-EEC wing to the right of the party spectrum. As an image of Labour in-fighting quickly developed, Callaghan would side-line Benn for the rest of the campaign, weary of the latter once again emerging in a controversial light.
Undoubtedly the focal point of the Conservative campaign would be Margaret Thatcher. A relatively new and novel figure on the political stage, she quickly became the center of national attention. Having served as Secretary of State for Education, in which she is best remembered for ending free milk in the schools and imposing admission charges on museums, Thatcher consistently trailed behind Callaghan in personal popularity. Her abrasiveness had lead to a harsher public image which put off many voting members of the public. Employing a strategy of attempting to appeal to wavering Labourites as well Conservatives, believing that there was a deep frustration in the country, especially amongst members of the Labour party, whom she urged to take up their courage and break with their own tradition. In order to widen the appeal of the Conservative voter-driven campaign, an advertising firm called Saatchi and Saatchi was employed to handle the posters, the advertising, and the party political broadcasts of the party. In co-ordination with the Tory campaign following their endorsement The Sun would print out a series of articles in which Lord Chalfont, Hugh Thomas, Alan Day, Lord Wilson, Lord Robens, and Sir Richard Marsh, former staunch Labourites, would come out in support for Thatcher. Indeed the Conservatives enjoyed significant support amongst the press, having received the backing of all major newspapers apart from the The Times and Sunday Times (who were on strike) and Mirror and The Guardian who declared for Labour. While Callaghan has been accused of slyly implying the absurdity of Thatcher's proposals due to the fact she was a woman, without explicitly stating such of course, the Tories would opt to further exploit Thatcher's femininity to their advantage, presenting an image of a strong-willed woman who would also be able to understood housewives' household budgets.
In the midst of the campaign London Weekend Television would approach the two candidates proposing three extended televised debates, of which Callaghan would promptly accept, followed eventually by Thatcher, to the frustration of her advisor Gordon Reece who had strongly argued against her participation. Historically unprecedented, this would be the first set of presidential-style debates to ever be hosted in a General election. With electoral prospects seeming grim from the outset (Labour was far behind the Conservatives on voting intentions and on the issues), Callaghan's personal lead over Thatcher was seen as a glimmer of hope that the party could exploit to their advantage. Yet to the surprise of many, perhaps due to overconfidence, Callaghan performed poorly in the first debate. On the other hand, Thatcher fared unexpectedly well, her clear forceful approach gave her the impression of firmness, confidence, and strength, beginning the start of the general public's fascination with the Tory leader. The results of the first debate had an substantial effect as Thatcher's unexpected performance would narrow the gap between her and Callaghan, along with serving as yet another boost in the polls for the Conservatives. In spite of his shoddy first performance, Callaghan would be determined to regain his ground, and would do so extremely successfully. In a dominant showing, the incumbent Prime Minister had an extraordinarily positive impact, brushing aside Thatcher's temerity with light-hearted mockery. On the other hand Thatcher's abrasive combative attitude would serve to her undoing, appearing shrill and increasingly volatile. Her attempts to deal with broad policy sometimes came through in obscure metaphor, with Callaghan sneeringly mocking the exaggeration that often characterized her policy statements. The final debate would be the most closely fought, while Callaghan is widely considered the victor of the discussion, Thatcher's abrasiveness seemed to diminish and the stridency of her early appearances gave way to a calmer, less intense mood. This relaxation of image, most likely prompted by her advisors and a boost of confidence due to the in-fighting within the Labour Party over Europe, served significantly to the Tory advantage .
On the 4th May 1979, the Conservative Party would become the largest party in Westminster, winning 342 seats with a workable parliamentary majority of twenty four seats. Margaret Thatcher would be invited to form a Government, becoming the first ever British female prime minister, having won 44.2% of the popular vote. Labour, on the other hand, lost 53 seats and slumped miserably into opposition. The General Election result would serve as the catalyst for the internal squabbling that would engulf the party for the next decade.
Interesting in that the Tories (very) slightly improved on OTL vs Labour but also in that we now have a strikingly early precedent for TV election debates.
Silly Billies
Deleted member 157939
Since its inception, the Labour Party had been a contrasting collection of groups and individuals united behind a quest for a more socialist society. As a result of its "broad-church" nature, ideological divisions had existed within the party for decades. The struggles between the right-wing reformist Gaitskellites and the left-wing Bevanites would define the internal politics of Labour throughout the 50s and early 60s. While the Bevanite movement faded away after rifts over nuclear disarmament and the death of its leader Aneurin Bevan, the inside left would found the Tribune Group, a support group for the Tribune magazine that also served as the main forum of the left within the Parliamentary Labour Party. The outer left, represented by groups such as the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy and the Labour Coordinating Committee, adhered to the view that socialism was a unified ideology and therefore whoever professed themselves socialists could be retained within the ranks of the Labour Party. Across the spectrum, the social democratic/moderate right sought to modernise the party in order to widen its appeal amongst the electorate, identified with Labour revisionism and the writings of Tony Crosland, the Labour right would argue argued that the nature of capitalism had changed and that democratic socialism was to be achieved and consolidated through increasing public expenditure, redistributive taxation and an egalitarian education system. As a result of these numerous divisions, multiple organisations were formed to serve as pressure groups and forums for the various factions vying for command of Labour, such as the Manifesto Group and Campaign for Democratic Socialism.
While the Wilson and Callaghan administrations were ideologically dominated by the ideology of Tony Crosland, the left-wing would undergo a major resurgence throughout the 1970s. In 1973, Labour abolished it's list of proscribed organisations, facilitating a greater degree of left-wing entryism. Over the course of the decade, the local Constituency Labour parties (CLP) would be dominated by left-wing activists, further developments would include significant left-wing representation in the Cabinet and NEC and Foot's election over Shirley Williams as deputy leader in 1976. Yet even as the left appeared to be on the ascendancy, rifts had begun to emerge in the broader left spectrum. The outer left, committed to the introduction of direct democracy into both Labour and the Government, was essentially a hybrid grouping seeking radical social change and encompassed extreme democrats and various versions of Marxism, associated with figures such as Tony Benn. Benn's political philosophy, dubbed Bennism with adherents being described as Bennites, was more explicitly socialistic in rhetoric in comparison to the "softer" strand of leftism advocated by the likes of Foot, Silkin and Kinnock within the inner left faction. Furthermore opinions would differ on how to approach entryism from far left organizations such as the Militant Tendency, while the Bennites would advocate that Trotskyist movements had a significant historical presence in the labour movement and therefore deserved a place within the Labour party, based on the socialist unity principles that bound the outer left, their Tribunite inner left counterparts implicitly accepted the need for the existence of an ideological boundary, fiercely opposed to the Trotskyist infiltration.
On the other hand, the ascendancy of the left appeared to mark the decline of the Labour right, sowing seeds of disillusionment in the face of a tide of left wing initiatives. In such a feverish environment elements of the parliamentary Labour right divided to coalesce and organise, one such element would do so around the influential figurehead and avid pro-European that was Roy Jenkins. Dubbed the Jenkinsites, their gradual marginalisation in the party would become reflective of the growing fissures in the right-wing of the PLP. The pro-European hard core of the Jenkinsites would go so far as to conspire to sabotage Tony Crosland's candidature for the deputy leadership, in a attempt to directly punish him for his refusal to vote in favour of entry to the Common Market, opting to marshal votes in support of Ted Short in the ballot instead. Another faction of the Labour right would be the Manifesto Group, which despite membership overlapping with the Jenkinsites served as a separate entity, which sought to form an organized opposition which would unite MPs against the leftwards trajectory of the party.
In assessing their defeat in General election, the right-wing of the party would attribute the loss as due to the unpopularity of the Government following the Winter of Discontent, and as a result of Tony Benn's repeated push for an anti-EEC stance. Such an assessment would be rejected by the left wing, led largely by Tony Benn, who instead would argue that it was the Labour Government's incomes policy itself, rather than the strikes which flowed from it-that was responsible for the party's defeat. Attributing the defeat due to disillusionment on the part of the electorate who felt that the party had strayed from it's core left-wing values, along with disgruntlement at Callaghan's (who quickly became a scapegoat for the left) role in the determining the contents of the electoral manifesto. Intra-party discourse would quickly devolve into an increasingly heated series of spats between the various factions within the party, with the social democratic right advocating for a moderate approach in comparison to leftist activists' calls for a more stringent socialistic agenda. The next 18 months would be a period of massive discontent in the party.
Amongst the Labour backbenches, discussions had begun at the prospect of a potential breakaway party encompassing Jenkinsite members of the party in response to the increasing success that the outer left had begun to enjoy. Prominent social democrats within the party had become increasingly disaffected and disillusioned with the leftwards trajectory Labour had appeared to take. The 1980 Wembley special Conference, in which policy statement which included multiple references to pro-unilateralism and anti-EEC policies were endorsed, served to further such sense of alienation. Efforts lobbied by the Labour Common Market Safeguards Committee, who formally demanded that Labour should be elected on a clear mandate to pull Britain out of the EEC, proved incendiary in the Common market debate. Spearheaded by Tribunite and Shadow Industry Spokesman, John Silkin, the document entitled Enough is Enough stated that a fundamental incompatibility between Labour policy and the demands of EEC membership existed, to the exasperation of prominent pro-Markeeters such as Dr David Owen. In response, the "Gang of Four" (a reference to the political faction of four CCP officials accused of attempt to seize power from Chairman Mao) comprising of four ex-Callaghan ministers: David Owen, Bill Rogers, Shirley Williams and Dickson Mabon, published on open letter to The Guardian declaring their support for Europe and deemed Labour's current situation as the gravest crisis in its history. Published in August, two months prior to the annual Blackpool conference, they would face immediate invitations to resign by angered leftist colleagues, along with unease from fellow moderate allies who feared the prospects of a party split.
In the week prior to the conference, a Group of 12 MPs, led by Michael Thomas, would publish a statement in The Times, calling for major reforms in Labour’s structure, including the election of a Leader of the Parliamentary Labour Party as a separate entity from the Leader of the Labour Party. Dubbed the "Dirty Dozen," the group's proposals intended to reform the Party and the NEC from within Parliament. The concept of reformation would be a major theme of the 1980 Blackpool Conference. The Campaign for Labour Party Democracy had made significant advances at securing support for its objectives at previous Labour conferences yet had not succeeded in fully achieving them. The outside left, chiefly articulated at the conference by Benn, would achieve a series of major victories. Through groups such as the CLPD, the outside left sought to seize control of the leadership from the social democratic right, lobbying in favour of mandatory reselection and the introduction of an electoral college for the election of a leader. Highly controversial, opponents of such proposals for intra-Labour electoral reform, primarily social democrats, would argue mandatory reselection would render MPs to being little more than a delegate at the whims of his or her constituency members, representing the interests of the CLP rather than their constituents. Furthermore a fear existed that such a method would lead ideological purges of social democratic MPs, such fears were not without precedent. Many CLPs were dominated by the outside left and there had been instances (such as that of Dick Taverne in Lincoln) in which able Labour MPs could be deselected by those wanting to put into a safe seat their friends, family or members of their own Labour faction. Believing that the ramifications of an electoral college to be disastrous, the social democrats would propose One Member One Vote (OMOV) as a counter proposal yet found little support in comparison to CLPD.
The Conference would see the votes for mandatory re-selection and the electoral college pass as resolutions, along with the NEC adopting Unilateral disarmament and withdrawal from the EEC as Labour policy. In response, an already incensed David Owen, deeply angered by vitriolic heckling during his speech advocating for OMOV, would storm out of the conference. Meanwhile Shirley Williams and Tom Bradley would refuse to speak from the platform on behalf of the NEC, With divisions rapidly widening Callaghan would attempt to forestall a party split by declaring his resignation on the third of October, the final day of the conference. Despite the fact that electoral college had been approved, the exact composition of the formulas by which the college would operate had not been decided and required a special conference, meaning such an election would be elected through the PLP thereby limiting the influence of the outside left. Perceiving the election to be an illegitimate attempt to prevent an election under new rules Tony Benn would follow the advice of his supporters and boycott the election. Amongst the candidates that emerged, Denis Healey, a prominent social democrat and Callaghan's preferred successor would be considered initial favourite to win the contest. At first it appeared that Healey would be opposed by Tribunite John Silkin and Peter Shore, notable for his idiosyncratic left-wing nationalism. Shore had been a credible candidate, yet his campaign would be doomed from the moment of Michael Foot's entry into the race.
Deputy Leader Michael Foot would enter the race on the 8th October, after receiving overwhelming levels of support and heavy pressure to run, including from his own wife. An avid Tribunite and well-known figure within the broader left, Foot's considerable parliamentary and Governmental experience had cultivated his perception as the intellectual heir and most consistent champion of the Labour Left. His primary opponent Denis Healey ran an inept campaign, alienating his expected supporter base of social democrats and potential centrist (Labour MPs without a firm ideological alignment) with brash arrogance. Meanwhile Healey's ideological positions proved unacceptable for many on the left. As the Bennites appeared to be on the ascendancy, the opposing wings of the party had formed a loose alliance to counter the rising power of the outside left faction. Foot would take advantage of these factors, presenting himself as the only candidate who would be most likely able to prevent any future challenge that would potentially usher in a Bennite leadership, along with preventing yet another social democratic leader, to the consolation of his fellow leftists. As a result of this broad appeal, Foot would successfully acquire the support of significant number of centrist and social democratic MP's as well as supporters from his natural allies on the left. A popular figure across Labour regardless of his ideological beliefs, Foot's personal character and the needs of the party had made him a credible candidate. Foot would narrowly clench victory against Healey in the second round, becoming the new Labour leader and official Leader of the Opposition.
Despite his election as a conciliatory figure, many of the policies Foot endorsed were ostensibly left-wing which many figures on the right found difficult to accept. Furthermore his narrow victory was indicative that many in the PLP remained loyal to Healey and did little to pacify the increasingly fractured nature of Labour. The outside left remained determined to reform the party while the broad alliance formed between the inside left and social democratic right appeared tenuous, if not frighteningly fragile.
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Deleted member 157939
Thank you very much! Your Alan Clark timeline actually served as quite an inspiration for me to explore this tumultuous era of British politics
Deleted member 157939
My intention is to start off with a relatively minor POD and then branch out further, the first few updates will be quite similar yet with slight deviations from OTL, these will become more and more noticeable as the timeline progresses
We're off to Wembley!
Deleted member 157939
The period between November and the Wembley Special Conference saw a flurry of activity. Amongst members of Labour's social democratic wing, very serious discussions had begun over the prospect of a breakaway party, hastened by the return of Roy Jenkins returns to Britain from Brussels. Foot's election as Leader had been controversial, while he had attained the support of some social democrats due to Healey's abrasiveness and the perception that only he (Foot) could prevent a Bennite challenge to the leadership, his ostensibly socialistic beliefs were too left-wing for many right-wingers in the party. Healey, who many social democrats opted to support, would alienate his ideological allies by announcing he would serve as Foot's deputy, to the dismay of colleagues such as David Owen who were committed voicing social democratic opposition to any potential left-wing leader. Members of prominent organisations of the Labour Right, such as the Manifesto Group and Campaign for Labour Victory, found themselves in deep debate over their futures in the party. Facing the onslaught of the outside left, a breakaway had begun to seem inevitable. The Gang of Four, involved in heavy deliberations with Roy Jenkins, would opt to give Labour one final chance at Wembley.
The special conference, held in January 1981, would be convened to resolve the issue of how the electoral college would operate. Foot would work vigorously to get an NEC proposal for at least half of the College votes going to the PLP, favouring a formula of 25 percent to the unions and affiliates, 25 percent to the CLP and 50 percent to the PLP. The CLPD initially advocated 50 per cent, 25 per cent, 25 per cent in favour of the trade unions and affiliates. Many Leftists, including members of the NEC, would argue in favour of equal distribution, each voting bloc would be granted a third of the College votes. The Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers (USDAW) would propose an alternate formula, in which 40 percent would go to the unions and affiliates, 30 percent to the CLP and 30 percent to the PLP. Such a formula would briefly be considered by the CLPD, having faced increasingly heavy opposition for their proposals, before reluctantly opting to support a revised percentage distribution of 35-30-35. David Owen would command the social democrats into one final charge in favour of OMOV, supported by the Electric, Electronic, Telecommunications and Plumbing Union (EETPU).
Ideologically zealous, the outside left was committed to reducing the power of the PLP with left-influenced votes switching to support the 35-30-35 proposal (considered a compromise between the USDAW formula and equal distribution). Meanwhile more moderate unions such as the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU) and Amalgamated Union for Engineering Workers (AUEW), committed themselves not to vote for any proposal which gave less than 50% to the PLP. In contrast the Bennite National Union of Mineworkers, headed by the infamous Arthur Scargill, would avidly support the efforts of the outside left. In an attempt to prevent a party split, Foot would distance himself from the left's proposals, seeking to keep Owen and Williams as members of the party by maintaining the PLP as the largest voting bloc. Owen would dismiss Foot’s attempts, basing his future in the party on the passing of OMOV.
In yet another monumental victory for the outside left the CLPD's resolution would pass, through sheer determination and zeal the inside left and social democrats had been defeated. Owen’s final crusade for OMOV would fail miserably, securing a measly 430,000 votes to the 6.2 million favouring an electoral college. While Benn and his allies would rejoice, vowing to push ahead with withdrawal from the EEC, the abolition of the House of Lords, greater freedom for local councils and the election of Shadow Cabinet by members, the mood amongst their factional rivals was much more sombre. Enraged at the increased influence of the trade union bloc vote at the expense of the PLP, a party split had become inevitable in spite of Foot's best efforts. The Wembley Conference would prove to be a focal point for a drastically new era for Labour.
The special conference, held in January 1981, would be convened to resolve the issue of how the electoral college would operate. Foot would work vigorously to get an NEC proposal for at least half of the College votes going to the PLP, favouring a formula of 25 percent to the unions and affiliates, 25 percent to the CLP and 50 percent to the PLP. The CLPD initially advocated 50 per cent, 25 per cent, 25 per cent in favour of the trade unions and affiliates. Many Leftists, including members of the NEC, would argue in favour of equal distribution, each voting bloc would be granted a third of the College votes. The Union of Shop, Distributive and Allied Workers (USDAW) would propose an alternate formula, in which 40 percent would go to the unions and affiliates, 30 percent to the CLP and 30 percent to the PLP. Such a formula would briefly be considered by the CLPD, having faced increasingly heavy opposition for their proposals, before reluctantly opting to support a revised percentage distribution of 35-30-35. David Owen would command the social democrats into one final charge in favour of OMOV, supported by the Electric, Electronic, Telecommunications and Plumbing Union (EETPU).
Ideologically zealous, the outside left was committed to reducing the power of the PLP with left-influenced votes switching to support the 35-30-35 proposal (considered a compromise between the USDAW formula and equal distribution). Meanwhile more moderate unions such as the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU) and Amalgamated Union for Engineering Workers (AUEW), committed themselves not to vote for any proposal which gave less than 50% to the PLP. In contrast the Bennite National Union of Mineworkers, headed by the infamous Arthur Scargill, would avidly support the efforts of the outside left. In an attempt to prevent a party split, Foot would distance himself from the left's proposals, seeking to keep Owen and Williams as members of the party by maintaining the PLP as the largest voting bloc. Owen would dismiss Foot’s attempts, basing his future in the party on the passing of OMOV.
In yet another monumental victory for the outside left the CLPD's resolution would pass, through sheer determination and zeal the inside left and social democrats had been defeated. Owen’s final crusade for OMOV would fail miserably, securing a measly 430,000 votes to the 6.2 million favouring an electoral college. While Benn and his allies would rejoice, vowing to push ahead with withdrawal from the EEC, the abolition of the House of Lords, greater freedom for local councils and the election of Shadow Cabinet by members, the mood amongst their factional rivals was much more sombre. Enraged at the increased influence of the trade union bloc vote at the expense of the PLP, a party split had become inevitable in spite of Foot's best efforts. The Wembley Conference would prove to be a focal point for a drastically new era for Labour.
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The East Hendred Declaration
Deleted member 157939
The factors that necessitated the birth of the Social Democratic Party can be traced as early back as the 1964 General Election. An optimistic Labour, led by the technocratic Harold Wilson, would enter Government confident in its own ability to solve the nation's economic woes, yet would be quickly hit by the brunt nature of reality. While the Wilsonian administration would oversee many major social reforms, its handling of the economy was an abject failure. Unemployment and inflation rose sharply, the pound was devalued, ambitious expenditure plans had to be cut and the rate of economic growth, which Labour had pledged to increase, would fall rapidly. Such a trend in failure would be repeated by the subsequent governments of Heath and Callaghan. As a result the two parties would begin to diverge in their outlooks and policies, resulting in the erosion of the post-war consensus. The Conservatives would turn towards economic liberalism, proclaiming their commitment to private enterprise, selective welfare benefits and the free market, before electing the firmly monetarist Margaret Thatcher as leader. On the other hand Labour would embark on a leftwards trajectory, adopting policies that were further left to anything known before the war, to the utter horror of social democrats within the party. This ever widening ideological chasm, along with a response to the political turbulence of the 60s and 70s under the tenures of both Labour and Tory Governments, resulted in a large proportion of the electorate feeling increasingly disenchanted with the two major parties.
Such a pervasive atmosphere of crisis had its deepest affect on the Labour party. Divided on virtually every major question of ideology and philosophy, Labour was in a state of transition. A major cause, and quite ironically consequence, of the successive failures of the governments of the 60s and 70s was the new militancy of the unions. Industrial action essentially doomed the administrations of Heath and Callaghan and attempted efforts to control the unions collapsed time and time again. The government had begun to appear utterly powerless and incapable of governing the nation. Having historically been aligned to the right wing of the party, many unions had been steadily shifting towards the left. In the face of their incomes being squeezed by inflation, a new generation of unionists had begun to emerge, with avid left wingers being elected to the top of a number of major unions. Committed to fighting aggressively on behalf of their members, such a process of generational change would have major repercussions inside Labour. The unions would become increasingly assertive, expanding their influence on the NEC, establishing greater links with MPs and speaking much more forcibly at party conferences.
Meanwhile Labour's rank-and-file membership would follow such a trend in becoming increasingly left-wing and militant. A major decline in party membership had resulted in a disproportionate number of leftists remaining in the party, while a disproportionate number of relatively apolitical moderates would opt to leave. The decline of Labour's grassroots membership would draw considerable attention to the change of character that the Labour left underwent. New kinds of left-wingers had begun to join the party, many of whom from extreme-left organizations. Following the abolition of the proscribed list in 1973, far-left organizations, such as Militant, adopted entryist tactics, extending their influence into trade union branches and CLPs. Maintaining a contempt for liberal democratic institutions and norms, many of these newcomers regarded violence as a legitimate revolutionary weapon and held beliefs considered totally unacceptable by many of their new fellow members.
Local CLPs, which had traditionally been left-wing in their outlook, had begun to manifest their newfound assertiveness through the selection of candidates. At Labour selection conferences, the choice often lay between two left-wingers, one of them on the "softer" inside left and the one on the "harder" outside left, with candidates on the social democratic wing of the party finding it increasingly hard to get selected without dissimulating from their real views. Throughout the 70s, multiple instances occurred where CLPs moved to de-select MPs often on account of their ideological position as right-wingers. The effects of the changes occurring at constituency level began to be felt within the Parliamentary Labour Party, the last bastion of right-wing authority, as cohorts of new Labour MPs were significantly more left-wing then those they had replaced. Meanwhile the NEC would fall more and more into the left's hands, with leftists establishing an overwhelming majority on Labour's governing body as early as 1970.
The resurgence of the left throughout the decade marked the beginning of a new era for Labour, by the end of the 1970s the party had adopted new policies, new ethos and had a newly constituted NEC. The Labour left felt especially betrayed by the Wilson and Callaghan governments, believing they had electorally defeated, betrayed socialism and utterly failed in their aim of rejuvenating the British economy. Labour leadership had been dominated by the social democratic wing of the party and it's commitment to Croslandite/Labour revisionist ideals. As a result they would be scapegoated by the left for their abject failure in government. Eager to consolidate power, grass roots pressure began to build up for a series of reforms intended to increase direct democracy within Labour. The proposed amendments (including mandatory re-selection, greater union and CLP involvement in electing the leader and granting the NEC exclusive control of the party manifesto) would enable the left to assert their control. Thus would see the rise of the outside left faction through organizations such as the Campaign for Labour Party Democracy (CLPD), lobbying for major constitutional reform within the Labour party. The outside left was a hybrid group seeking radical social change, encompassing of self avowed socialists, various Marxist groups, extreme democrats amongst various others, associated the likes of Tony Benn. As one of the most influential figures in the party, Benn was crucial in Labour's political evolution in the 70s, his explicitly socialistic ideology would develop a devoted following amongst leftists within the party. A advocate for every currently fashionable left-wing cause, Benn's increasingly socialistic convictions and sanctimonious personality aroused strong feelings. As a figure loathed by right-wingers, viewed as a messiah for the outside left and with a degree of cautious suspicion by fellow leftists, Benn's growing influence intensified the venomous environment of Labours internal strife.
These developments deeply disorientated Labour's social democratic right. Following a decade of gradual marginalization, the outlook for the right was bleak, having become a minority in the party's decision-making bodies apart from the Shadow Cabinet. The right was leaderless, with prominent social democrats in the party lacking in comparison to the towering influence of previous leaders such as Gaitskell. Callaghan offered little attraction to younger members, Healey proved to be an alienating figure, Crosland was brain-dead, and Williams and Jenkins were both out of Parliament. Furthermore while their rivals launched tides of new programmes, based on leftist theory, the social democratic right no longer commanded an intellectual dominance of the party, quite rather the opposite. The Croslandite ideals championed by the previous Labour governments appeared to have been exhausted and failed. The Labour right lacked both a leader and an ideology, incapable of resisting the left-wing onslaught. The alienation that formed, as social democrats found Labour becoming increasingly unrecognizable, would serve as fertile ground for the sowing of dissent.
The 1979 general election saw Labour descend into civil war between various ideological factions. The party conference in Brighton was notable for its peculiar unpleasantness and poisonous atmosphere, to the degree that it was likened to an impeachment trial. The left's consolidation of power deeply dismayed the chair of the right-wing Campaign for Labour Victory (CLV), Bill Rodgers. An avid Labourite, Rodgers (like many of his colleagues) found himself increasingly disillusioned with the leftwards trajectory of the party and role of the trade unions. In a speech in Newport on November 28th 1979 , Rodgers would warn that Labour had only a year to save itself, indicating that the actions of the NEC could soon herald a split in the party. In the aftermath, the left dominated NEC would once again spark controversy by refusing to approve the publication of Reg Underhill's report of the increasing patterns of far-left entryism into CLPs in January 1980. Pressure had begun to mount on social democrats within the party as the fringe Social Democratic Alliance openly courted expulsion by threatening to put up eleven alternate candidates against sitting left-wing MPs. In the atmosphere of such controversy, Rodgers would soon find himself joined by David Owen, former Foreign Secretary, in his vehement criticism of the left. Owen had been infuriated by the conduct of Tony Benn in the General election over the re-opening of the EEC dispute during the general election and found himself infuriated by the Wembley special conference held in May 1980. Following the formal demand of the Labour Common Market Safeguards Committee, spearheaded by John Silkin, that Labour should be elected on a clear mandate to pull Britain out of the EEC, Rodgers would invite the outspoken Owen to a meeting with himself, Dickson Mabon and Shirley Williams. Williams alienation from the party had stemmed from her distaste of the growing influence of the outside left, detesting the anti-democratic tendencies of the Trotskyists. Mabon, serving as Shadow Secretary of State for Scotland, was an ardent pro-European and had been a founder of the Manifesto Group, challenge the rising ascendancy of the leftwing within the Tribune Group.
The four would meet at the Il Comolario restaurant on the 9th June 1980, agreeing to draft a statement on their support for Europe. As relations within the party further deteriorated, an internal party commission would hold a session to submit its findings in Bishop Stortford in June. The complicated set of recommendations proposed, posed as a compromise between the left and right wings of the party, proved to satisfy nobody. Instead the debacle saw Callaghan's position as leader significantly weakened, as divisions deepened within the shadow cabinet. Callahan's criticism of his colleagues, including Rogers, Mabon and Owen, for their rejection of the compromises would do little to subside the rapidly growing tensions within the once united shadow cabinet. On August the 1st, the Guardian published an open letter signed by the ''Gang of Four'' (named after the notorious CCP officials) declaring their support for Europe and deemed Labour's current situation as the gravest crisis in its history. The ensuing controversy would see mixed responses, leftists equivocally condemned the letter, meanwhile while many sympathetic social democrats would express their support (quite a few in private) the four would be criticised for the manner and timing of the publication.
The triumph of the left in the Blackpool annual conference would serve as the catalyst for the social democratic breakaway. In an attempt to counter proposals favouring an electoral college, David Owen had led right-wingers in support of endorsing One Member One Vote (OMOV). However the motion would fail, along with Owen dramatically storming out of the conference in anger following rancorous vitriolic heckling during his speech. The conference had been a miserable affair for the social democratic right, virtually all the decisions taken had gone in the left's favour. At a CLV meeting scheduled a day following the conference, rather then discuss who to support in the upcoming leadership election (following Callahan's retirement), an incensed Williams and Owen would launch a tirade against the left in their speeches, with the former abruptly stating that Labour had until January. Her statement would be widely publicised in the media as foreboding of an imminent split, indeed that evening social democrats would openly discuss the prospect of splitting from Labour in William's hotel room.
On the continent, president of the European Commission Roy Jenkins (once considered a future leader of the Labour party), would deliver a lecture entitled "Home Thoughts from Abroad" at the BBC's annual televised Dimbleby lecture on the 22nd November 1979. Jenkins would call for proportional representation, implicate the need for a new political force and the "strengthening of the radical center." His speech would be well received, yet viewed sceptically within the Labour party. Amongst his "Jenkinsite" supporters, various possibilities would be endlessly discussed. Media speculation would begin to form over the possibility of a new centre-left party forming, often a result of deliberate leaks within the Jenkinsite camp. Within this element of the Labour right, division existed at their frequent meetings on the appropriate course of action. The "hawks" would favour the formation of a skeletal party with a vacant leadership, which Jenkins would lead once concluding his tenure in Brussels. On the other hand, the ''doves'' would favour such a party being joined by prominent Labour MPs in order to stand a chance electorally. Jenkins, often present at such meetings, would come to favour the latter approach, remaining in heavy correspondence with Rodgers. Yet the Gang of Four (initially) had little interest from splitting from Labour, determined to fight from within. Williams would go as far as openly denouncing the prospect of a centre party because it would have "no roots, no principles and no values." By the summer of 1980, excitement over a new party had largely died down, the relevance of the Dimbleby lecture had largely subsided and Jenkins remained relatively isolated in Brussels. The Blackpool conference would rapidly alter the situation, the two separate political circles that were the Jenkinsites and Gang of Four would find their interests increasingly lay together.
The defeat of Denis Healey in the Labour leadership election appalled many social democrats within the party. Healey had ran a poor campaign, overconfident and abrasive in his approach. His opponent Michael Foot had attained significant support positioning himself as a unity candidate capable of preventing a Bennite take-over, appealing to the emerging loose alliance within the PLP against Benn and the outside left. In spite of such, many of Foot's ideological positions were unacceptable to many right-wingers. The thundering blow of his election had now seen the left win on policy, on constitution and now the leadership. The consequences of such were further compounded by Healey's pledge of loyalty to Foot by agreeing to serve as his Deputy Leader rather then voicing any sort of opposition. Social democrats would find themselves deeply dismayed, in their eyes the situation had become desperate. Amongst the Gang of Four, David Owen had viewed the leadership election as the final straw, publicly announcing he would not seek re-election to the shadow cabinet on the 2nd of November. He would begin to recruit a group of sympathisers within the House of Commons, namely John Horam, Robert Maclennan, Tom Bradley, Ian Wrigglesworth, Mike Thomas and the reluctant Philip Whitehead. The Owen group, as they would be dubbed by Labour colleagues, did not immediately desire to split from Labour, yet would spend considerable time contemplating it. Bill Rodgers had found himself increasingly despondent, astonished by the shadow cabinet's narrow vote in favour of an electoral college and infuriated by Foot's ineptness. On the 28th November, Williams would decline to stand as a parliamentary candidate, arguing that she could not honestly expound and defend Labour's current platform. Despite her roots within the party, a split had become increasingly imminent in her mind. Dickson Mabon would remain the most reluctant, while having become increasingly disillusioned with Labour, still believing to an extent that the party could be saved.
On the 15th December, the Gang of Four would meet at the Il Comolario restaurant once again. They would be joined, by Rodger's invitation, by Roy Jenkins. Following the dinner and subsequent difficult discussion, all of the four had come to the conclusion that there was no alternative and a split was inevitable. While Foot and Healey had attempted to convince Williams to commit her future in the party, she had gradually become inclined to abandon the party. Like many others, Rodgers was deeply torn yet had grown tired of soldering on, incapable of continuing "living a lie." Developments in the party, and in their own thinking, had pushed them towards the belief that their position in the Labour party had become unattainable. Throughout this arduous period, Mabon remained the black sheep of the group. While Owen, Rodgers and Williams had all been senior ministers in the Callaghan administration, Mabon had instead been made effective minder to Tony Benn, whom Callaghan wanted to keep inside the government, at the Department of Energy, as a minister of state. Appointed as shadow Secretary of State for Scotland following the general election, Mabon had aligned himself with Rodgers and Owen in the increasingly frequent disputes within the parliamentary committee, fostering a good relationship with the two. Such a relationship would see his heavy involvement in the Gang of Four's open letter to The Guardian, yet he would often not attend/be invited to meetings, appearing much more distant. He had come to the same conclusion as Rodgers by their meeting at the restaurant, yet still felt determined to prolong such as split to a later date.
Roy Jenkins's impending return from Brussels would hasten co-operation between himself and the Gang of Four. Having agreed on the key principles on which a party would have to be founded, Jenkins would begin regularly meeting with the others, agreeing on a detailed plan of action. Thus began the transformation of the Gang of Four into the Gang of Five. Over the course of the next month, the primary focus would be on preparation of a joint statement following the January Wembley Conference and recruitment. Such major developments would become subject to intensive media speculation. Jenkins would often deliberately leak the date of meetings at his East Hendred manor, to the consternation of Shirley Williams. In such a nerve-wracking environment, relations between the founding defectors were often strained by conflicting interests. Meetings of the Manifesto Group and CLV were often tense, as factions of future defectors had clearly began to emerge. Attempts for reconciliation would often fail quite miserably, devolving into MPs reproaching one another for refusing to fight on, or having not fought hard enough.
The Wembley Conference would mark the beginning of the social democratic breakaway. Owen would lead one final crusade in favour of OMOV, supported heavily by the Electric, Electronic, Telecommunications and Plumbing Union (EETPU). Foot had attempted to prevent a breakaway by endorsing a motion that would ensure the PLP as the largest voting bloc, with 50% of the vote in the College. OMOV would fail miserably once again. In yet another triumph for the left, the conference would vote in favour of a 35-30-35 distribution (Trade unions-CLP-PLP), defying Foot and securing a greater degree of influence for the unions and CLPs. An astonishing result now meant a Labour leader could be elected without a singular vote from an MP. Having attended their final event ever as members of the party, Mabon, Owen, Williams and Rodgers would return home, their claims about the left vindicated in the eyes of many.
On the 28th January, journalists would be invited to a special event at Roy Jenkins' manor. A luxurious occasion, it would serve for the joint announcement setting up a Council for Social Democracy. The statement would be primarily concerned with policy, an effective restatement of the Gang of Five's well-known political positions. Throughout the following week, fifteen Labour MPs would declare their support for the newly founded council.
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Found Somewhere Else To Go
Deleted member 157939
The initial reaction to the East Hendred Declaration far exceeded anything that had been anticipated. The general public instantaneously became infatuated with the Gang of Five, propelling them to a celebrity status overnight. In an exhilarating week, The Guardian would reprint the declaration as an advertisement, attaining 115 signatories from a wide variety of former Cabinet ministers, members of the House of Lords, businessmen, scientists and economists. The opinion polls would go so far as astonish social democrats themselves, showing immediately that an CSD-Liberal alliance would poll above Labour and the Conservatives. The Council of Social Democracy would boast the membership of fifteen Labour MPs by it's first week of existence. Yet while the Council itself had indicated the imminent formation of a new party, its members did not resign from Labour immediately. Williams would step down from the NEC on February 6th, followed the next day by David Owen signalling that he would not be standing as a Labour MP in the next general election to his local constituency party. Dickson Mabon and Bill Rodgers would both step down from the Shadow Cabinet on February 9th, despite the frantic pleas of Michael Foot. The next two months would be pre-occupied with precisely creating the beginnings of a semblance of a party organization.
On the ninth of March, all of the CSD's supporters would resign the Labour whip simultaneously, joined by 10 members of the House of Lords (including Lord George Brown). This newly formed caucus would announce henceforth they would be referred to as "Social Democratic" members. Shortly before the launch, the parliamentary group would be enlarged when three Labour MPs would defect. In a even more dramatic turn of events, the eccentric long-standing critic of Margaret Thatcher Christopher Brocklebank-Fowler and backbencher Stephen Dorrell would cross the floor during a parliamentary debate on the 1981 budget. Degerming a date for the launch of the party proved considerably difficult, with a consensus emerging after fierce debate for a launch in late March. The "American-style" launch was a media spectacular. A euphoric occasion, it was on the first item of every TV news bulletin, a main headline on the front of every newspaper, launching simultaneously nationwide. Having suffered months of literal anguish in splitting from Labour, the Gang of Five could finally enjoy an exhilarating release as the Social Democratic Party was launched in a glorious wave of euphoria.
Seventeen Labour MPs and two Conservatives were among the founding members of the SDP, in the largest breakaway in the House of Commons for nearly a century. The Labour defectors never constituted in an organized faction in the PLP, rather a number of tiny fragments. In some cases, defectors were far from united on policy, with no precise consensus on the nature of this newly emerging party being formed during the frantic months following the 1980 Blackpool conference. One element believed the SDP should pose itself as a resurrection of the Labour party, standing for the social democratic principles of the previous Labour governments prior to the dominance of the left, seeking to appeal to working class voters. Such a conception was straddled by Bill Rodgers and Dickson Mabon. On the other hand, a "radical-idealist" conception, supported primarily by Owen and Williams, suggested the party should look towards new issues then Labour, seeking to appeal to all of the community rather then just the working class. Roy Jenkins supported a more centrist approach, rather then supplanting the Tories or Labour, the SDP should seek to be a moderating third force, recruiting those not active in politics. These ideological deviations however where initially quite hazy, while each member would support a particular conception, their beliefs often overlapped.
The SDP would enjoy astonishing momentum following its launch in March, thriving off new defections and the deep unpopularity of both Labour and the Conservatives. Labour found itself demoralised following the breakaway, as the civil war that catalysed it raged on. The deputy leadership election between Healey and Benn had become a damaging struggle, meanwhile Michael Foot's incompetence as leader was drastically exposed. Foot's dishevelled appearance had gained him the unflattering nickname "Worzel Gummridge," becoming a routinely mocked figure by the satirical magazine Private Eye. The Thatcher government was the least popular in recent history, with a rapid increase in unemployment and stagflation. The governments monetarist policy alienated many, including members of Thatcher's own Conservative party. Anti-Thatcherite wets found themselves opposed to anti-Thatcherite dries in the backbenches and within the cabinet. Controversy was further exacerbated on the governments handling of Northern Ireland and The Troubles. The Prime Minister's combative personality and insistence on no change in policy, lead to a plummet in her personal standings, polling as the least well-regarded PM in history. Thatcher and her close ally Airey Neave would acquire similarly mocking nicknames as Foot, dubbed "Attila the Hen" and "Obergruppenführer Neave" (considered especially insulting due to his service during the war). The SDP's youthful ebullience contrasted with the perceived failures of the two dominant parties.
David Steel, leader of the Liberal Party, had been vocal in his support for the Jenkinsite and Gang of Four breakaway from Labour, to the point that he had become frustrated with the pace of their gradual disengagement with the party. At the point of the SDPs formation, co-operation between the two separate entities was deemed strategically necessary and could be widely beneficial, polls had constituently shown an SDP-Liberal alliance could capture up to a staggering half of the nationwide vote. Yet within the parties, opinion was divided, albeit relatively tentative and unformed. David Owen believed that the SDP should focus on the development of its own distinct identity, regarding joint-decision making as wholly unnecessary. A stalwart on the preservation of the Social Democratic parties independence, Owen preferred a loose one-time electoral pact rather then firm alliance. On the other hand, senior Liberal MPs such as Cyril Smith would go as far as to support the infanticide of the young SDP. A great deal of anxiety existed amongst Liberal members. The influential anti-establishment ALC viewed themselves just as distant from social democracy as conservatism, meanwhile traditional Liberals grew weary of the perceived opportunism of Labour "refugees." Yet David Steel was not one to engage in factional disputes (to the point where he could often be divorced from his own party discourse), viewing the SDP as the means to his goal of political realignment. The Königswinter conference would see the development of working Liberal-SDP relations, effectively establishing the Alliance agenda until the upcoming general election. The hurriedly produced A Fresh Start for Britain would be published shortly after, affirming the two parties desire to co-operate and a reformulation of existing principles.
In late May 1981, Tom Williams, a right-wing MP for Warrington, would resign to become a judge. A solidly working class constituency in the Labour heartlands, the by-election seemed unwinnable for the SDP or Liberals. The SDP found itself in a dilemma, should they refuse to contest the race, their legitimacy as a national party could be questioned, yet should they contest and loose, it could be detrimental to their momentum. After much deliberation, Shirley Williams would agree to contest Warrington, following private polling showing her appeal to the substantial Catholic minority and manual labourers in the constituency. Labour's chief whip would call the by-election to be held on the 15th July in an attempt to deprive the new party of time to build up a local contingent. Leftist NEC member Doug Hoyle would be selected to run in the seat, while the Conservatives would unusually select trade unionist and bus driver Stanley Sorrell.
The campaign quickly became a merry affair, as citizens of Warrington enjoyed the high publicity of a celebrity in their midst. Williams was adored, receiving smiles and kisses virtually every where she campaigned in. The presence of David Steel and Gang of Five further emphasised the carnival-like nature of the Social Democratic campaign. Opinions polls had initially predicted a firm Labour majority, despite a sensational campaign even high-ranking members of the SDP felt pessimistic on the day of the results. However uproar would quickly fill the hall when the actual result was announced. Williams had transformed a Labour majority of 10,274 into an SDP majority of 888, capturing 47.4% of the votes cast. Such a result sent shockwaves nationwide, humiliating Labour and granting the SDP a legitimate sense of credibility. The atmosphere of euphoric excitement could be tasted in the air.
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No worries. Real life interrupts, and we're all amateurs here, having some fun. That's the key - amateurs, and having fun. No editors, and no editorial deadlines. Glad to see you continue this timeline. Looking forward to reading more.
Ben’s Bandwagon
Deleted member 157939
The splintering of the social democrats would not quell Labour in-fighting, rather it would exacerbate the disunity of the party. Initially having enjoyed high polling numbers, Michael Foot standing would collapse, becoming perceived as increasingly incompetent and incoherent by the general public and even his own party. Elected as a reconciliatory figure, Foot appeared to be failing, despite his best efforts, to prevent Labour from disintegrating. Foot's demeanour, dishevelled appearance and discomfort in television interviews had made him a subject of savage mockery in Tory tabloids and especially in satirical magazine Private Eye, where he would be dubbed "Worzel Gummridge" after a character in children's fiction that resembled an amiable yet demented scarecrow. Immediately into his leadership, his authority would be undermined when the conference would adopt a 35-30-35 percentage distribution rather then his preferred 25-25-50 percent formula for the controversial electoral college. A Tribunite and firm believer in parliamentary authority, Foot would often find himself in direct contention with members of the outside left faction, namely Tony Benn.
Following the Wembley conference, moderate union leaders and a select few right-wing MPs would be invited to a meeting at the St Ermin's hotel. The Group had a clear rationale, to elect a Labour government by moving the party back towards the right, believing this could only be done by removing the left's dominance of the general council of the Trade Union Congress and NEC. The Group, comprising of the APEX, EETPU, ISTC, NUR, POEU, UCW and USDAW, would begin frequently yet confidentially meeting for the organisation of a strategy. Possessing up to 90% of the votes to the NEC, the unions had almost total control of the elections of the NEC. Thus the St Ermins group would aim to target particular NEC seats to challenge the authority of the left.
The SDP defections had been disastrous for the Labour right, despite a relatively small number of defections, it had resulted in haemorrhaging of Manifesto Group numbers. In a quick response 140 MPs, comprising of members of the now defunct Manifesto group and Tribunites, would sign a publication which would affirm an acceptance of the Electoral College yet would fundamental disagreement with the formula agreed upon in the conference. These 140 were form the pool from which the Consensus Group emerged, comprising the invitation list for its February founding meeting. On the 14th February, 96 MPs signatories met under the joint chairmanship of Shore and Hattersley, agreeing to establish the Labour Consensus Campaign. Consensus would primarily recruit MPs across the spectrum: social democrats, centrists and members of the inside/soft left to form a broad coalition within the PLP against the Bennite/Outside left, purposely choosing to abstain from endorsing specific policy. The Campaign would declare its intention to overturn Wembley, to allow the " Party's natural mainstream majority" to assert itself and to ensure the NEC and other Labour institutions more adequately represented the wide variety of party interests. Besides just parliamentary organization, the Campaign would reach out to the unions and the formation of local groups nationwide.
Labour would soon find itself embroiled in a deeply destructive internal battle, which would hit virtually everybody off guard. Mere days following the SDP launch on the 26th March, Tony Benn would declare his intention to challenge Denis Healey for the leadership. Foot had attempted to dissuade Benn from doing so, yet to little avail. Considered the leader and personality of the outside left, Tony Benn was a deeply controversial figure. An advocate for every fashionable left-wing cause, Benn was adamant in his belief that Labour should embrace in a broad coalition almost all who labelled themselves as socialists, even those who adhered to far-left ideologies such as the Trotskyists. Polarising in his approach, supporters would view him almost messianicly, while opponents viewed him as a fanatic demagogue. He was abhorred by social democrats within Labour and vilified by press who mocked him as a champagne socialist, Communist sympathiser or went as far to suggested he would implement a type of Eastern European state socialism. As a major figurehead, and arguably leader, of the Labour left, he commanded a devoted base Bennite supporters, while others on the inside left held reservations and suspicions of him, yet for the time being acknowledged his role as a leader.
The campaign would prove to be calamitous. Labour's standing in the polls would plummet as Healey and Benn would tour the nation, publicly abusing each other, while offering totally discordant visions for the future of Labour and the nation. A brutally hostile campaign, Foot would firmly support Healey as his deputy. The outside left campaigned for Benn by threatening pro-Healey MP's with deselection, launching personal smears and heckling during speeches. Benn would attempt acquire further left-wing support by joining Tribune, yet such a manoeuvre would backfire tremendously. Many Tribunites, affiliated with the inside left, favoured a "softer" strand of leftism, they had little interest in supporting a right-winger such as Healey. Thus a serious dilemma emerged, with Tribunite MPs meeting in an attempt to resolve such a situation. They would opt to support a third candidate in the contest, a non-Bennite left-winger would could appeal to the inside left, constituency activists and trade unionists. It was immediately recognised this potential candidature would be unlikely to reach a second ballot (should there be one), and as a result they abstain in the run-off between Healey and Benn. Multiple names were suggested, while Eric Heffer initially volunteered he would quickly withdraw after advise from his electoral agent and his personal friendship with Benn. After a series of meetings, Welsh MP Neil Kinnock would be reluctantly agreed upon, despite fierce arguments against his candidature. A rising star within the left-wing of Labour, Kinnock was considered too junior by many, not being Privy Counsellor and having not served as a government minister. However the ramifications of his candidacy would be seismic, resulting in the split on the Left which would lead to the creation of the Labour Socialist Campaign Group.
Benn's announcement served as a major disruption to the activities of the Consensus and St Ermin groups respectively. The Steering Committee of Consensus now viewed its major task as Healey's re-election, yet could not afford the loss of crucial left-wing support of those who had not yet entirely split from Benn. Despite their best efforts (including attempts to draw Foot into their strategy by stating their support for the incumbent collective leadership of as to appear loyal to the left-wing leader), the effective support for Healey would caused a variety of problems. The contest would tear the campaign's disparate membership apart, as the campaign intensified, the group would publish a statement declaring "The Labour Consensus Campaign unequivocally advises its supporters to vote to retain Denis Healey as the Party's Deputy Leader." The perceived transition into a Healyite campaign forum deeply disappointed leftists, many of whom would depart from the fledging organization. Meanwhile the St Ermin's group would concern itself primarily with marshalling union support in the contest and for the upcoming NEC elections.
Amidst the ever intensifying campaign, the Warrington by-election was being fought concurrently. Warrington was a traditional Labour stronghold, staunchly working class in the Labour heartlands. Yet the SDP had fielded the extremely popular Shirley Williams, considered a credible threat due to her appeal and her Labour background. In a major political upset, the SDP would decimate Labour's 10,000 vote majority, granting the young party its first seat in Westminster. The consequences were deeply demoralising, providing stark evidence of the inroads the SDP was making into Labour's heartlands, a splash of purple in a traditional sea of red. The Labour party crashed further in the polls, the ramifications of the by-election would cloud the party in deep uncertainty, anything seemed possible.
On the 27th September, the Eightieth Conference of the Labour Party would open in Brighton. Following the nature of previous years, it proved to be remarkably alienating. The conference would endorse a variety of left-wing proposals, overwhelmingly supporting promises of more nationalisation, more state planning and controls in the economy and increased public spending, by any future Labour government, accepting without dissent an NEC statement, The Socialist Alternative. Furthermore motions in favour of approval to a demand for withdrawal from the EEC, commitment to unilateralist policy, granting the NEC the final say in the writing of the Party's general election manifesto and commitment in favour of future "democratisation" of the NEC and Shadow Cabinet elections, would be swiftly passed. The environment at the conference was venomous, with right-wingers complained of being refused to be allowed to speak, along with allegations of downright harassment and intense heckling.
The main attraction of the conference would be the results of the deputy leadership contest, the six-month campaign had become a battle for the heart of the Labour party. While Healey had won a plurality in the first round, he had failed to reach a majority thus necessitating a second round of voting. Kinnock had fought valiantly in a praise-worthy campaign. It had been a deep isolating experience for the young Welshman, he found himself the victim of vitriolic abuse, yet had been able to attract the support of 56 Labour MPs. Under Kinnocks direction, multiple left-wingers would abstain in the second round of voting.
To the horror of the Healey camp and the abstainers, Benn clutched victory in an extremely narrow victory, winning by a margin of 0.4%. It would soon be revealed that within the Transport and General Workers Union (TGWU) (that had voted for Kinnock in the first ballot), some of the delegates on the conference floor had defied the unions intention to abstain by voting for Benn. The outside left had succeeded in their incursion into the Labour leadership to the sheer confoundment of their opponents. The NEC elections would prove slightly better for the right, with moderates succeeding in gaining three seats (two in women's section, one from the union section) yet failing in their ambition to unseat Norman Atkinson from his position as party treasurer. The conference was a crushing categorical defeat for the Labour right, who were left utterly bewildered and dismayed.
The reaction to Benn's victory was chaotic. Intensive media speculation predicted a haemorrhage of Labour defections to the SDP, others reported that MPs were considering a "UDI" within the PLP, through electing their own Deputy Leader. Amidst the disarray, many right-wingers found themselves in deep contemplation of their future in the party. Benn's victory had been yet another blow in a series of soul crushing defeats, conditions within Labour had become intolerable for many. A flurry of communications would occur within the party, and outside it. The next few months would be defined by agonizing uncertainty. Days after the conference, on the fifth of October, an emergency session of MPs would be held to decide on the next course of action.
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