An Age of Miracles Continues: The Empire of Rhomania

It's becoming increasingly clear that Persia is screwed, does that mean states that have been recently subdued by Ibrahim or his father on the Northern and Eastern fringes will get ideas? Seems like a real good opportunity to break free.
Potentially, but we should remember that since the "Rightful Shah" is being put in place they have other options.

1) Turning in favour of Iskandar in exchange for more autonomy
2) Iskandar might HAVE to retake that territory to keep himself on the throne. Being put in place by a Roman ally and then losing frontier regions (more than was taken by the Romans anyway) is NOT a good look for a new Shah.
 

Cryostorm

Monthly Donor
Potentially, but we should remember that since the "Rightful Shah" is being put in place they have other options.

1) Turning in favour of Iskandar in exchange for more autonomy
2) Iskandar might HAVE to retake that territory to keep himself on the throne. Being put in place by a Roman ally and then losing frontier regions (more than was taken by the Romans anyway) is NOT a good look for a new Shah.
Yep, let's not forget that Iskander is getting a very good education on how to run a early- modern army while also knowing what is needed to support it. Using Southern Mesopotamia and Persia as a base is more than enough to bring the fringes back in line, possibly even more firmly than ever before.
 
The more I think about it the more I've developed a bit of a soft spot for Ibrahim. He's a reasonably competent, if not good, king and general in his own right.

It isn't his fault that his dad overextended his empire and then died off before the bill for said overexpansion came due. When your dad is, at worst, the second-best general in the 400-odd years of this timeline that's a ton to live up to. Ibrahim certainly isn't his dad but he's an interesting, somewhat tragic character in his own right.
 
@Basileus444
Do you have any advice about writing battle for tl's? I greatly enjoy reading about the battles in your tl's but I find myself somewhat struggling when it comes to that aspect of writing a tl.

My advice would be to read up on OTL battles, and not just battles that are from the time/place that you’re writing ITTL. I’ve gotten a ton of inspiration and ideas, and things from one era can be adapted for others. Some battles are fairly copy-and-paste from an OTL battle, with some tweaks. Qara Tappa was inspired by the battle of Ravenna from the Italian Wars for example. And sometimes I’ve mixed-and-matched pieces of different OTL battles to combine them into a TTL battle.

Also sometimes I’ve google-earthed the location where I want to have the battle, looked out over the terrain involved, and the battle effectively wrote itself. The battle of Wennenden was like that. I knew the end result I wanted, picked a random German town in the right general area to be the place-name, then looked around the landscape, and only then did the actual course of the battle come into being. The battle of Nineveh was similar, although not quite to the same extent.

Hope that helps.

Pirokolos...who is that man? Jokes aside i think that man is a great lover of spicy food otherwise his last name does not make any sense

During the previous war, his men were pursuing the fleeing enemy and Michael hopped up onto an enemy cannon like it was a horse to cheer them on. Except the barrel was still quite hot and he burned his rump. His friend Odysseus then gave him a nickname which stuck.

(Best part is that it is from OTL, from an incident in the American Civil War.)

Strategically, it also offers them options about where to strike once spring arrives - they can swing southeast towards Isfahan or northeast towards Qom and Tehran. I didn't expect them to march this far north from Basra, but if the politics are favorable the politics are favorable.

It was entirely for political reasons. First impressions are extremely important, so being able to win over a Persian district bloodlessly was a big boon to Iskandar’s legitimacy in Persia.

Another fantastic update. The presentation as an epic certainly feels apropos. The conversation at the end gives the feel of a fantasy epic a la Brandon Sanderson.

They are certainly in a good position for the beginning of next year's campaign. They have a decent sized force, a strong ability to recruit more, and a solid entrance onto the plateau. I'm sure we'll find out eventually, but I am still curious about the status of the status of the Georgians and the Egyptians. I assume things are going well for them given Ibrahim's inability to focus on those fronts.

I feel like the main problem next spring will be logistics. Being so far from Roman supplies they are going to have to rely on small portions of Persia and the devastated Mesopotamia to feed and equip their armies. It'll take a heavy toll on the regions I'm sure. They'll look to capture supply depots where ever possible I suppose. Captured grain and powder should work just fine, but I wonder if there will be issues with ammunition. Seems unlikely that Rome and Persia landed on the same caliber at this point in history.

Ammunition isn’t really an issue in this period, unlike today. The virtue of smoothbore muzzle-loaders is that literally if it can be shoved down the barrel, it can be used as ammunition. There’s the scene in the first Pirates of the Caribbean movie where the good guys are firing things like forks and spoons because they ran out of cannonballs.

Accuracy would suffer because the fit wouldn’t be as good, but even the manufactured ammunition doesn’t fit well (everything is made by hand so tight fits are impossible), hence why accuracy was poor already. Mass firing was how armies made up for that IOTL and ITTL.

It's becoming increasingly clear that Persia is screwed, does that mean states that have been recently subdued by Ibrahim or his father on the Northern and Eastern fringes will get ideas? Seems like a real good opportunity to break free.

The most troublesome bits, the Punjab and Afghanistan, already broke away during Ibrahim’s reign because of his need to focus on the west. So what’s left are more core territories that are more inclined to stick with the whole.

The more I think about it the more I've developed a bit of a soft spot for Ibrahim. He's a reasonably competent, if not good, king and general in his own right.

It isn't his fault that his dad overextended his empire and then died off before the bill for said overexpansion came due. When your dad is, at worst, the second-best general in the 400-odd years of this timeline that's a ton to live up to. Ibrahim certainly isn't his dad but he's an interesting, somewhat tragic character in his own right.

I’ve been developing a soft spot for himself as time as passed. His interests are aligned against the Romans, but he’s not a villain (at least no more than a typical early modern leader).

Plus legally, he does have a better claim to the Ottoman throne. Iskandar is being a usurper here.

Territorial consequences: Obviously nothing wrong with speculation, but I’m not going to comment on this because I’d just be saying stuff that I’d then be repeating when the update covering that came around.

The Great Crime: It’s going to be nasty and ugly and horrific by our standards. But honestly, the level of toleration the Romans have displayed ITTL has often struck me as unrealistic and optimistic. When taking places like Melitene IOTL, their response to the Muslim was ‘convert or GTFO’. Their treatment of the Paulicians was hardly enlightened and blew up in their faces, while they argued with and harassed the Armenian Church. During the mid-1000s the Orthodox and Armenians were having one of their arguments, and helped inspired the Great Schism because the Patriarch of Constantinople was disgusted by the Armenian practice of unleavened communion wafers, and then along come Catholics with their unleavened communion wafers… Oh, and it also alienated the Armenians just as the Turkish raids started.

The more tolerant shift ITTL is very much a ‘pragmatic reform to survive’, but the Romans are hardly operating in a modern lens of multiculturalism. The likes of Armenians and Copts are definitely heretics in their eyes; they just promise to tolerate them and not impose too many or too many stringent restrictions, just enough to remind them of their subordinate status.
 
It would be interesting to write a one-shot alternative timeline for this TL, 'What if Andreas III fulfilled his ambitions?'. Without the Great Latin War and the full energies of the Empire focused eastwards it would be interesting to see what would happen.
 
Ok, this should be a more up to date list of all Emperors of the Romans, including notable usurpers!
As a note, I put Theodor's "reign" ending in 1634, because after that he no longer posed much of a threat and also went mad.

HOUSE OF LASKARIS (1204-1282)
Theodoros II Laskaris (1254-1282): Theodoros Megas
Ioannes IV Laskaris (1282-1316)
Manuel II Laskaris (1316-1324)
Anna I Laskarina (1324-1381)
Andronikos II Laskaris (1373-1376): usurper, crowned in Constantinople
Konstantinos XI Laskaris (1381-1401)
Theodoros III Laskaris (1401-1403): slain at Cappadocian Caesarea
Ioannes V Laskaris (1403-1410): regency under Maria of Barcelona
Nicholas "I" Laskaris (1403-1408): usurper, never held Constantinople
Thomas I Laskaris (1410-1414)
SECOND HOUSE OF KOMNENOS (1414-1541)
Demetrios I Komnenos (1414-1439): Demetrios Megas
Manuel III Doukas (1414-1431): Manuel the Protector
Theodoros IV Komnenos (1439-1458): Theodoros the Miser, slain at Kosovo
Andreas I Komnenos (1458-1517): Andreas Niketas, the Good Emperor
Leo "I" Komnenos (1516): usurper, never held Constantinople, slain at the Iron Gates
Andreas "II" "Arpad" (1516): usurper, never held Constantinople
Herakleios II Komnenos (1516-1518): Herakleios the Apostate
Nikephoros IV Komnenos (1518-1528): Nikephoros the Spider, the Bloody Emperor
Alexios VI Komnenos (1528)
Petros "I" Doukas (1528): usurper, never held Constantinople
Alexeia I Komnena (1528-1537): Alexia the Mad
Andreas "II" Angelos (1537-1541): the Salty Prince, never held Constantinople, slain at Tenedos
Ioannes VI Komnenos (1537-1541)
THE LATER TROUBLES (1541-1548)
Isaakios III Angelos (1541): slain at Gordion
Stefanos I Doukas (1541-1543)
Alexios VII Papagos (1544)
Manuel IV Klados (1544)
Giorgios I Laskaris (1544-1547): slain at Megiddo
Andreas II Drakos (1547-1548): Andreas Pistotatos
HOUSE OF DRAKOS (1548-1630)
Helena I Drakina (1548-1625)
Andreas “III” (1570-1571): usurper, never held Constantinople
Demetrios II Drakos (1587-1625)
Helena II Drakina (1619-1630)
Andreas III Drakos (1625-1630)
HOUSE OF SIDEROS (1630-ongoing)
Demetrios III Sideros (1630-1639): the Forgotten Emperor
Theodoros "V" Wittelsbach (1630-1634): usurper, never held Constantinople
Odysseus I Sideros (1639-ongoing): Odysseus the Magnificent​
 
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It would be interesting to write a one-shot alternative timeline for this TL, 'What if Andreas III fulfilled his ambitions?'. Without the Great Latin War and the full energies of the Empire focused eastwards it would be interesting to see what would happen.
I know this isn't the first suggestion of an ATL off this ATL, but I can definitely see this being a popular one to write about in this universe.
 

Cryostorm

Monthly Donor
Ok, this should be a more up to date list of all Emperors of the Romans, including notable usurpers!
As a note, I put Theodor's "reign" ending in 1634, because after that he no longer posed much of a threat and also went mad.

HOUSE OF LASKARIS (1204-1282)
Theodoros II Laskaris (1254-1282): Theodoros Megas
John IV Laskaris (1282-1316)
Manuel II Laskaris (1316-1324)
Anna I Laskarina (1324-1381)
Andronikos II Laskaris (1373-1376): usurper, crowned in Constantinople
Konstantinos XI Laskaris (1381-1401)
Theodoros III Laskaris (1401-1403): slain at Cappadocian Caesarea
John V Laskaris (1403-1410)
Thomas I Laskaris (1410-1414)
SECOND HOUSE OF KOMNENOS (1414-1541)
Demetrios I Komnenos (1414-1439): Demetrios Megas
Manuel III Doukas (1414-1431): Manuel the Protector
Theodoros IV Komnenos (1439-1458): Theodoros the Miser, slain at Kosovo
Andreas I Komnenos (1458-1517): Andreas Niketas, the Good Emperor
Leo "I" Komnenos (1516): usurper, never held Constantinople, slain at the Iron Gates
Andreas "II" "Arpad" (1516): usurper, never held Constantinople
Herakleios II Komnenos (1516-1518): Herakleios the Apostate
Nikephoros IV Komnenos (1518-1528): Nikephoros the Spider, the Bloody Emperor
Alexios VI Komnenos (1528)
Petros "I" Doukas (1528): usurper, never held Constantinople
Alexeia I Komnena (1528-1537): Alexia the Mad
Andreas "II" Angelos (1537-1541): the Salty Prince, never held Constantinople, slain at Tenedos
Ioannes VI Komnenos (1537-1541)
THE LATER TROUBLES (1541-1548)
Isaakios III Angelos (1541): slain at Gordion
Stefanos I Doukas (1541-1543)
Alexios VII Papagos (1544)
Manuel IV Klados (1544)
Giorgios I Laskaris (1544-1547): slain at Megiddo
Andreas II Drakos (1547-1548): Andreas Pistotatos
HOUSE OF DRAKOS (1548-1630)
Helena I Drakina (1548-1625)
Andreas “III” (1570-1571): usurper, never held Constantinople
Demetrios II Drakos (1587-1625)
Helena II Drakina (1619-1630)
Andreas III Drakos (1625-1630)
HOUSE OF SIDEROS (1630-ongoing)
Demetrios III Sideros (1630-1639): the Forgotten Emperor
Theodoros "V" Wittelsbach (1630-1634): usurper, never held Constantinople
Odysseus I Sideros (1639-ongoing): Odysseus the Magnificent​
Damn Helena I was around for a while, there were men who were born who died grandfather's before she passed. Not to mention pretty much being around the dynasty's near century in the purple.
 
East-1643: In the Footsteps of the Ancients
East-1643: In the Footsteps of the Ancients

As Helios’s strength rains down in greater vigor upon the earth and as Demeter rejoices with the return of her daughter Persephone from the realm of Hades, so the devotees of Ares and Athena gather to perform their worship. The Roman troops have rested over the winter while Iskandar has recruited a few thousand more soldiers for himself from supporters in the Khorramabad area. Meanwhile Ibrahim has gotten his new army as ready as he can.

It is just the three of them, Odysseus, Iskandar, and Ibrahim, as the battle moves into the heart of Persia. The Egyptian army had retaken the territories held by the Ottomans during the truce and Roman administration is in the process of reestablishing itself, as well as conducting the Great Crime, wiping out a Sunni Muslim culture in the land of Syria that was nearing its thousandth birthday. It is a good thing for Odysseus’s image that he was far away from where it was happening, absorbed in the war with Ibrahim. (That Odysseus deliberately absented himself during the Great Crime for the sake of his image, as has been suggested by some, is rejected by most Roman scholars. As Mosul and Baghdad alone show, and Rome before them, he had no qualms with bloody hands. It was just a matter of priorities.)

The Georgian army has finally taken Tabriz and the trans-Aras lands taken from them originally by Iskandar the Great, but has not moved any further. Earlier there were some raids across the old frontier that seemed more for the sake of loot, which prompted the sufferers to declare loyalty to Iskandar in a bid to make them stop. While successful in that, afterwards the Georgians have evinced no desire to advance anymore.

For the sake of supply and ease of movement, the army of Odysseus and Iskandar is split into two segments, with each monarch commanding their half. This could present a skilled and lucky opponent with an opportunity, but Ibrahim is most unlucky in the duo he is now facing. Odysseus had been a dangerous foe alone, and with Iskandar now acting truly as an ally and brother in arms, he is substantially more dangerous.

Ibrahim tries to exploit the split, but it is to no avail. The duo are too well-coordinated. One segment if attacked turns turtle, stubbornly defending its position, while the other promptly wheels to aid the other, crashing into Ibrahim’s flank and driving his force from the field. Whichever portion is the one attacked does not matter; the other will be there to aid the other, wherever and whenever needed.

To inspire his men, who need it, Ibrahim displays a heretofore unseen personal courage on the battlefield, throwing himself repeatedly into danger to rally his troops. Over the course of 1643, nine horses are killed under him, twenty-eight of his bodyguard are killed or wounded on the field, and ‘innumerable holes’ are punched in his clothing and turban, and yet he suffers not a scratch despite repeated efforts to kill him. It is Suleiman Pasha who points out the futility of the effort. It was by the decree of the sorcerer Demetrios III himself, the father of Odysseus, that the men of Odysseus and Iskandar would not have it within their power to slay Ibrahim.

Ibrahim’s valor and immunity to bullets helps him hold his army together during the 1643 campaign and even get reinforcements for it for far longer than might otherwise be expected, but even that is not enough to turn the tide. In four great battles over the course of 1643 the duo of Odysseus and Iskandar systematically destroy the impressive might Ibrahim is able to raise against them. And while no battle between great and valorous armies can ever be neat and clean, these are sweeping battles of maneuver, not the bloody slogs of Qara Tappa and Baghdad. The soldiers of Odysseus and Iskandar bleed, but not in torrents.

With the military tide clearly favoring Iskandar, more Persians come over to his side, especially as 1643 advances. The capital of Hamadan falls without a fight and Iskandar briefly takes up residence in the Shah’s palace, presenting himself as the Shahanshah in fact as well as in name. (For the sake of diplomacy and appearances, Odysseus and the Romans stay outside the walls of the capital.) He does not stay there for long, with the pursuit of Ibrahim continuing.

A key note of the campaign is the speed, with both sides moving their armies at clips rarely equaled and never surpassed until the days of railroad. Necessity demands the speed. Ibrahim must keep retreating to avoid being enveloped. Iskandar and Odysseus must pursue and eliminate him, but they also cannot rest and consolidate anyway. Living off the land, the army must be constantly in motion. If it stops, it starves.

Ibrahim attempts to exploit this weakness, but whenever he starts to scorch the earth, those Persians whose earth is getting scorched promptly support Iskandar to protect their property. Those Persians defecting to Iskandar also quickly realize that presenting supplies to the Romano-Persians promptly is highly beneficial to their own self-interest. The Romano-Persians get the supplies they need quickly without the need to forage, slowing them down, while the locals can contain the damage to their own livelihoods. Even a friendly army, if it has to forage to survive, has more similarity to a swarm of locust than anyone in its path would like.

It is a testament to the duo’s leadership, and their men’s faith in them, that they are able to keep the army going at such a pace for so long. If metal bullets run low, pebbles will replace them. If the powder runs low, then the ambrolar will be used all the more.

But the advance continues.

But not all go over to Iskandar’s side, with Ibrahim still raising substantial armies until the last is destroyed in the fourth battle, at which point even Ibrahim can do no more. Some of the resistance is from stout Ibrahim loyalists, whose position under Ibrahim means their future under Iskandar is questionable. Other sources come from those alarmed by reports of the Great Crime taking place to the west and thus steeled to resist against Odysseus and Iskandar. The Roman response is that the ‘punishments’ being hurled on the Syrian Muslims are only for those who resided in pre-war Christian lands, which according to many Muslim qadis, they should have not been doing anyway, and are not meant for those Muslims who live in the Dar al-Islam. The effectiveness of this argument is questionable. Another source of resistance to Iskandar which overlaps with the former are hardline Muslims who won’t tolerate any whiff of Christianity around their ruler, no matter how many oaths Iskandar swears on a Qur’an.

Much ink has been split on who is to blame for the brutalities that follow. These holdouts for Ibrahim are utterly destroyed if they resist, with the ruthlessness increasing as the tide turns ever in Iskandar’s favor. Some scholars attribute it to Odysseus, who has already demonstrated a capacity for extreme ruthlessness for those who hold out against him. But others point out that Iskandar could be responsible. He is seeking to establish authority in a land he has not been since he was a child, in company of a foreign monarch and army, and with shaky legitimacy. Utterly annihilating those most recalcitrant to his rule is a good way to establish his authority.

Also because of the speed of the march and constant need to move on, Iskandar is unable to really consolidate authority in the areas that pledge allegiance to him. Terror will have to keep anyone from getting ideas until he can rectify the issue. The need for continual advance also imposes its own logic for brutality. Strong points that resist can’t be sieged as that would take too long, so they must be stormed. And there is no mercy for the vanquished there.

In the long run and to the victims the question doesn’t matter. Dead is dead and Odysseus’s and Iskandar’s march across northern Persia in pursuit of Ibrahim is marked with both great battlefield victories and the scenes of massacres of those unable or unwilling to accept the new order.

Both participants of the expedition and historians writing about it frequently make callbacks to antiquity, especially Alexandros Megas. The ancient references are appropriate in an unexpected way as it makes a valuable contribution to the study of ancient history. Early in 1643 at the impetus of Odysseus, some Roman and Persian soldiers make sketches of the Behistun Inscription, of all three languages despite the difficulty. Reportedly Odysseus said he did not want to face his father’s shade unless he’d gotten the whole thing. While part of the Roman delegation that negotiated the Treaty of Mashhadshar, Demetrios Sideros had become aware of the Inscription and tried and failed to get some locals to make inscriptions of it, much to the then-Eparch’s profound annoyance. The copies are sent back to Constantinople where they would eventually be translated, an invaluable boon to the future study of ancient history as they would allow the eventual translation of a great many ancient documents.

As the campaigning season of 1643 winds down, most of Persia proper is at least nominally loyal to Iskandar, but despite strenuous efforts, Ibrahim has not been captured and killed. So long as he is alive, Ibrahim is a threat to Iskandar, just as Iskandar’s mere existence was always a threat to Ibrahim. This is especially pertinent considering the thin loyalty of many Persians who are currently pledging their support to Iskandar.

Ibrahim is fleeing east with those retainers still loyal to him. The Afghan lords around Kabul are unlikely to shelter and aid their former overlord and enemy, but they have no desire to aid Iskandar, who would want to be their new overlord. Beyond them is Alemdar Mustafa Pasha, the former Ottoman governor turned independent warlord, who by this point is lord of the Punjab and some outlying districts. Given that he broke away from Ibrahim’s authority, they are not automatic allies, but a resurgent Persia under Iskandar is a threat to the Pasha. Especially if his troops were combined with Afghan contingents, Ibrahim could muster a formidable army, and it must be remembered that Ibrahim’s own path to lordship began with an army of his father’s veterans in northern India.

And if one were to be particularly ambitious, there is the realm of Oudh. Kishan Das passed away in 1640 to be succeeded by his son, renamed Chandragupta a few years earlier. The name is highly suggestive of the ambitions of the state of Oudh. Oudh has a bigger population than Rhomania, Persia, the Triple Monarchy, and Spain combined. If Chandragupta elected to back Ibrahim, Ibrahim would be extremely dangerous, as if the last few years never happened.

Those are the pragmatic reasons for continuing the march east, but what historians sometimes forget to their peril is that people are not automatons, and Odysseus is no exception. Historians, particularly psycho-historians, have debated what debt or responsibility Odysseus felt to Andreas III, but Andreas III had mused about an overland invasion of India after marching through Persia to deal with Ibrahim. That may have been ideal speculation or a flight of fancy on Andreas III’s part, but that may have been another spur driving Odysseus ever further as they marched through lands that had never seen a Roman army and not seen a Greek one since the Diadochi.

As the army marches into the lands of the Afghans, the initial response is hostile. The locals have no wish for a restored Persian rule; the person of the Shah does not matter. After enduring some harassment, Odysseus and Iskandar march on the three clans who are causing the most trouble. The Afghans retreat to their mountain forts, trusting that the formidable natural defenses will keep them safe until rapidly approaching winter forces the lowlanders to retreat.

That the lowlanders cannot afford protracted sieges is quite true; an Afghan winter is not to be endured in the open. Odysseus and Iskandar resolve their predicament in all three cases in the same matter, following a template established by Alexandros Megas when he was in this part of the world. Picked teams of Roman and Persian troops scale the peaks in secret and then attack from above while the main army assaults from below. In all cases, the combined offensive is too much and the Romano-Persians break in, massacring everyone in the forts, from the oldest crone down to newborn infants.

Everyone else in the region gets the message and the Romano-Persians have no further trouble. Kabul opens its gates, handing over a large quantity of needed supplies. At this point some reinforcements arrive, making good the Roman losses and slightly boosting the Persian contingent, although many of the new arrivals are posted in garrisons in Kabul and elsewhere; Iskandar wants to retain his authority established here. Once that is done, in one last surge born in wanting to avoid being caught in an Afghan winter, which fortunately for them has held off so far, the army resumes its march, once again in pursuit of Ibrahim and towards the land of India.

* * *

The Khyber Pass, November 20, 1643:

Odysseus and Iskandar were seated atop their horses, stationed on a rocky outcrop set in the side of the pass that overlooked it. The vanguard had already gone through the pass and secured the immediate area, while flankers swarmed the heights above in case of any ambushers. But it did not appear that there were any challengers to the host that was marching through the Khyber.

The main body was coming into view, the trump of thousands of boots echoing off the stony walls, joined by the marching music. Banners, both Roman and Persian, fluttered in the weak breeze. The inevitable dust cloud was billowing out behind the marching soldiers, much to the annoyance of those posted further back in the line of march (rotations were cycled so no units suffered it constantly, but all suffered it), but the units out front presented a fine sight.

“Did you really think this would ever be possible?” Iskandar asked.

“Honestly, not entirely, at least until I saw it.” A pause. “A part of me still doesn’t. It fears this is but a dream.”

“And we’re about to wake up and find that the Germans have turned our flank again and are coming down the slope,” Iskandar finished. Odysseus nodded.

They passed a few moments in silence as the main body marched closer. “We’ve created something special, unique,” Iskandar said.

Odysseus smiled, genuine warmth showing on his face. “Yes, we have. Nothing like this in at least two thousand years, and possibly not even then.”

“And at least another two thousand before it comes again.”

“Yes. A brief moment it must be, but it is ours.”

The lead unit, now getting quite close, let up an indistinct cheer and the two monarchs doffed their hats. When they placed them back on their heads, the soldiers took up a call-and-response that had been increasingly popular in the last few months, after together they had scattered the might of Ibrahim and marched across the length of Persia.

“ODYSSEUS! ODYSSEUS!” the Roman soldiers cried out.

“ISKANDER! ISKANDER!” the Persian soldiers shouted.

A brief pause.

“ISKANDER! ISKANDER!” The Roman soldiers shouted.

“ODYSSEUS! ODYSSEUS!” the Persian soldiers cried out.

It was followed by an indistinct cheer much greater than the one that had inaugurated the verbal exchange, a mighty roar that reverberated off the ancient stones, echoing down into the east.
 
Fucking A. They just keep getting better and better.

Here's hoping the final confrontation between the brothers is as epic as the rest of this. If he's inherited nothing else Ibrahim has his father's luck, so he may just keep slipping the noose.
 
The ending scene with Roman and Persian banners together was very poignant and shows what the future that Rhomania and Persia could achieve when they work together. I have great hopes on whatever comes out next for both nations, the Romans and the Persians are not the only peoples affected by the War of Wrath, and some of them are not in a good way...

The Great Crime is always going to be the one event that sours whatever positivity emerges from this war for me. Rhomania will get their way, but looking at the post confirms my greatest fears about the whole campaign. The Romans are dead serious about wiping out the Arabs in Syria while Odysseus seems to not even take notice of the entire thing (whether by priorities and/or by complete apathy).

While the Romans respond that they're only displacing the Muslims within Christian lands in Syria (very dubious promises and it's still awful), I worry that it could quickly escalate into far worse proportions once the dust settles and Roman control over the Middle East is solidified. I'm going to look at Odysseus's post-war tenure with eagle eyes, assuming he survives this war, because he could easily turn into a real villain by just ignoring the plight of the Sunni Arabs and let the worst jingoistic elements of the Roman bureaucracy run the whole show.

Here's hoping the final confrontation between the brothers is as epic as the rest of this. If he's inherited nothing else Ibrahim has his father's luck, so he may just keep slipping the noose.
He is not long for this world after this final confrontation. The post basically confirms Demetrios III's curse, so his fate is very much sealed.
 
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He is not long for this world after this final confrontation. The post basically confirms Demetrios III's curse, so his fate is very much sealed.
No he's not. Odds are he's killed off by one of his own men (or perhaps this independent warlord) looking for some favor with Iskander. Would fulfill the portion of the "curse" that he can't be harmed by someone under the power of Odysseus and Iskander.

Also, and great subtle touch: Iskander is the Persian version of Alexander. He's just following in his namesake's footsteps after all.
 
No he's not. Odds are he's killed off by one of his own men (or perhaps this independent warlord) looking for some favor with Iskander. Would fulfill the portion of the "curse" that he can't be harmed by someone under the power of Odysseus and Iskander.

Also, and great subtle touch: Iskander is the Persian version of Alexander. He's just following in his namesake's footsteps after all.
Assuming that this is still canon:
He held up the third. “Ibrahim of Persia, also so-called noble warrior of god. May a wo…no, should be different…hmm…eh…may a pair of women slay you.”
An even more hilarious and ignominious fate than what you're suggesting for Ibrahim, but B444 might have retconned this entire prophecy (might not be the case since 2/3 of those papers were fulfilled). Regardless, it's still an undeserving ending for the Shah.
 
But not all go over to Iskandar’s side, with Ibrahim still raising substantial armies until the last is destroyed in the fourth battle
It takes 4 decisive battles to finally defeat Ibrahim? He must be really tenacious.

I'm assuming these battles were all Eternal War era sized? So it's a complete reversal of his father's victories, rather than pick apart the Coalition armies, he gets outmaneuvered and destroyed.

Iskandar Jr must be left with a gutted Empire when it comes to manpower, they better smash the Northern Indian states, or the Persians will be very vulernable for the next generation.
 
It takes 4 decisive battles to finally defeat Ibrahim? He must be really tenacious.

I'm assuming these battles were all Eternal War era sized? So it's a complete reversal of his father's victories, rather than pick apart the Coalition armies, he gets outmaneuvered and destroyed.

Iskandar Jr must be left with a gutted Empire when it comes to manpower, they better smash the Northern Indian states, or the Persians will be very vulernable for the next generation.
That's what makes the twin armies thing interesting - by all rights Odysseus has already completed an incredible feat, but were a handful of updates into his reign of glory. With the hints on India, part of me expects that, but there is also Central Asia, that could get reorganised.

Though I'm intrigued to see if we could see Iskandar focus on a reorganisation of Afghanistan. With the loss of a chunk of Mesopotamia, the Indus could be a good way to make up for it, but it drags the political centre of the Empire eastwards. - potentially to Kabul, but more likely Mashhad. Securing the Khyber Pass and establishing political control over the Indus would serve both Roman and Persian interests. Persia could well make a lot of money via the Indus, a good replacement for Mesopotamia if they're reorienting and making a lasting peace with the Romans. For the Romans, a distant Persia, that is also bogged down in India allows them to focus their resources on other fronts.

I'm hesitant to speculate further though, because Oudh was mentioned and for love nor money can I find the map of India for this timeline, to know what is Oudh, what is Vijayanagar, and what is "Other"
 
I'm hesitant to speculate further though, because Oudh was mentioned and for love nor money can I find the map of India for this timeline, to know what is Oudh, what is Vijayanagar, and what is "Other"
Couldn't find a map either but I found this info which may help.

The year 1635 is a good one for Kishan Das, the Maharaja of Oudh, who has finally retaken the capital of Lucknow and murdered his traitorous brother Karan Singh and his entire family for good measure. From Patna in the east to Firozabad in the west, from the foothills of the Himalayas in the north to Maihar in the south, he is again lord and master.
I made a very crude map. The red "M" is Maihar, the red "H" is the foothills of the Himalayas. Obviously the country doesn't have perfectly straight borders but if those cities are the rough borders then this should be the area more or less.

1619445424588.png
 
Epic update, I suppose we’ve been spoiled but it seems like it’s 5 updates worth of content compressed into 1!

Assuming Ibrahim is finished, so would the next phase of the war be an Indian invasion? Conquering the entire lot is impossible but I’m sure there’s plenty of loot involved?
 
Epic update, I suppose we’ve been spoiled but it seems like it’s 5 updates worth of content compressed into 1!

Assuming Ibrahim is finished, so would the next phase of the war be an Indian invasion? Conquering the entire lot is impossible but I’m sure there’s plenty of loot involved?
They need to get Ibrahim but a campaign of conquest into India is not going to go well for them right now. The Romans are chewing through the treasury supporting this war and have achieved all of their objectives already. Persia has seen a massive drain on manpower after Ibrahim's successive defeats in Mesopotamia and the four grueling battles within Persia proper. Iskander will be in a fairly secure position if and when Ibrahim is captured/killed, but even still he is a new ruler needing to secure his place and hold onto the newly reacquired territories in Afghanistan. If he bleeds his army dry trying to add the Indus to his domain at the moment he's just going to lose it when he can't field another army in the subsequent rebellion/counterattack, if he doesn't also lose his crown to internal rebellion.

Now 5 years down the line. When he's secure on his throne, both empires are recovering financially and new paradigm of a friendly coexistence between Rome and Persia has proved stable, he absolutely might look to grow to the east.
 
Back when Iskander The Great conquered northern India in the 1610s/1620s it spurred Vijayanagara to launch an incredibly massive army to drive him out.

But that is a minor preliminary, a barely noticeable blip to the unfolding main event. Venkata Raya himself takes the field, commanding the greatest army the Empire has fielded in its three hundred year history. Awed observers claim the combined Vijayanagara forces, split into separate columns for supply purposes, number 300,000 [!!!!]. Its purpose is nothing less than to completely drive the Ottomans from India.
As far as I can tell the same Venkata Raya is still the leader of Vijayanagara in 1643. He's still the same guy who considers all of India, not just the southern cone, his sphere of influence. He's still the same guy who in the past has berated European ambassadors for being overly arrogant and aggrandizing. Most importantly, he's still the guy who has far and away the largest army (and a new first-rate navy too, purchased from the Spanish) on the block.

If the Romano-Persians cross into the Punjab or even into Oudh, kill/capture Ibrahim, and then promptly leave, that's one thing. They can probably smooth over any ruffled feathers with a gift or two. If they decide to stick around and set up shop, well, that's something else.

As @Daylight Savings said above, invading India proper anytime soon could trigger the wrath of God.
 
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