A New Beginning - Our 1992 Russian Federation

, it will try to position itself as a Western and European voice within the organization, with or without Le Pen.
This is only natural, France will vouch for it's interests, but we ought to remember that we don't want to conquer or to extend our influence all over Western Europe. Our dream scenario is essentially a Moscow-Berlin-Paris axis, a objective which need to come side by side with an understanding with the European powers and their economic interests. I will remember you that from a geopolitical perspective modern France in itself is much less of a threat to Russia than China, with which we share a very long border close to unpopulated Siberia.

If we want to break the American hegemony's back we need to give France and other European powers like Germany the tools to defy this order in a way that doesn't necessarily lend towards European unity.

Giving France a seat on BRICS will greatly strengthen the position of the National Front in France at the same time as it will embolden every right-wing populist from Lisbon to Warsaw in defying Brussels.

Will giving France this seat create controversy both inside the organization as in the Third World? Possibly, but it will also create the perfect storm in the form of dubious loyalty of the second most important member of NATO suddenly being alligned with Moscow. No strategy comes without it's drawbacks, we must weight both sides and come to a conclusion on what is more crucial.

If we want to destroy the unity inside the West, we need to give a piece of it a place on our table, otherwise we are going to have to content with the whole thing. And among it's many elements, France is the most suited for it. European federalization is in the interest of Western Europe, we basically want Europe to act against it's interests by staying separated, and if we want that to happen, then we need to give them some leeway in this faustian bargain of our making.

If we were talking about Brazil, India or anotherThird World nation's perspective, then I would understand and agree that we need to keep France out and preserve the BRICS as a purely anti-West organization that feasts on anti-imperialist rethoric. But we are talking from the perspective of the Union State, not the Third World. And to the Union State, France and it's possibility of destroying the EU from within is absolutely invaluable, more than anything that Africa could offer.

This would be a watershed decision.
 
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Undermining American global financial domination (2010)
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In 2010, against the backdrop of shifting global power dynamics and a growing desire among emerging economies to assert themselves on the world stage, Russia and China embarked on a sophisticated campaign aimed at challenging American domination in the international financial system and reducing the influence of Western-dominated organizations such as the IMF, World Bank, and World Trade Organization (WTO). This strategic partnership between two of the world's largest economies marked a significant milestone in the geopolitical landscape, signaling a concerted effort to create alternative institutions that could rival the established Western-led order. At the forefront of this campaign was the establishment of the Asian Infrastructure Investment Bank (AIIB), a multilateral development bank and international financial institution designed to promote economic and social development across Asia. Conceived as a collaborative effort between Russia, China, and other Asian nations, the AIIB represented a bold departure from the traditional financial architecture dominated by Western powers. With an initial capital of US$100 billion, equivalent to two-thirds of the Asian Development Bank's capital and approximately half that of the World Bank, the AIIB emerged as a formidable contender in the realm of international finance.The creation of the AIIB served as a direct challenge to the hegemony of Western-led institutions like the World Bank and IMF, which had long been criticized for their perceived bias towards Western interests and their failure to adequately address the needs of developing countries. By offering an alternative source of financing for infrastructure projects and development initiatives in Asia, the AIIB sought to provide countries in the region with greater autonomy and flexibility in pursuing their economic agendas, free from the constraints imposed by Western-dominated institutions.

Moreover, the AIIB represented a tangible manifestation of the growing economic and geopolitical cooperation between Russia and China, two influential powers seeking to assert themselves as leaders in the evolving global order. By pooling their financial resources and expertise, Russia and China demonstrated their willingness to challenge the existing Western-dominated paradigm and carve out a more prominent role for themselves in shaping the future of international finance and development. The establishment of the AIIB also reflected a broader trend towards multipolarity in the international system, with emerging economies increasingly asserting their influence and challenging the dominance of Western powers. As the global center of power shifted from the West to the East, institutions like the AIIB emerged as symbols of this changing dynamic, offering an alternative vision of global governance that prioritized the interests of emerging economies and non-Western actors. Furthermore, the AIIB's mandate to support infrastructure development in Asia addressed a critical need in the region, where rapid urbanization, population growth, and economic expansion had created significant demand for new infrastructure projects. By funding initiatives such as transportation networks, energy facilities, and telecommunications systems, the AIIB aimed to stimulate economic growth, improve living standards, and promote regional integration across Asia.
The launch of the AIIB was met with both enthusiasm and skepticism from the international community. While many Asian countries welcomed the prospect of additional funding for infrastructure development, Western powers expressed concerns about the AIIB's governance structure, transparency standards, and potential impact on the existing financial architecture. Nevertheless, Russia and China remained steadfast in their commitment to the AIIB, viewing it as a crucial instrument for advancing their geopolitical objectives and reshaping the global economic order in their favor.

In the years following its establishment, the AIIB emerged as a key player in the international financial landscape, financing a wide range of infrastructure projects across Asia and attracting membership from countries around the world. Despite initial skepticism from Western powers, the AIIB demonstrated its effectiveness as a multilateral development institution, leveraging its resources and expertise to promote sustainable development and economic growth in the region. Overall, the creation of the AIIB represented a significant milestone in the ongoing rebalancing of global power dynamics, with Russia and China leading the charge in challenging Western hegemony and promoting a more multipolar world order. As the AIIB continued to expand its influence and operations, it stood poised to play a central role in shaping the future of international finance and development, offering a compelling alternative to the established Western-dominated institutions that had long shaped the global economic landscape.

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Russia and China, in collaboration with other BRICS members, initiated a significant endeavor aimed at dedollarization. This ambitious process sought to challenge the long-standing hegemony of the US dollar in international trade and reduce reliance on the US-controlled financial system. The decision to embark on dedollarization stemmed from growing concerns about the disproportionate influence wielded by the United States Department of the Treasury over the SWIFT financial transfers network, a critical component of the global financial infrastructure. Since the establishment of the Bretton Woods system following World War II, the US dollar had functioned as the primary medium for international trade and financial transactions. Backed by the perceived stability of the US economy and the dominance of American financial institutions, the dollar enjoyed unparalleled acceptance and liquidity in global markets. However, the financial crisis of 2008 revealed vulnerabilities in the international monetary system and underscored the risks associated with excessive reliance on a single currency.

Central to the dedollarization effort was the recognition that the United States Department of the Treasury exercised significant oversight and control over the SWIFT network, granting it the authority to monitor and regulate cross-border financial transactions. This gave the US government immense leverage to impose sanctions on foreign entities and individuals, effectively weaponizing the US dollar for geopolitical ends and undermining the sovereignty of other nations. In response, Russia, China, and their BRICS partners embarked on a multifaceted strategy to diversify the global financial architecture and reduce exposure to US-dominated systems. One key aspect of this strategy involved the establishment of alternative multilateral financial institutions, such as the New Development Bank (NDB) and the Contingent Reserve Arrangement (CRA). These institutions provided member countries with alternative sources of financing and liquidity, reducing reliance on traditional Western-dominated institutions like the International Monetary Fund (IMF) and the World Bank.

Moreover, efforts were made to promote the use of national currencies, such as the Russian ruble and the Chinese yuan, in bilateral trade agreements and settlement arrangements. By circumventing the US dollar, countries sought to insulate themselves from the risk of US sanctions and assert greater control over their own financial affairs. This shift towards currency diversification aimed to enhance economic sovereignty and resilience among participating nations. Furthermore, Russia and China spearheaded initiatives to strengthen regional financial cooperation and integration, including the development of currency swap agreements and the establishment of regional payment systems. These initiatives aimed to reduce dependence on the US-dominated SWIFT network and foster greater financial autonomy and stability within regional blocs. While the process of dedollarization was complex and faced significant challenges, including resistance from Western powers and the entrenched dominance of the US dollar, it represented a significant step towards rebalancing the global financial system and enhancing the economic sovereignty of emerging market economies. By diversifying currency arrangements and promoting financial cooperation among BRICS and other like-minded nations, Russia and China aimed to create a more equitable and resilient international monetary order.

The entrenched dominance of the US dollar in cross-border trade and finance extended far beyond the borders of the United States itself, exerting a profound influence on global economic transactions. Even in countries where the dollar was not the official currency, it often played a central role in facilitating international commerce, serving as a preferred medium of exchange, unit of account, store of value, and standard of deferred payment. Emerging markets, in particular, relied heavily on the dollar for conducting cross-border transactions due to its stability, liquidity, and widespread acceptance. In many cases, exports and imports, especially of commodities, were priced in dollars, reflecting the currency's status as a global benchmark for trade. Likewise, external debts in emerging markets were frequently denominated and settled in dollars, driven by confidence in the currency's long-term stability and its broad acceptance in international financial markets. Relative to local currencies in emerging markets, the dollar offered distinct advantages in fulfilling the four essential functions of money. Its status as a widely accepted medium of exchange meant that it facilitated seamless transactions across borders, while its role as a unit of account provided a common standard for pricing goods and services in global markets. As a store of value, the dollar was trusted by individuals and businesses alike to preserve wealth over time, shielding against inflation and currency volatility. Additionally, as a standard of deferred payment, the dollar facilitated credit transactions and long-term contracts, offering certainty and stability in financial dealings.

The entrenched use of the dollar in cross-border trade and finance created a self-reinforcing cycle of adoption and acceptance, bolstering its dominant global role and presenting significant obstacles to efforts aimed at dedollarization. Despite the collective economic might of the BRICS bloc, comprised of countries with economies larger than that of the United States, dedollarization initiatives faced substantial challenges. The costs and inefficiencies associated with transitioning away from the dollar, coupled with its enduring advantages in facilitating international transactions, underscored the formidable headwinds confronting dedollarization efforts. Across emerging markets, the dollar remained the preeminent medium of cross-border trade and investment, underpinning the functioning of global financial markets and reinforcing its integral role in the international monetary system. While alternative currencies and initiatives may have sought to challenge the dollar's dominance over time, its entrenched position and network effects ensured that it would remain a linchpin of the global economy for the foreseeable future.

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Russia, bolstered by its status as the world's largest producer and exporter of wheat, spearheaded a groundbreaking initiative that would reshape the dynamics of the global grain market: the establishment of the BRICS grain exchange. This landmark development marked a significant departure from the existing Western-dominated grain pricing system, which had long been perceived as unfavorable to Russia's agricultural interests. At the heart of the BRICS grain exchange initiative lay a recognition of the need for a more equitable and transparent mechanism for pricing and trading grain on the international stage. Despite its prominence as a major grain producer, Russia often found itself at the mercy of market forces dictated by Western-dominated pricing mechanisms, which could adversely impact its agricultural sector and economy as a whole. The establishment of the BRICS grain exchange represented a bold move by Russia to assert greater control over the pricing and distribution of grain, leveraging its considerable influence in the global agricultural landscape. Modeled after the Organization of the Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC), the BRICS grain exchange aimed to consolidate the collective bargaining power of major grain-producing nations, including Brazil, Russia, India, China, and South Africa, to negotiate more favorable terms for grain pricing and trade.

By forming a unified front through the BRICS grain exchange, Russia sought to challenge the dominance of Western grain pricing mechanisms and ensure that its agricultural exports were valued fairly in the global market. The exchange provided a platform for member countries to coordinate production levels, set pricing benchmarks, and harmonize trade policies to better serve their mutual interests. Moreover, the establishment of the BRICS grain exchange signaled a broader shift in the geopolitical dynamics of the global agricultural trade, with emerging economies asserting their influence and challenging the traditional hegemony of Western powers in setting commodity prices. As Russia and its BRICS counterparts sought to assert greater control over the grain market, they signaled their readiness to play a more proactive role in shaping the future of global agricultural trade and ensuring that their agricultural industries received equitable treatment on the world stage. In essence, the creation of the BRICS grain exchange represented a strategic maneuver by Russia to safeguard its agricultural interests, enhance its bargaining power in the global grain market, and promote greater economic cooperation among emerging economies. By championing the establishment of a grain exchange that mirrored the successful model of OPEC, Russia signaled its determination to assert greater control over its agricultural destiny and reshape the dynamics of global food security and trade.
 
I think while we are at it we should go out of our way to support development in Central Asia especially in terms of their agriculture and water situation, since allowing things to go as they are will just lead to increasing desertification. I suppose we should try to refill the Aral Sea and try to stop the mass growth of cotton and instead try to push for the growth of less water and fertilizer intensive crops. Try to fix the local canals as well.
 
This is only natural, France will vouch for it's interests, but we ought to remember that we don't want to conquer or to extend our influence all over Western Europe. Our dream scenario is essentially a Moscow-Berlin-Paris axis, a objective which need to come side by side with an understanding with the European powers and their economic interests. I will remember you that from a geopolitical perspective modern France in itself is much less of a threat to Russia than China, with which we share a very long border close to unpopulated Siberia.

If we want to break the American hegemony's back we need to give France and other European powers like Germany the tools to defy this order in a way that doesn't necessarily lend towards European unity.

Giving France a seat on BRICS will greatly strengthen the position of the National Front in France at the same time as it will embolden every right-wing populist from Lisbon to Warsaw in defying Brussels.

Will giving France this seat create controversy both inside the organization as in the Third World? Possibly, but it will also create the perfect storm in the form of dubious loyalty of the second most important member of NATO suddenly being alligned with Moscow. No strategy comes without it's drawbacks, we must weight both sides and come to a conclusion on what is more crucial.

If we want to destroy the unity inside the West, we need to give a piece of it a place on our table, otherwise we are going to have to content with the whole thing. And among it's many elements, France is the most suited for it. European federalization is in the interest of Western Europe, we basically want Europe to act against it's interests by staying separated, and if we want that to happen, then we need to give them some leeway in this faustian bargain of our making.

If we were talking about Brazil, India or anotherThird World nation's perspective, then I would understand and agree that we need to keep France out and preserve the BRICS as a purely anti-West organization that feasts on anti-imperialist rethoric. But we are talking from the perspective of the Union State, not the Third World. And to the Union State, France and it's possibility of destroying the EU from within is absolutely invaluable, more than anything that Africa could offer.

This would be a watershed decision.
I do agree with what you said, but for me i think that it would be much more real if it was Germany that we got into the BRICS, as we have much more interest with them insted of France, like basically we fuel the German Industrie with oil,gas and ores meanwhile we gain from them Advanced stuff, be cars, machine parts to just eletronic things.
My take is that it will be much more in line with us to get German support first, them France later.
 
I do agree with what you said, but for me i think that it would be much more real if it was Germany that we got into the BRICS, as we have much more interest with them insted of France, like basically we fuel the German Industrie with oil,gas and ores meanwhile we gain from them Advanced stuff, be cars, machine parts to just eletronic things.
My take is that it will be much more in line with us to get German support first, them France later.
We will partership with Germany by more subtle means. The German nation isn't psychologically able to defy the Anglo-Saxon West and ally with the "Russian Fascists" openly right now. We would need a AfD government for it.

France is much more independent.
 
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Please choose one event to happen:
A) Brexit 2016
B) Marine Le Pen wins Presidential elections in France in 2017.
B...this is due to the fact that, I am a believer that an EU that has more members is an EU that would be more lumbered with petty squabbles, and even with Macron winning, an EU with Britain staying would definitely slows down EU federalization efforts, and with Le Pen winning, doubly so (that being said, I hope she isn't turn out to be another disappointment if Italy thought us anything...)

P/s:
We will partership with Germany by more subtle means. The German nation isn't psychologically able to defy the Anglo-Saxon West and ally with the "Russian Fascists" openly right now. We would need a AfD government for it.

France is much more independent.
"Russian Fascists",... really....perhaps it is applicable (even then arguably) for right now with Lukashenko in charge...but the impending change in government would mean that the term "Fascist" would definitely would not be applied to the Union State especially considering the amicable track record in the elections, local or national...it seems like you kinda a bit pessimistic/underestimating the willingness of the European countries to work with Russia (even if it against Washington interest)...and honestly...IMO, ITTL in particular, unless the German government is led by the FDP or heaven forbid...the (federalist AF) Greens, there is a chance that if we play our cards right (whether Germany is CDU led or SPD led (I think there could be something that could be worked on in SPD case), I am optimistic enough that Berlin would actually openly side with Moscow anyway....
 
This is only natural, France will vouch for it's interests, but we ought to remember that we don't want to conquer or to extend our influence all over Western Europe. Our dream scenario is essentially a Moscow-Berlin-Paris axis, a objective which need to come side by side with an understanding with the European powers and their economic interests. I will remember you that from a geopolitical perspective modern France in itself is much less of a threat to Russia than China, with which we share a very long border close to unpopulated Siberia.

Problem with that concept is viability of it. We may wish for some kind of alliance but demands of Berlin and Paris might really be to much for us to take and conflict to much with our own goals. Otherwise i would say that our dream scenario is really to manage to extert a hard influence over much of Soviet space while keeping Europe divided and friendly, but we ceartinly don't need the alliance.

In case of China? I believe that people are looking at it through the lens of 19th century politics, conflict between two powers is unlikely and long border actually means opportunities in cooperation abd economy. Basically if we look at modern China our interests basically aling in every aspect, yet for some reason potential of Chinese border with us is a threat?

On second hand many of Western countries are in opposition to us, or diverge from our vision significantly.

If we want to break the American hegemony's back we need to give France and other European powers like Germany the tools to defy this order in a way that doesn't necessarily lend towards European unity.

Giving France a seat on BRICS will greatly strengthen the position of the National Front in France at the same time as it will embolden every right-wing populist from Lisbon to Warsaw in defying Brussels.

Will giving France this seat create controversy both inside the organization as in the Third World? Possibly, but it will also create the perfect storm in the form of dubious loyalty of the second most important member of NATO suddenly being alligned with Moscow. No strategy comes without it's drawbacks, we must weight both sides and come to a conclusion on what is more crucial.

If we want to destroy the unity inside the West, we need to give a piece of it a place on our table, otherwise we are going to have to content with the whole thing. And among it's many elements, France is the most suited for it. European federalization is in the interest of Western Europe, we basically want Europe to act against it's interests by staying separated, and if we want that to happen, then we need to give them some leeway in this faustian bargain of our making.

Problem is that we aren't breaking the Western unity opposed to breaking up the unity and paralization of our own platforms. Yes we may enchance National Front in France, but only thing we will achieve there is giving France a stronger position in its negotiations vis a vis Germany and USA, but we won't get them to leave, submerge , or break Western institutions.

France is already to deeply intertwined with the West and it's interests aling with the West. In case of European centralization? I believe that the problem is to overblown as Europe centralizing enough to truly act as independent entity is impossible and will find a resistance from it's many members as it means to defacto surrender most of their sovereignty to Western Europe.

If we were talking about Brazil, India or anotherThird World nation's perspective, then I would understand and agree that we need to keep France out and preserve the BRICS as a purely anti-West organization that feasts on anti-imperialist rethoric. But we are talking from the perspective of the Union State, not the Third World. And to the Union State, France and it's possibility of destroying the EU from within is absolutely invaluable, more than anything that Africa could offer.

This would be a watershed decision.

Once again problem here are the optics, we are counting on the possibility that France will break Europe , or the West yet we are ignoring that in the Grand scheme of things it's only a major piece of the West, but it isn't deciding piece and France breaking up from NATO happened once (but there was still close cooperation).

We also must look at the interests of Union State more realisticaly, if we support France in BRICS yes we will paralize European project at the expense of united International cooperation of developing nations.

And yes i did say paralize European project, but that doesn’t mean break the West. If anything West will still continue it's cooperation, just this time around EU which gave rest of Europe significant autonomy from USA interests will be paralized at the expense of French and USA interests, but it will not be opposed to them. USA in this case will be able to strike a deal with France quite easily and to boarden it's cooperation with them.

On second hand our own institutions will be paralized which basically means that we will basically break any semblance of unity developing world once had leaving everyone to deal against still united West on their own.

In translation this means that much of our anty Western efforts will shift to SCO leaving out rest of the developing World out, Brazil and S. Africa will shift to more neutral position similar to non alligned movement in cold war and seek to play both sides against each other's after initial failure of BRICS destroys much of our credibility. We on other hand have no knowledge of how India will take this and weather it will seek to boarden it's own cooperation following us going against the common interest in favor of pursuit of our own geopolitical goals.

When we are looking for interests of Union State when it comes to France we need to look at it through French own interests and their interests don't lie in abandoning the greater West opposed to enchancing their interests within the West.

This is basically the point i was speaking when it comes to cooperation with Europe against Cooperation with China and India. First interests are opposed to our own while later alling with our interests.
 
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I'm always gonna be for a federated EU but one that's on a neutral (with a bit of pro-Russian) stance but I'm against getting any Western European countries in our CSTO and BRICS since we're anti-Western and maybe multipolar world.

Of course I nonetheless agree with @Kriss though.
 
I support @Kriss's view in this whole debate. There is no need for France in the BRICS. This organisation is for opposing the west. I am sure we can stop European integration in other ways. Sooner or later, Europe's influence is going to end. In the 2020s, we may see India surpassing Germany; in the 30s, Indonesia, SK, and Brazil may surpass them. BRICS is a platform for developing countries that are going to eclipse old European power, not for developed western nations.
 
Well, now this got my vote on write-in @Kriss yeah bad call for me to try and introduce Germany on the BRICS, didn't really think about what the others member would think about this or how the shared sentiment of Anti-West would crumble because of their introduction, well make our own global actions more harder.
 
And talking about increasing the member of the BRICS what about those guys here:
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Like the strait of malaca is super important for trade,diplomatic relations and development, and getting those initial Nations on the BRICS could very well make our own less developed member, well develop faster as for exemple Brazilian soy and meat meat those orthodox markets, and the same thing can be done to them as they enter another market outside of the Asia ones or more traditional ones like the USA, and with this we even can create a fissure on the Greater East Asia Co-Prosperity Sphere by plaguing this as a relic of the Empire of Japan and one used to enforce their views on those nations(what the Empire did create deep scars that we can use for our benefit) , while we can use the BRICS as a exemple of Third World Nations joining hands to make for more easy trade and technological sharing,etc.

And well i just showed the initial ones by the dark line as the Initial ones because it will be already hard enought to get those to join the organization, so we can use this first batch as a test and show to the world the Results, and if this does good them the rest would want to join in.
 
I support @Kriss's view in this whole debate. There is no need for France in the BRICS. This organisation is for opposing the west. I am sure we can stop European integration in other ways. Sooner or later, Europe's influence is going to end. In the 2020s, we may see India surpassing Germany; in the 30s, Indonesia, SK, and Brazil may surpass them. BRICS is a platform for developing countries that are going to eclipse old European power, not for developed western nations.
Well, now this got my vote on write-in @Kriss yeah bad call for me to try and introduce Germany on the BRICS, didn't really think about what the others member would think about this or how the shared sentiment of Anti-West would crumble because of their introduction, well make our own global actions more harder.

I wouldn't say that it's for opposing the West as much as seeking to reform Western led order to be more inclusive towards global South/developing world.

BRICS is also important international platform for emerging multipolar world where rising centres of the world can cooperate on how to shape said world, but the fact remains that Western powers like France and Germany won't really support to give up their privileged position in Western institutions in favor of more equal representation where they would generally be overshadowed by rising powers like Russia, India and China.

In French case? I actually agree with some points of @Gaúcho Maldito , but i believe that they can be applied more bilateraly.

Basically it is truth that France can benefit us more than some African countries, but point is that BRICS is platform of rising powers across the world. In French case more correct approach to NF led France would be to enchance bilateral relations with France through investments and potential respect of French sphere of interest in Africa. For example we could set common French and Russian financial institutions when it comes to dealing with Aftican countries that are in French sphere and agree not to infringe on French sphere of influence without French approval. Generally we should treat France similarly to how China treats otl Russia.

Idea of this approach is to show French elite that they are better of if they act unilaterally opposed to acting in accord with EU, or wider West. Yes France is member of EU, but it shouldn't allow it to dictate it's policies, why should France go into a conflict with Russia over Eastern Europe when it's interests lie in the South across Mediterranean Sea? It's far better for them to treat Europe as means to the end and engage into bilateral relations with Union State which will benefit them directly opposed to following USA and other EU countries interests , yet at the same time as a member of EU they get a say over European matters and have important leverage over major powers of the world.

Basically we let Western Europe act as great European powers pursuing they own interests first and Pan European interests second letting Western Europe stay rich regardless of who wins out in the end.

Same case with Germany, let them treat EU as important economic outlet, but not geopolitical outlet.

At the end of the day if we follow this EU will probably stay disunited with UK serving as USA agent in the Block, France behaving as a Great Power and pursuing it's own interests and Germany deciding to use EU as it's own growth engine.

On second hand countries like Moldavia, Greece , Hungary and maybe Italy can be our agents in EU, Italy tough isn't as ceartin, but they can be bought out on some questions.
 
Poland is really smoking something special their current GDP is 842B but here they almost reached 1T a decade earlier. Also, it looks like Japan is recovering from the whole finance fiasco rapidly.

Saudi also looks like a balloon. I don't think something happened in the last 2 year, that Saudi grew from 500 to 900 happy to see the reason for this.
 
Poland is really smoking something special their current GDP is 842B but here they almost reached 1T a decade earlier. Also, it looks like Japan is recovering from the whole finance fiasco rapidly.
Japan reached its peak, they wont go higher. As for Poland my reasoning is that under Bush administration they received a lot of investments from USA, as they became bastion against potential Germany-Russia axis in Central Europe. Coupled with booms in the East (Russia and Ukraine) plus robust German economy in the West (Germany) and 5 years earlier entry into EU than OTL.

Saudi also looks like a balloon. I don't think something happened in the last 2 year, that Saudi grew from 500 to 900 happy to see the reason for this.
Much earlier diversification of the economy inspired by Russian success, a lot of investments into manufacturing and high tech from oil in late 1990s and 2000s.
 
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