TLIAD: La Patrie ou La Mort, Nous Vaincrons

La Patrie ou La Mort, Nous Vaincrons

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Another one?

Yeah, I'm doing another timeline in a day.

You said your last one would take a week. It's been six months.

We're on an alternate history forum. Let's just say time is mutable. Also, I have a job. Tough to find time and all. This shouldn't take longer than a couple weeks.

A couple weeks?! Why even call it a TLIAD?

It's going to be about the length of an average TLIAD, despite taking a bit longer.

Also, give me time. A revolution doesn't happen overnight.

Yeah, speaking of that, what's with you and revolutions? What are you, some kind of commie?

Well, yeah, sort of.

As to why I'm interested, I'm not entirely sure. There is so much potential for good and evil bottled up in humanity. When revolutionary times come, and the boundaries of politics are lifted, we get to see humanity's true face in many ways. As you can tell from history, it's usually not very pretty, but there are moments and incidents of true triumph.

Is this one of them?

Yes, and no. Great Men can do great and terrible things. This man, killed before his time, was one of them.

In Africa?

Yes. Africa's Cuba, to be particular. In our timeline, it was a dramatic political tragedy worthy of Shakespeare. In this timeline, it might be more worthy of one of the Russians, or perhaps Žižek. "First as Tragedy, Then as Farce"...

Now you're getting into pseudo-philosophical bullshit.

Yeah, fair enough. Good a time as any to stop talking then, and let an alternate history take its course.
 
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DEUX HOMMES

Deux Hommes

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“For Our Patriotic Struggle, for Our Radiant Future,
Our Homeland or Death, We Will Win” -Thomas Sankara​

Like most protests I’ve been to in the Global South, the rally for Senegal’s Front de l'Unité Populaire has more the atmosphere of a carnival than a serious political event. There are food vendors and multiple stands selling mint tea, coffee and even palm wine. A few boys wander around, hawking cigarettes and the t-shirts that seem ubiquitous here: oversized, red, and stamped with the FUP’s party crest, along with two smiling male faces. I’m here, in Dakar’s suburban slum of Médina Gounass, to speak to one of them.

The crowd is fairly dense, and mostly young and tilting towards male. Red berets are common, and there are more than a few young men wearing military fatigues. Most are turned towards the stage in the center of the street, bumping to a jazzy hip-hop beat. Senegalese rap, with its militantly political edge and unique rhythms, is popular all over Africa, not to mention in France and other parts of the Francophone world. The crowd is rowdy, but air doesn’t reek of ganja like a similar concert in Montreal or New York might.

As I worm my way around the edges of the crowd, the beat climaxes then cuts out, and the crowd cheers, pumping their fists and chanting the artist’s name. While I get strange looks here, most people aren’t paying attention to the skinny white boy pushing towards the stage. As a VICE reporter, I’ve gotten much worse than surprised and wary looks over the years, from death threats in Bosnia to an attempted tire-iron to the head in south Texas.

A few minutes later, and I’m seated to the side of the stage, awaiting my target, who has more than a few hands to shake and free t-shirts -made in a women’s textile cooperative from local cotton, his handler insists- to sign and hand out. Finally, the man, dripping with sweat even in the dry heat, is done. He sits down and brushes his braids back, then stretches out his hand.

“Didier Awadi. We spoke on the phone. A pleasure to meet you,” he says.

“All mine,” I answer. Didier Awadi is a legend of the African hip-hop world, and in some ways is the godfather of West African rap music. While he still plays shows now and again, he has moved more towards production and his other, intertwined passion, politics. Since 2012, Awadi has led the FUP, Senegal’s largest Sankarist party. While the move from rapper to politician may seem like a stretch for a Westerner, Awadi’s music has always been political, and militantly leftist. Meanwhile, the FUP has benefitted from the presence of such star power on their ticket. Previously irrelevant, the party now boasts the third-largest delegation in the National Assembly, and are poised to seize enough seats to hold the balance of power in Dakar’s municipal government in upcoming elections. Moreover, it has absorbed most of the support of other Sankarist and radical-left parties, and its future growth seems set on a rapid upward trend.

After about a half-hour of small talk and inquiries about the elections, with Didier draining what seems like a gallon of water, I asked what I knew would be a question with a complicated answer. “Given that the FUP supports electoral democracy, how do you reconcile that with the repressive nature of Sankara’s regime in Burkina Faso?”

Awadi, now sipping on a mug of heavily sugared mint tea, takes a long pause. “You shouldn’t believe everything you read in the newspapers, Daniel,” he says slowly, in an almost scolding tone. “Of all people, you should know how much the Western media lies.”

“To be fair, Burkina Faso hasn’t had a free election since 1983.”

Awadi shakes his head. “While bourgeois democracy works for Senegal, it is not the only path to a free, democratic and popular regime. Sankara and the CDRs allow for popular expression within an environment secure from counter-revolutionaries and external threats from its neighbours. Groups funded, mind you, by France and the West.”

I nod along, taking notes, preparing to ask further questions.

“Would you like to see it?” Awadi asks, a slight smile on his face.

“Sorry?”

“Would you like to see the Burkinabe revolution? I can arrange a tour, if you’d like. Access too. You can find different answers with your own eyes than you might read in the neocolonialist media.”

I don’t answer, yet. While there are commercial flights to Ouagadougou once a week out of Dakar, they mostly serve diplomats and businesspeople. There is no tourism industry to speak of, and obtaining a visa is difficult. Then again, I would need to clear it with VICE HQ…

“Are you interested?”
 
The third in your revolutionary trilogy. Great to see Cold War West Africa, since most of thr Cold War Africa stuff I've seen is largely in Central and South Africa.

And the image you paint of a model socialist state conjurs images of VICE's North Korea documentaries. Great job!
 
So Sankara has not only survived the coup but has also survived the post-Cold War pressure to democratize according to Western standards (assuming, of course, that the Soviet collapse and the end of the Cold War play out much as IOTL, but I don't think a socialist Burkina Faso would do much if anything to change that). He also seems to have made at least some improvement in the lives of the Burkinabe, or else there wouldn't be Sankarist parties elsewhere, although on the other hand, successful defiance of neo-colonialism might forgive a lot.

Sankara's CDRs sound a bit like Qaddafi's local committees - I wonder how the Burkina-Libya relationship has functioned over the years, and whether it affected Qaddafi's degree of success in Africa or possibly even drew him into an earlier shift from pan-Arabism to pan-Africanism.
 
Now that's what I call an authentic idea.

The third in your revolutionary trilogy. Great to see Cold War West Africa, since most of thr Cold War Africa stuff I've seen is largely in Central and South Africa.

And the image you paint of a model socialist state conjurs images of VICE's North Korea documentaries. Great job!

Cool beans. Interesting choice of perspective as well and it does read like a Vice article. Looking forward to more.

Thanks! There will be another post later this afternoon, and I'll be staggering the rest of what I have written over the next week or so while working on finishing it. Glad I got the tone right.

So Sankara has not only survived the coup but has also survived the post-Cold War pressure to democratize according to Western standards (assuming, of course, that the Soviet collapse and the end of the Cold War play out much as IOTL, but I don't think a socialist Burkina Faso would do much if anything to change that). He also seems to have made at least some improvement in the lives of the Burkinabe, or else there wouldn't be Sankarist parties elsewhere, although on the other hand, successful defiance of neo-colonialism might forgive a lot.

He's survived in the same way and for the same reason that Cuba has. The country has some degree of social liberty, but politics are deeply restricted. Meanwhile, the West has little to no leverage over them as a socialist, anti-colonialist regime (probably even less than Cuba, considering that Burkina Faso became self-sufficient in food production within the four years of Sankara's presidency primarily due to land reform and the abolition of feudalism).

And yes, the average Burkinabe's life has improved, roughly on the same trajectory as occurred during Sankara's rule in OTL. The Revolution has a dark side though. While the average Burkinabe peasant has less to worry about and a brighter future, there are human costs to maintaining the revolutionary system.

Sankara's CDRs sound a bit like Qaddafi's local committees - I wonder how the Burkina-Libya relationship has functioned over the years, and whether it affected Qaddafi's degree of success in Africa or possibly even drew him into an earlier shift from pan-Arabism to pan-Africanism.

They are quite close, as you'll see later. And yes, they resemble each other, although the CDRs are much more substantive, both in their role in the state and their actual level of power. Something resembling a cross between Cuba's CDRs, Qaddafi's committees, and the Basij.
 
He's survived in the same way and for the same reason that Cuba has. The country has some degree of social liberty, but politics are deeply restricted. Meanwhile, the West has little to no leverage over them as a socialist, anti-colonialist regime (probably even less than Cuba, considering that Burkina Faso became self-sufficient in food production within the four years of Sankara's presidency primarily due to land reform and the abolition of feudalism).

On the other hand Burkina Faso is in the Sahel while Cuba isn't, which means that climate change is hitting it much harder and it's dealing with desertification issues that are beyond any single country. Also, Cuba went through a very steep fertility decline in the 1980s while Burkina didn't, although that might be different under a surviving Sankara regime. Burkina is more vulnerable than Cuba, and there will be times such as drought years when it's likely to need help, but maybe land reform and a shift from cash-crop to food production will prevent that, and I'm interested to see how you'll make it work.

They are quite close, as you'll see later. And yes, they resemble each other, although the CDRs are much more substantive, both in their role in the state and their actual level of power. Something resembling a cross between Cuba's CDRs, Qaddafi's committees, and the Basij.

So the CDRs are coercive as well as administrative and deliberative?
 
On the other hand Burkina Faso is in the Sahel while Cuba isn't, which means that climate change is hitting it much harder and it's dealing with desertification issues that are beyond any single country. Also, Cuba went through a very steep fertility decline in the 1980s while Burkina didn't, although that might be different under a surviving Sankara regime. Burkina is more vulnerable than Cuba, and there will be times such as drought years when it's likely to need help, but maybe land reform and a shift from cash-crop to food production will prevent that, and I'm interested to see how you'll make it work.

Fair enough. I'm guessing the rise in agricultural productivity during the Sankara period was at least in part due to the easing of drought from 1975-80. Stilll, it tripled, so the reforms must have had something to do with it. They might need food aid, but between having their own Venezuela in Libya and relatively high levels of production than other Sahelian countries, they should do better at least than OTL.

As for fertility, a large part of Sankara's initial revolution was a push towards the liberation of women. I'm assuming family planning will be an important part of this effort during the 1980s.

Unfortunately, due to the format, I may not get into much detail during the actual narrative segments. I'm happy to answer questions though based on the narrative posts.

So the CDRs are coercive as well as administrative and deliberative?

Exactly.
 
Havana on the Volta

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“Imperialism? Abattez!
Neocolonialism? Abattez!
Reactionary students? Abattez!
Undisciplined and lazy workers? Abattez!
Incompetent teachers? Abattez!
Counterrevolutionaries? Abattez!
Vipers who infiltrate our schools? Abattez!
Arrogant guinea fowls? Abattez!
Owls with shifty looks? Abattez!
Anarcho-syndicalism? Abattez!
The frightened bourgeoisie? Abattez!
Down with them! Abattez!
Down with them! Abattez!

-Call and response, Thomas Sankara and Burkinabe students, July 1984



The evening flight into Burkina Faso was what’s commonly known as a “rock-polisher”: thirty or so adults strapped into a derelict-looking prop plane, part of the Burkinabe national airline’s tiny fleet, and hurled through turbulent Malian airspace to its destination. More than a few people used their sick bags, and only my characteristically iron stomach kept me from joining the group. Landing was an even more harrowing experience.

Customs, upon seeing my hastily acquired visa and poorly translated letter explaining my reason for visiting, gives me plenty of time to steady my wobbling legs in a windowless interrogation room. A stern-faced corporal stands guard, as though my 5’7”, 140-pound frame might contain a threat to anyone’s security. After a few short bouts of questioning, with my interrogators speaking broken English at me and me dredging up my high-school French to respond with no discernable results, they choose to leave me alone, for now.

After what seems like an eternity -but was more like two hours- I start to worry. Perhaps this whole venture had been a mistake. I might prefer actual fingernail pulling to the endless waiting.

The door, finally, swings open to someone new: a pretty young woman wearing civilian clothes and horn-rimmed glasses, rather than the succession of hard-faced men and women in fatigues who had greeted me before. She exchanges a few harsh words, a mix of French and Mossi, with what seemed to be the commanding officer. Suddenly, my satchel -containing my travel documents, laptop and my satellite phone- appear on the table next to me, as the newcomer walked over. Grinning and stretching out her hand, she introduces herself in accented but flawless English. “Marie Kafando, special media liaison for the Ministry of Global Affairs. My deepest apologies for the situation.”

Relieved that I won’t be spending the night in a Burkinabe prison, I follow her out the door as she continued to apologize, explaining my brief detention on “standard security procedures”. Then, in a smooth movement, she hands me a paper booklet and began to lay out my itinerary for the next few days, including a dizzying array of sites and events, most of which were unfamiliar to me even with couple days’ research on Ouagadougou. Between decades of insular socialist rule and French sanctions, there is only so much information you can find out about Burkina Faso through open-source research on a NetBook in a Senegalese internet cafe.

As we get into the waiting car -a black, mid-2000s Renault Clio- Marie turned, and asks if I have any questions. I decide bluntness is my best option.

“Will I have any opportunity to set my own schedule?”

“Of course, we want you to see our country in all its prosperity. You will have the services of a driver” -the man in the front, clearly military by his red beret, muscles and hard look, raises his hand- “and I will accompany you for the next few days while touring. I suggest attending the sites we have listed for you.”

“May I travel alone?”

“We would strongly advise against that, Mr. Meirowitz. Despite our best efforts, counterrevolutionary criminals are all too common. We couldn’t allow a visitor like yourself to be hurt in any way. Hospitality and tolerance towards guests is a core value of the Burkinabe. Your sleeping quarters at the Hotel Yahya will show this to you.”

I consider asking if such courtesy extended towards the thousands of Burkinabe journalists, activists and other “counterrevolutionaries” currently imprisoned by the government for political crimes, but decide to bite my tongue. Bluntness is one thing, recklessness is another. Even my Canadian passport will only protect me so far, and I’m not willing to risk my life to be a smartass.


***


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After a fitful night of half-sleep on a hard mattress, the day starts with an early breakfast in the largely empty hotel dining area. Rather than serve local fare, the hotel’s cook has decided to approximate Eggs Benedict for me, using packaged baloney as ham. A local French-language paper accompanied the meal. I start to work my way through it. My spoken French, honed by a half-dozen years in Montreal, isn’t bad, but reading and writing -especially the colloquial, often antiquated writing in the paper- is more difficult.

I bring the paper with me in the car with Marie and my driver, named Thomas. “For President Sankara?” I ask.

Marie laughs. “Yes, it is quite a popular name for boys of the younger generations. Thomas is a great man, admired by the people for good reason,” she said, pointedly using the long-time President’s given name rather than an honorific title.

“Do most people address the President by ‘Thomas’?”

“Yes! While he is President, he is also just a man. He is one of us, part of the revolution as much as any of us. There will be no need for titles at all when the revolution is complete, and Thomas leads by example.”

In lieu of responding with more than a nod, I look out the window. I’ve been to strange places as a journalist, from basement raves in Mombasa to the streets out-of-time of Transnistria. The city of Ouagadougou is one of the oddest though. Outside of the main thoroughfare, the streets are narrower and livelier than I expected for a heavily planned city of nearly two million souls. Women and men mingle, on foot and bicycle. Most wear either some sort of military garb or trousers and a faso danfani, the loose, collarless white shirt mandated by Sankara as an instrument of economic development and social equality. Some women wear skirts, but most are dressed in the same way as the men.

The buildings are mostly short, and the city clearly stretched out to the horizon. Aging minibuses and pickup trucks, often full of passengers, are the only motorized vehicles navigating the streets. Buildings, from one-story family homes to four and five-story offices and apartments, are constructed from mud brick, with the prevailing architectural style appearing to be a sort of neo-traditional Sahelian pattern, a mix of socialist planning and ancient knowledge. Boisterous murals covered many walls, depicting dramatizations of the Burkinabe struggle, from colonial times to the Revolution. Most included an image of the President, adorned with his trademark red beret, his smiling, mustachioed face beaming over the people like a stern but joyous father.

As Marie continues to provide a stream of history lessons and amusing anecdotes, we approach the central market. Trade barriers have kept the district as relevant as ever by keeping out international imports. Burkina Faso is known for its textile production in particular: I can see brightly coloured cloth among the bounty of food, art and other wares. Throngs of people mill about, haggling over prices and often arguing. Unusually for West Africa, many of the shoppers are men.

The upbeat mood though is dampened significantly by the ubiquitous presence of helmeted soldiers, along with men and women wearing pale-green trousers, sunglasses and red berets, and toting rifles and wooden cudgels. As we pass through a checkpoint near the market’s entrance, I notice them aggressively searching two women, distinctively dressed in long skirts with hijabs. I inquire about their identity.

“Volunteers from the Comités de Défense de la Révolution,” says Marie. “For public security.”

I have read about the Committees. Modeled on the Cuban groups of the same name, and constituted at the district level, they form the bedrock of the Sankara regime’s repressive apparatus. They also provide political training for youths through the Pioneer movement, education for adults, and basic health services like vaccinations to many Burkinabe. They are, in many ways, the basic building blocks of Sankara’s idealized revolutionary society, and function as a mechanism of control along with the army, security services, state-owned firms and ruling party machinery.

After a few long moments of silence, clearly noticing my discomfort with the heavy armed presence, Marie speaks up. “None of this would be necessary, of course, in peacetime.”

I nod, but don’t speak. We return to silence.​
 
"arrogant guinea fowls" and "owls with shifty looks" aren't exactly "capitalist pigdogs" level but still very Commie-slogan. And kinda funny.
 
The personality cult seems similar to Qaddafi's, although Sankara's modesty is probably more genuine: I doubt he parades through the capital with a phalanx of female bodyguards.

The CDRs have the capacity to create a terrifying level of low-tech totalitarianism: with that much of the population mobilized, and with the committees in control of health care and education (and probably housing), we're probably talking Stasi-level repression and paranoia.

At least when Sankara messed with fashion, he didn't impose abacosts.

BTW, your description of the social changes as viewed by the reporter is great - it's subtle, but to someone familiar with West Africa, it's a world of difference.
 
I like this. A lot.

Thank you! I hope you keep reading.

"arrogant guinea fowls" and "owls with shifty looks" aren't exactly "capitalist pigdogs" level but still very Commie-slogan. And kinda funny.

Definitely. Sankara came from a pretty standard Third World communist milieu. His language makes that clear.

The personality cult seems similar to Qaddafi's, although Sankara's modesty is probably more genuine: I doubt he parades through the capital with a phalanx of female bodyguards.

Absolutely. Sankara is undoubtedly slightly uncomfortable with the level of adulation he receives, although he's likely gotten fairly accustomed to it over thirty years. His modesty is real, but paradoxically is one of the key parts of his personality cult. More than anything else, he is an avatar of the Burkinabe people and their Revolution, which while repressive is still broadly popular, both due to ideological training and concrete gains. Sankara's personality cult in that way may represent Tito more than Qaddafi, albeit with many fewer quasi-royal titles, pomp and circumstance.

The CDRs have the capacity to create a terrifying level of low-tech totalitarianism: with that much of the population mobilized, and with the committees in control of health care and education (and probably housing), we're probably talking Stasi-level repression and paranoia.

Definitely. They are semi-participatory, and some CDRs are relatively positive spaces, more focused on social services than repression. At the same time, many others are near-fanatical and quick to violence, and their broad recruitment base means that the whole of the population is in many ways implicated in violence against "counterrevolutionaries". While the blatant use of CDRs for score-settling has been left behind to a large extent, they are still often randomly violent, unpredictable forces.

At least when Sankara messed with fashion, he didn't impose abacosts.

Pretty much. I actually think the faso danfani looks pretty boss.

BTW, your description of the social changes as viewed by the reporter is great - it's subtle, but to someone familiar with West Africa, it's a world of difference.

Excellent, I'm glad it comes across that way. The liberation of women should be especially clear. While there has been plenty of social reaction to gender egalitarianism, Sankara would force that through. He was deeply committed to gender equality at all levels. I would bet that many of his most fanatical supporters are women.
 
This is superb, well-written and really interesting so far. Not many Africa TLs around here. Please keep going!
 
His modesty is real, but paradoxically is one of the key parts of his personality cult. More than anything else, he is an avatar of the Burkinabe people and their Revolution, which while repressive is still broadly popular, both due to ideological training and concrete gains. Sankara's personality cult in that way may represent Tito more than Qaddafi, albeit with many fewer quasi-royal titles, pomp and circumstance.

In comparing his cult to Qaddafi's, I had in mind the fact that Qaddafi didn't hold any state titles other than "leader" after the 1970s and the way he disclaimed being the ruler of the country. Of course Qaddafi, and even Tito, is more of a pomp-and-circumstance ruler than Sankara is likely to be.

BTW, does Sankara have a "little [insert color] book" of ideology that everyone is expected to read, or is not having such a book part of his personality anti-cult ("anti" used in the sense of anti-hero), with all principles officially decided by committee?

They are semi-participatory, and some CDRs are relatively positive spaces, more focused on social services than repression.

Some policies ordained from on high but others open to discussion, and people encouraged (at least in the "better" CRDs) to bring local problems and grievances in to be hashed out?
 
In comparing his cult to Qaddafi's, I had in mind the fact that Qaddafi didn't hold any state titles other than "leader" after the 1970s and the way he disclaimed being the ruler of the country. Of course Qaddafi, and even Tito, is more of a pomp-and-circumstance ruler than Sankara is likely to be.

It's a fair comparison. Sankara still holds the title of President, and heads up the state. However, he's not the type of leader to hold parades on his birthday. He's more likely to show up to a high school graduation unannounced, give a half-hour speech, and joke around with the valedictorian and principal. He's likely become more removed and accepting of pomp and circumstance since becoming president, but his manner is still highly personal.

BTW, does Sankara have a "little [insert color] book" of ideology that everyone is expected to read, or is not having such a book part of his personality anti-cult ("anti" used in the sense of anti-hero), with all principles officially decided by committee?

The policy and principles of the Revolution are formally written by committee. At the same time, there is a book called Our Radiant Future, which is widely known to have been written by Sankara, but is formally written by an anonymous author. Sankara constantly quotes the book (which includes many of his pre-publishing sayings), but denies actually writing it.

Some policies ordained from on high but others open to discussion, and people encouraged (at least in the "better" CRDs) to bring local problems and grievances in to be hashed out?

Pretty much. Your mileage may vary between CDRs, but if you are in a good one, you actually have some real say in your life. The worse ones are corrupt, brutal, or both.
 
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