Introduction

Zillian

Gone Fishin'
dehjysx-8651b475-7d0e-49f5-b29d-fb87f74741cb.png

The first wave of European colonisation - or the Second Viking Age in North Europe - began with the Norwegian re-settlement of Vinland in the late 14th century. When King Håkon VI of Norway received a request to send a new bishop to Greenland in 1379, he decided to send an expedition to survey his most remote part of the kingdom. The king saw a potential in establishing a colony in the new world and in the progress laid down the foundation for a golden age of Norse exploration, trade and colonisation.
The Second Viking Age - By Gorm Gunnarson​

Each Norse kingdom had their own ambition and agenda. Norway sought to expand its domination in the North Sea. Sweden turned eastward and contested for the domination of the Baltic Sea both at land and at sea. Denmark faced downward and meddle in the German and Dutch affairs. As their interest went in the opposite direction, the conflict between the three Norse kingdoms was minimal. Should one of the Norse kingdoms however grow too strong, the two other would join force against it. Hence a natural balance of power in the region arose.
Norse Foreign Policy - By Henrik Albertsen​

Initially the Hanseatic League supported King Valdemar IV in his quest to restore the Kingdom of Denmark, as the kingless time had allowed the emergence of piracy to threaten the Hanseatic League and nearly brought the Baltic Maritime Trade to the brink of extinction. However when Valdemar reconquered Scania and captured the Hanseatic city of Visby, the League turned against the Danish king. In 1362, a Hanseatic counter strike was repelled by the Danish fleet commanded by the victorious king Valdemar IV Atterdag and his son Christopher, Duke of Lolland, the future king of Denmark.
History of Denmark 1300-1400 - By Knud Jensen
Table of Content
Denmark
Chapter I - The Restoration of Denmark
Chapter II - The First Hanseatic War
Chapter III - The Second Hanseatic War
Norway
Chapter IV - The Expedition to the New World
Chapter V - Early Colonisation of Vinland
Interlude I - Status of the Norse Kingdoms (1400)
 
Last edited:
Chapter I - The Restoration of Denmark

Zillian

Gone Fishin'
dehk2df-0b7c0875-0779-498f-a635-a83d7e80a724.png

The 14th century was a tumultuous time in the Norse kingdoms, much as it was in all of Europe. Denmark had suffered a catastrophic first half of the century, with a disastrous succession of weak Kings leading to the entire kingdom being pawned off to the Counts of Holstein-Rendsburg by 1332, the same year King Christoffer II died. His successor Valdemar IV was not even recognised as King of Denmark until 1340, leading the years 1332-1340 to be known as “the kingless time”. The Danish regions were plunged into violence, chaos and disintegration. Peasants were subjected to looting, even if they could pay the outrageous taxes to the Counts, and merchants were exposed to both robbery and piracy. The cities could no longer feel safe from the widespread lawlessness and the Baltic Maritime Trade was at the brink of extinction.

Sweden and Norway were linked in a personal union since 1319 when Magnus Ericsson inherited the Kingdoms, both from his uncles. Magnus was only three year old upon his coronation, and when he reached adulthood in 1332, he bought the Skåneland that had recently been pawned from Denmark. His realm was large, and his reign looked to be a glorious one, but it was fraught with misfortune. To pay for Skåneland, he had to borrow money and pawn Swedish crown lands to both his magnates and foreign lords. Later he launched several crusades against the Orthodox republic of Novgorod in the east, each failing to either convert the Russians or capture new territory for the Swedish crown, and each also adding to the debt Magnus owed to his magnates, the clergy and foreign moneylenders.

The plague hit the Norse Kingdoms like it had the rest of Europe in the mid-14th century and was equally devastating in the North as it had been further south. In Denmark, the sudden loss of workforce caused many free peasants to enter contacts with feudal lords, binding them to their lands called “Vornedskab”. While this in the short term was beneficial to the peasants as they could increase their fields, in the long term it would increase the magnate's grip over them and put them on the road to serfdom. In Norway where much of the population lived densely on the coast and was dependent on maritime trade, the disease struck especially hard and within a few years, half of the population had perished. Royal authority collapsed from the loss of tax income and many of the Norwegian magnates had to join the surviving peasants in the fields to even make a living. In Sweden, the disease was blamed on the King’s sinfulness, prompting him to launch another unsuccessful crusade against Novgorod and further ruined the Swedish kingdom.

War of Reunification

The Danish king who would manage to reclaim most of the lost Kingdom within the next two decades through a mixture of economic, diplomatic, and military measures was better known as Valdemar Atterdag - a name meaning “day again”, hinting to Denmark entering a new era under his reign. Backed up by the Imperial House of Wittelsbach, Valdemar began to rebuild the kingdom and brought stability to the region as well as violent conflicts with the Danish magnates and his arch-rivals - the Counts of Holstein-Rendsburg. Denmark was a poor and ravaged country when Valdemar entered a settlement and a ceasefire with the Danish magnates and the Counts of Holstein-Rendsburg in 1360. Now the last prize remained and Valdemar turned his gaze to the other side of Øresund.

King Magnus ruled over a kingdom almost divided and economically weakened as the Danish had been and urged by the mystic and late saint Bridget Birgersdotter, rebellious magnates soon rose up in 1355 led by his eldest son Erik Magnusson. Erik was also unhappy that his father had favorisered his youngest son Håkon who had been made king of Norway. Magnus capitulated and divided Sweden between him and his son in 1357. Magnus would rule over Geatland, Svealand and Norrland while Erik ruled over Skåneland, Gotland and Østerland. However the rebels had also received support from Duke Albert III of Mecklenburg as well as the Counts of Holstein-Rendsburg, hence the young king Erik was forced to mortgaging Skanør and Falsterbo in the southern Skåneland to the Duke as a fief for 12 years as well as increasing trade privileges to Hanseatic League. Skanør and Falstarbo was indeed home to the lucrative herring market.

The disagreement between Magnus and Erik soon broke out again, and Magnus then turned to King Valdemar in Denmark with a request for help and entered a treaty with him in 1359 which also included a betrothal between Magnus son Håkon and Valdemar’s daughter Margrete. A few months later, Erik and his wife died from the plague and thus the justification for the union between the three Norse Kings failed. Magnus came to terms with the powerful Swedish magnates and found new allies in the Counts of Holstein-Rendsburg. He began negotiations that ended with an agreement to transfer control of Kalmar Castle on Småland to Holstein-Rendsburg. To seal the agreement, he broke off the betrothal between Håkon and Margrete, only to marry off his son to the daughter of Valdemar’s rival - Elisabet of Holstein-Rendsburg.

In the meantime, Duke Albert II of Mecklenburg had great ambitions in increasing his influence in the North. He was married to king Magnus’s sister Euphemia of Sweden and his eldest son Henrik was betrothal to Valdemar’s daughter Ingeborg back in 1350 in return for the duke’s support in Valdemar’s reconquest of Skåneland. When king Erik died and Skåneland returned to Magnus, the Duke honoured his promise and told Valdemar about the arrangement between Holstein-Rendsburg and Sweden. Feeling deceived by Magnus, Valdemar began a campaign against Skåneland both in an attempt to reunite the eastern part of his kingdom and to stop this dangerous development between Sweden and Holstein-Rendsburg.

Skåneland and Gotland

The reconquest went smoothly and the king took over both Malmø Castle and Helsingborg Castle mid-1360 without resistance and the Scanian people praised him as their new king. Soon enough all of Skåneland was his. Magnus might just accept losing Skåneland to Valdemar, and the Hanseatic League could also live with Valdemar regaining the old Danish land - but the king’s ambition was far greater than what they had expected when Valdemar immediately turned his eyes to the jewel of the Baltic Sea: Gotland.

Gotland had been one of the trading centers of the Baltic Sea since the Viking Age, and the island had retained its importance in the new Baltic economy. The town of Visby had become a commercial center between Wendish, Prussian, Livonian, Estonian and Russian trade cities. A true jewel of the Baltic Sea. However the Gotlanders were divided. The peasants, who were primarily Swedes, were wealthy and made good money on this Baltic trade, but even richer were the merchants and citizens of Visby, which was populated by immigrants from all over the Baltic Sea. Valdemar exploited this division in his conquest of Gotland. Indeed the King had made an agreement with the citizens to spare the city and in return they would not support the peasants of Gotland.

Together with his son Christoffer, Duke of Lolland, who had grown into a talentful administrator, diplomat and commander under his father’s tutelage, an army of 2500 professionelle mercenaries was raised and they invaded Øland and Gotland in 1361. The peasants hurriedly assembled an army and tried to stop Valdemar but the citizens of Visby did not lift a finger to aid the Gotlanders. They were helpless against the well-equipped Danish army and were brutally massacred within sight of the city walls.

First then, the citizens open the city gate to the king and acknowledge Valdemar as their new ruler, paid him tribunes, and in return Valdemar confirmed Visby’s privileges, including the right to mint their own coins. The citizens retained control of the city’s administration, taxation and administration of justice. Valdemar added “king of the Goths” to his title and prepared to return home with gold, silver, furs of various kinds and many other treasures out of the city. At the same time Valdemar withdrew trade privileges to Lübeck and other Wendish cities.

In August 1361, the Danish fleet sailed home from Gotland, and on arrival Valdemar received two pieces of news. Elisabeth of Holstein-Rendsburg, the future husband of Håkon IV, had run aground on Danish soil on her way to Sweden. She was detained by the archbishop of Lund and handed over to Valdemar as a most honorable guest for the time being. The second was most troublesome. A coalition between Sweden, Norway, Holstein-Rendsburg, Mecklenburg and the Hanseatic League was formed against him in response to his conquest of Øland and Gotland.


Author Note:
The first part of this chapter is credited to @Atterdag . The text is from his excellent timeline The Sons of Semiramis - A house of Folkung Kalmar Union used with his permission.
 
Pretty interesting, I must admit beside earlier colonization of America and by the Nordic countries, I’m not sure where this is going, I look forward to read this timeline.
 
Chapter II - The First Hanseatic War

Zillian

Gone Fishin'
dehqrpw-58ca3483-d2ec-40c9-8fd8-5f1b43fb174d.png

North Europe witnessed economic growth in the 13th and 14th century as burghers in different trade towns began to form guilds, or hansa, with the intention to trade with towns overseas. The
hanseatic cities would come to the aid of one another and work to remove restrictions on trade for their members. Soon this trade league grew into a larger organisation with the formation of regional alliances between the cities - Wendish, Westphalian, Lower Saxon, Prussian and Livonian leagues. About 72 cities formed the core of the Hanseatic League, and another 130 were loosely associated. The league’s sphere of influence extended over an area that stretched from Flanders to Estonia with Visby as the leading city of the League. While there was no official founding date of the Hanseatic League, the cities met and coordinated their economic and political interests for the first time in 1356 in the so-called Hansetag (Hanseatic Day).

Because of their locations, the Wendish cities were interested in dominating the herring trade and the Prussian cities were more interested in keeping the passage of the Øresund into the North Sea open to easily export their grain. However Valdemar’s offensive foreign policy stood in contrast to the economic and political interest of the Hanseatic League. With the conquest of Visby and the revoking of trade privileges in the herring market, their trade was severely restricted.

The Hanseatic Cities met in a hansetag on 7th september 1361 together with envoys from the Teutonic Order, the kings of Sweden and Norway, Duke of Schleswig and the Counts of Holstein-Rendsburg. They decided to cut trade links with Denmark and prepared to finance a war against Denmark. For this purpose, the cities involved would raise a tariff to finance the war. Both the League and the kings were to provide ships and 2,000 armed men each. Their objectives of the war was to cede both Skåneland, Øland and Gotland back to Sweden, restore the trade privileges to the League and the Wendish cities were to be offered pledges. The agreed targets were Helsingborg and Copenhagen.

The Wendish Hanseatic cities, King Magnus IV of Sweden and King Håkon VI of Norway declared war on Denmark in September 1361 with Lübeck to lead the campaign who had assumed the leadership of the Hanseatic League after Visby fell to Valdemar.

Battle of Helsingborg

Johann Wittenborg, the Burgomaster of Lübeck, raised a force of 27 cogs, 25 snekkers and 2240 armed men in April 1362. With the fleet, the Hanseatic League sailed to the Øresund with siege machines as well as a new invention - the bombards - and the soldiers were under the command of the count Henrik II of Holstein-Rendsburg. A famous mercenary commander operating throughout Europe. He and his brother Claus of Holstein-Rendsburg wanted to restore their privillinges in Schleswig.

Wittenborg was inexperienced as an admiral and when he sailed through the narrow Oresund on his way to Copenhagen, he was persuaded to besiege the important city of Helsingborg and its fortified citadel. The city was the administration center of Scania, and capturing the citadel would secure him the entire Skåneland, however the Burgomaster did not secure himself against a possible Danish attack.

Despite the support from his Nordic alliance had yet to arrive, Wittenborg decided to besiege Helsingborg from land and the ships were left behind with an undermanned crew. The fortified city was under siege for the next twelve weeks into the summer. At the same time, a Swedish army was prepared by king Magnus. However his army was delayed, as he awaited for reinforcements, and the Norwegian fleet sent by Magnus’s son king Håkon was absent without explanation. Wittenborg was left to fend for himself.

In the meantime, Valdemar assembled his own fleet, which could carry an army with 2500 men, and attacked Wittenborg’s force by surprise on 8th July 1362. He landed at the shore with most of his men, and easily overwhelmed Wittenborg as most of his men were in the city. His son Christopher, Duke of Lolland, commanded the remaining fleet to board the Hanseatic fleet. The men on the shores tried to turning around their bombards to targeting the Danish fleet, however none of its bombards managed to dramaged the Danish fleet nor injuring its sailors.[1]

Wittenborg, who had realised the superiority of the Danish force, quickly brought about a ceasefire against promises of withdrawal without a fight at the last minute before his army and fleet was annihilated. With a loss of 12 cogs and the capture of the two counts, the defeat was catastrophic for Lübeck and the Hanseatic League

The defeat cost the Burgomaster life as the furious inhabitants of Lübeck relieved him of his duties and imprisoned. Brought before the Hanseatic Council in january 1363, he was condemned to death as punishment for the enormous costs that had grown non-stop during the siege and the loss of nearly half of the Lübeckian fleet.

Treaty of Vordingborg

The ceasefire that had begun during the battles continued throughout the year to the great resentment of the Norwegian-Swedish kings who had to accept this without coming into conflict due to the League’s self-interest.

In November 1363, negotiations for a settlement began between Valdemar and the newly appointed Burgomaster Jakob Pleskow together with other representatives from the League. The Peace of Vordingborg was concluded on 22 November 1365 at Vordingborg of which the Hanseatic League was to pay a huge sum of ransom for the prisons of war as well as paying war reparations. The restriction of trade was maintained.

Magnus had to reconcile with the Danes, and the betrothal between his son Håkon and Valdemar’s daughter Margrete was resumed. This was sealed with marriage on 9th April, 1363 between the Norwegian king and the Danish princess. The Swedish king hoped he could win back Skåneland and Gotland with this marriage but Øland would be returning to Sweden.

Both Henrik and Claus of Holstein-Rendsburg were likewise released with ransom. However their sister Elisabeth of Holstein-Rendsburg was first released after the wedding for a large sum of ransom. To secure his southern border, Valdemar had signed a treaty with Henrik and sealed it with a marriage between Elisabeth and his son Christoffer in May 1363.[2] In return, Holstein-Rendsburg would cede the remaining pledging part of Southern Schleswig and Fuen back to Denmark.

Meanwhile the Swedish magnates was insulted over the king breaking the betrothal between Elisabeth and his son Håkon which they had entered into on his behalf. This was the latest of a long line of discontent and protests broke out and the situation escalated to a more or less open revolt. As a result, several of the magnates were driven into exile among other Bo Jonsson of house of Grip. The exiled magnates and Bo Jonsson turned to Duke Albert II of Mecklenburg and promptly persuaded the duke to intervene against Magnus and Håkon and depose them both in favour of his youngest son Albert. They promised to support Albert the younger as their king if they will reward them with high positions in the state council.

Duke Albert enlisted military support from several powerful North German noblemen and proceeded to swiftly invade and conquer Sweden and subsequently installed his son as the new king. The younger Albert was crowned on 18 february 1364 and Magnus sought refuge with his son in Norway where they immediately planned the reconquest of Sweden.

Author Note
[1] Christopher, Duke of Lolland, and son of Valdemar IV Atterdag was hit in the head by a rock ball (8-9 cm in diameter) fired from a primitiv bombard and died by the injuries one year later possible by intracranial hemorrhage. These early cannons were inferior in every respect to the great siege-engines. They were slow and small, and limited to firing bolts or small balls with a very limited range. This was pure randomness that he died from such inaccurate cannon, which were as dangerous to their users as to the enemy and affected the morale of men and horses rather than damaged persons or buildings.

[2] Elisabeth of Holstein-Rendsburg originally spent the rest of her life in a convent in the diocese of Elten for political reasons. When the abbess at the convent died, Elisabeth took over her office. I had initially planned to wed Christoffer to the Cathrine of Bohemia, but it would mess up with Emperor Henry’s foreign policy and Denmark’s reputation was in the gutters, barely surviving an interregnum. I think him marrying a more ‘local’ north german noblewoman is more likely and it also mesh well with Valdemar’s long term plans for Holstein.
 
Chapter III - The Second Hanseatic War

Zillian

Gone Fishin'
dehzxdx-f97e02b7-e4b5-4f5e-b259-cad8be637457.png

Both Denmark and the Hanseatic League knew that the peace between them was frail and war would be resumed in a few years. The Burgomaster Jakob Pleskow and Valdemar exploited the armistice quite differently. Pleskow and a number of representatives from the various Hanseatic cities met to discuss an alliance against Denmark, while Valdemar made a one-year long European trip in autumn 1363 to summer 1364. He planned to visit various princely courts in an attempt to prevent the resumption of the war. As Valdemar departed on his trip, he appointed his son Christopher as regent in his absence.

With the help of Duke Eric II of Saxe-Lauenburg, Valdemar worked to get the Pomeranian dukes to put pressure on the Pomeranian Hanseatic cities. The Teutonic Order was to make the Prussian Hanseatic cities refrain from joining the Wedish ones, and an aid treaty with the Polish king had the same purpose. Then the king visited the new holy roman emperor in Prague, Charles IV of Luxembourg and king of Bohemia, where he renewed his right to the imperial taxes of Lübeck. Finally he visited the Pope Urban V at Avignon. Valdemar obtained from the pope great favors that allowed him to utilize the resources of the Danish church for his political purposes.

In early 1365, a Norwegian army clashed against the Swedish-German army in the disastrous Battle of Gataskogen where Håkon suffered a devastating defeat and Magnus was captured and remained as a prisoner for the next six years. The war between Norway and Sweden continued, and Håkon formed an alliance with Valdemar with the reconquest of the Swedish crown and liberating his father as his strongest motivation for this alliance. As a consequence of the east-ward foreign policy, he neglected his domain in the North Sea - both Iceland and Greenland was to fend for themselves.

As Valdemar was successful in his foreign policy, the Hanseatic League was just as successful in uniting the Hansa cities against Denmark to rebuke the Treaty of Vordingborg. It was clear to the Wendish cities that a war against Denmark could only be carried out together with the other hanseatic cities. For the first and only time, all 70 Hanseatic cities, exempt Bremen and Hamburg, and three dutch cities were united in a common goal and formed a military alliance signed in Cologne in 1367.

The Great Haneseatic War

On 2nd february, 1368, in Lübeck, King Albert of Sweden, Duke Albert II of Mecklenburg, Duke Henrik of Schleswig and discontented jutish magnates joined the coalition. The League hoped this coalition was enough to defeat Denmark. Their goals were almost the same from the previous war, but it now included razing Copenhagen and the complete partition of Denmark.

Parallel to their declaration of war on Denmark in 1361, the Hanseatic League sent letters to 27 North Germanic rulers, the kings of England and Poland, as well as the emperor and the pope, in which they declared their actions against Denmark. Unfortunately, neither the emperor and the pope supported the League, and the two other norse kings, Håkon and Magnus, sided with Denmark. Henrik of Holstein-Rendsburg and his brother Claus of Holstein-Rendsburg decide to stay out of the war lest they invoke the wrath of their brother-in-law’s father Valdemar.

In april 1368, the Hanseatic fleet sailed to Denmark. This time Copenhagen and Vordingborg were to be their targets, however already there, they stumbled into their first problem. When Valdemar was on his European trip, his son Christopher ruled in his place and opdatered various fortifications across the realm in preparation for the coming war, such as updating the old Absalon Castle at Copenhagen. Even before the outbreak of the war, Valdemar left the kingdom as he sought to exploit his continental connections like last time and his son led the resistance against the overwhelming Hanseatic force.

Both Valdemar and Christopher had chosen to avoid a major naval battle and instead concentrated the defence on strategically well-placed castles, which normally would only be occupied after prolonged and costly siege. The Hanseatic fleet had more or less foolishly taken unilateral action against Copenhagen and Vordingborg, believing they could occupy both castles quickly. Without the talented Henrik to lead the sieges, they were instead bogged down for months and the morale of the citizens of Copenhagen was kept up by Christoffer. Soon enough Valdemar returned with fresh mercenaries and drove them out of Copenhagen and Vordingborg.

Only king Albert of Sweden managed to occupy Skåneland, but nor could his force take over Helsingborg. However both the Swedish king and his father Duke Albert II of Mecklenburg felt ignored by the Hanseatic league and concluded their own separate peace with Valdemar. The peace would return to status quo, but he did stipulate that both king Valdemar IV and his son Christopher would recognize his son Albert as the righteous king of Sweden and refrain from being involved in the Norwegian-Swedish war.

The Hanseatic League began to experience trouble with financing their war. To finance the war, the cities involved raised a pound tariff and it was to be paid once a year. What each of the cities received in the pound tariff was to be used immediately for the equipping of warships, but it later became a major problem between the Hanseatic cities among themselves, as the expense of the individual cities seldom corresponded to their income. Many who joined the war had been promised both booty and profit, but so far the war only resulted in a deficit. Furthermore the cities likewise experienced pressure from their sovereigns to end the war. When Sweden and Mecklenburg pulled out of the war, the Hanseatic League signed an armistice with Denmark in spring of 1369. However they did manage to occupy Skanør Falsterbo, the center of herring trade.

Aftermath of the Haneatic War

A peace treaty was concluded 24 May 1370 in Stralsund, represented by the Wendish and Prussian cities, Christopher, Duke of Lolland, the archbishop of Lund, and the bishops of Roskilde and Odense. Contrary to their war allies, the Hanseatic cities were not interested in territories, but mainly in advantages for trade. Skanør and Falsterbo were to be pledged to the League for 15 years together with two-thirds of the revenue from herring trade. Denmark had to guarantee the League’s free trade and fishery on the Baltic Sea. With this treaty, the Hanseatic League and Lübeck reached its pinnacle of power in the region with a virtual monopoly on lucrative trade.[1]

Valdemar returned home to Denmark in 1371, and could now concentrate on Schleswig. The Duchy of Schleswig was ruled by the childless Duke Henrik, the son of the infamous Valdemar III, and he was forced to hand over all his pledge deeds to the Danish king. When Henrik died early in 1375, his widow handed over the duchy to Christoffer. As both Christoffer, his mother Hedvig and his uncle Henrik all descend from the king Abel unlike his father Valdemar who descend from one of Abel’s brothers, Christoffer had the strongest claim to the duchy.

Without Danish support in the Norwegian-Swedish war, the war ended in the Siege of Stockholm in 1371 where Albert and his German supporters managed to withstand the siege and Håkon was forced to sign a peace treaty. He would have to be content with having his father released from captivity against a large ransom and then abdicate as king of Sweden. Albert won the throne, but in pracsis he only ruled over Stockholm and a few royal estates as the Swedish magnates had the king in an iron grip. Magnus found refuge with his son and soon drowned in a shipwreck in 1374. The defeat at the hands of the Hanseatic cities and in the hands of Albert of Sweden was another humiliating blow to the foreign policy of Håkon in the east. Not only did the royal authority gradually weaken under the mounting pressure and influence of the Hanseatic cities, but both trade and economy had suffered as a consequence of the Hanseatic monopoly and the financiering of the war against Sweden.

The Danish king Valdemar IV passed away on 24th october 1375 with a smile on his lips as he had fulfilled his ambition in life. He did indeed manage to reacquired lost territories back to his kingdom besides Estonia which was no longer a part of Denmark for good. Denmark’s status as a major power in northern Europe was likewise restored. As his direct successor, Christopher, duke of Lolland and Schleswig, was elected as king of Denmark, the Wends, and the Goths in May of 1376.


Author Note:
[1] Denmark stood in a better position in this alternative Treaty of Stralsund as Copenhagne was not sacked and Absalon Castle not razed. In OTL, Copenhagen was destroyed and was not rebuilt for decades, which had set back the Danish trade. Additionally a veto in the royal Danish election was not included in the treaty, and because Christopher survived, Valdemar did not promise Duke Albert that his son Albert of Sweden would inherit the Danish throne.
 
Chapter IV - The Expedition to the New World

Zillian

Gone Fishin'
deifaot-6a47f4a8-0031-4409-bd50-40873c4c6b85.png

One morning the villagers of the most remote settlement in the Norwegian Realm found that their bishop had passed away in a peaceful sleep. They mourned his passing and buried him behind the Cathedral of Saint Nicholas. It was not a grandiose temple like in Europe, but just a simple church of red sandstone quarried from a neighbouring hillside. Many in the Norwegian Realm believed the inhabitants of the Norse settlement in Greenland had already fallen from the true faith and returned to paganism, but it was wrong. The Norse settlers still gathered in the cathedral to worship at an old altar cloth but without sacramental wine and bread.

While last time a royal freighter arrived from Norway to collect taxes was less than a decade ago, the Greenlanders still had a means to contact their mother country, so they sent a request for a new bishop to Norway, which arrived in August of 1379 at the king’s court. Håkon was at this time at Marstrand near Tænsberg to appoint a new Earl to the vacant position in Earldom of the Northern Isles. This request from the Greenlanders prodding at a forgotten memory as he remembered his father had sent an expedition to Greenland to inspect its settlements back in 1354, and he planned to follow up with another expedition but then the revolt of his brother Erik, Hanseatic Wars and the Norwegian-Swedish war happened.

He returned home to Akershus Castle at Oslo and looked through his records. While there have not been any followup expeditions, according to the records, one James Knox had on behalf of the English king Edward III led an expedition in the region by the early 1360s. The Scotsman had traveled further than Greenland and even wrote an account of the expedition. According to the record, James Knox had also detailed a report to him in 1364 and a copy of the travelogue was stored at the Saint Hallvard’s Cathedral, but this had slipped from his mind. Indeed at this time his focus was in reconquering the Swedish crown. Now his curiosity was waked and he sent a request to the Cathedral for the travelogue ‘Inventio Fortunata’[1].

The travelogue was obviously a report mainly to highlight the commercial possibilities at Greenland, Markland and Vinland. Markland and Vinland could provide timbers as tall as sail masts, and furs that could keep you warm in bad winters. The sea there was full of cod that can be taken not only with net but with fishing-baskets.

This was an opportunity that Håkon could not let go. His administration had been broken down as almost all of the Norwegian magnates and clergy had perished in the wake of the Black Death. His remaining peasants could only just produce enough grain to sustain themselves. The Hanseatic League had established a monopoly on the Norwegian economy and ruined the Norwegian and Islandic fishery. The Republic of Novgorod had blocked the Norwegian expansion into the Pola Peninsula and the fur market. Finally he was forced to concentrate the few magnates and clergy left in Southern Norway to restore order while leaving the rest of the Norwegian realm to fend for themselves. Even the king’s household was forced to borrow money for such basic things as food and drink. On the whole, his finance was in dire need of new revenue.

However it had been a stable decade in Norway since the end of the Second Hanseatic War[2], so Håkon had just enough to financiering a new royal freighter to replace this previous one as well as send this promised followup expedition to Greenland. It was a gambit but he had nothing to lose at this point. He asked his newly appointed Earl of the Northern Isles, Henry Sinclair, to lead this expedition to survey Greenland and beyond as the Earl was an experienced sailor.

Greenland - the Arctic Colony

Armed with a royal charter and a new cog, Henry Sinclair, the german bishop Henricous and his expedition sailed from Orkney in late april of 1380 and arrived in Greenland roughly three weeks later. The Norse settlement in southern Greenland mainly consists of three large hamlets, Brattahild, Gardar and Hvalsey. Henricous went to Gardar, the seat of his new bishopric and Henrik Sinclair visited Brattahlid which was home to the local Thing. The Earl was invited by one of the Aldermen to his home for dinner.

The Alderman explained that the Norse settlements used to be much bigger than it was now. At its peak, Greenland had three settlements - Vesterbygd, Mellembygd, Østerbygd - along the coast home to about five thousand souls and several sæsonsal camps at Helluland, Markland and Vinland. Now they only have Østerbygd, home to a few hundred families and two seasonal camps. They had abandoned the Mellembygd one century ago and the Vesterbygd just thirty years ago as the winter had become longer, cooler and more humid lately. The springs had become short making it harder to harvest winter fodder for their livestock and their communal hunt of migratory seals and walrus had become more dangerous due to more frequent storms.

This made their subsistence on pastures and communal hunting extremely difficult, which forced them to adapt in an attempt to keep up with the new demands caused by the changing climate. They began to focus less on sustaining themselves on livestock and more on seafood and local seals. However, even with these attempts, the lack of trade with Norway was also a strain on their resources. They needed iron and timber, but the European market had become less interesting in their walrus and narwhal tusks making trade much more challenging. Even their favourite hunting ground for walruses, narwhals and ice bears at Bear Island in the north had begun to become inaccessible in the warmer summer months. The settlement was suffering from poverty and many of their youngs had already begun to emigrating to Iceland or Norway as they no longer thought they had a future in this godforsaken frozen wasteland.[3]

They were deep engaged in their discussion, that darkness soon fell on them as it was still early May. The Alderman brought front an oil lamp of soapstone with some dried moss as a wick. He lit it up the oil along the edge of the lamp, providing a pleasant light. The Earl was however surprised that such expensive luxury exists in this faraway and poor settlement.

The Alderman told that he had received it from the local Skrællings called themselves as Inuits, who had begun to migrate into their land from the frozen north in recent time. This lamp called quilliq was the single most important fixture of the Inuit household that when the family moved, the lamp went along with it. The Inuits were also quite talented whalers and the lamp oil was a common resource around here, obtained from seals or whales, and they had taught the Norsemen how to extract the oil from the whale blubber. Henry Sinclair thanked for the dinner and returned to his ship as he mused on the possibilities for whaling as an industry.

Vinland - Land of Wine and Honey

Henry Sinclair embarked on his next part of the expedition and recruited some Greenlanders as guide. They sailed west to Helluland, and as the name suggested, it was an inhospitable land of rock and ice. However the Greenlanders told the Earl they used to have a trade post in the southernmost tip of the Helluland called Nanook. This place was a good hunting ground for ice bears, seals, walruses and whales - especially after they lost access to the Bear Island in the North.

After a brief stay at Nanook, they sailed past the strait between Helluland and Markland. Then they sailed along a stretch of coastline known to the Greenlanders as Wonderstrand. A dozens of small Inuit and Innu villages dotting the coastline and the Greenlanders used to trade with these tribes in the region for furs. The region was also extremely rich in high-quality timber. Then they reached a headland named Kajarnes roughly past two thirds of the Wonderstrand. This headland forms part of an estuary of a large river of the same name. Kajarnes was rich in fur, timber and fish according to the Greenlanders.

Soon enough they reached Vinland after two weeks of travel and arrived at Leifsbygd, named after the explorer who colonized Greenland, in the northernmost tip of Vinland. Like Nanook, Leifsbygd was a trade station used as a boat repair facility and as an exploration base and winter camp for expeditions heading southward into the Gulf of Straumfjord. Both Leifsbygd and Nanook were the only remaining trade stations still in use by the Greenlanders. They continued on their last part of the expedition to Cape Cod, the eastmost tip of Vinland. According to the Greenlanders, the seas east of Cape Cod was the best place to fish for cod and true enough it was so thick by the shore that they hardly have been able to row a boat through them.

The Earl decided it was time to return home before winter arrived.



[1] Inventio Fortunata is a lost work containing a description of the North Pole as a magnetic island surrounded by a giant whirlpool and four continents. This work may also have been intended to highlight the commercial possibilities offered by the North Atlantic following the decline of Norwegian interest in its colonies. The content of this work as descriptive in the chapter is fiction.

[2] In OTL, Håkon bankrupted his kingdom when he paid the Hanseatic League to stay neutral as he fought to put his son on the Danish crown. As Chrisoffer, Duke of Lolland, had survived, he was the natural heir to the Danish crown, and hence there was no need for Håkon to become involved in the Danish succession.

[3] Correct research suggests that the Norse Greenlander were unable to maintain their settlements because of economic and climatic change happening at the same time. Another reason was after Norway became a lesser partner in a personal union with Denmark, the Norwegian foreign policy had been moved to North German, Sweden and Baltic Sea. The Danish kings were absolutely not interested in some useless frozen rocks in the north. Nor do they need the Grand Banks at Vinland when they have the Skånemarket - home to the greatest herring market in the Baltic Sea.

King Håkon VI was 40 year old when he died. It had been speculated that he died of stress. He had witnessed how the Black Death had wreaked havoc in his kingdom, the almost constant warfare and the straining conflict with his cousin, Albert of Mecklenburg, and the considerable financial difficulties. However I believe he would survive a few years due to butterflies such as a better result in the Hanseatic Wars and not being involved in the Danish succession.
 
Last edited:
This is the last of the pre-written chapters. Thoughts? Commits?
It seems plausible enough so far, and I look forward to see a Scandinavia which, for the foreseeable future, is more competitive, although I hope they will unite at some point, when each kingdom is stronger, before they would fall behind all the other European powers
 
Henry Sinclair embarked on his next part of the expedition and recruited some Greenlanders as guide. They sailed east to Helluland, and as the name suggested, it was an inhospitable land of rock and ice.
ITYM "west".

Also, is there any evidence of Greenland Norse visiting North America after 1100?
 
Top