The Saving of German Democracy

In the 1925 German presidential election, Admiral von Tirpitz persuaded Hindenburg to run in the place of Karl Jarres, the DVP/DNVP candidate, in the second round. It took a lot of pressure from Tirpitz to persuade the old soldier. But what if it hadnt worked and he'd have gone elsewhere? My assumption is that Germany gets a different president of a military hue, but one who will not lapse into the 'presidential government' nonsense peddled by Schleicher and the Kamarilla IOTL.

Tirpitz Tries Again
Admiral von Tirpitz left Neudeck with a great sense of frustration. He had failed to persuade Hindenburg to run in place of Jarres- it now seemed likely that Jarres would win the nomination and then lose to the Centre Party's Wilhelm Marx. Tirpitz himself was too partial to run, and Jarres would never stand down for him.

Then an idea struck him. He had been attracted to using Hindenburg for a few reasons: the army's goodwill, relative popularity, but no previous involvement in party politics. Tirpitz had himself driven to Koenigsberg, and boarded a plane to Berlin.

The next day, exceptionally early, Tirpitz went to Hannover. He thought that he had his man: not as popular as Hindenburg, but a hero, and slightly younger. A man who had been out of the public eye for a few years, like Hindenburg. The man who had entered the Pour le merite for his work in facing down the Brusilov Offensive on the Eastern Front.

The man welcomed Tirpitz into his home and listened to what he had to say. Although in his early seventies, he was in good shape and was willing to take a last chance to serve his country. Hands were shaken, and a telephone call to Berlin confirmed that Karl Jarres was willing to stand aside in favour of the new independent, although clearly conservative, candidate. The newswires were soon buzzing with the news. The army was pleased as well- some had had concerns about Hindenburg due to his cleverly-hidden incompetence, but the new candidate was universally admired.

And thus did the candidature of Alexander von Linsingen, former general and war hero, begin.
 
I´m not sure that von Linsingen will win. Even with Hindenburg godlike-nimbus it was a close thing. Maybe the BVP would stay more loyal to their fellow catholic Marx. I think the RP would be Marx at the end.
 
Linsingen was 'Befehlshaber in den Marken' in November 1918. His dwarfish role in the German revolution was none that would have recommended him for RP. - Mackensen or Lettow-Vorbeck might be better choices.
 
I´m not sure that von Linsingen will win. Even with Hindenburg godlike-nimbus it was a close thing. Maybe the BVP would stay more loyal to their fellow catholic Marx. I think the RP would be Marx at the end.

Absolutely, it's not a done deal in the slightest. But I'm more interested in how we can avoid the pernicious influence of the Kamarilla. I'm agreed with you on Marx, but I will have to decide how exactly to cover the election itself.
 
Interesting. I guess this means you've completely abandoned Jarres Goes For It, though?:(

Afraid so, just ran out of ideas and steam on that. But I've gone away, done some more research, and hopefully I've pulled something better out.
 
Linsingen was 'Befehlshaber in den Marken' in November 1918. His dwarfish role in the German revolution was none that would have recommended him for RP. - Mackensen or Lettow-Vorbeck might be better choices.

I considered this a bit, but L-V is in private business and unlikely to agree (at least I feel that is the case), and Mackensen was getting a bit extreme to be viable. Or that's my opinion at any rate, but thank you for your thoughts on this.
 
There is another issue in place here. Linsingen is not as notorious as Hindenburg. IOTL, the DDP only withdrew their candidate because they hated Hindenburg so much. And there's no way Thaelmann will go away.
 
Trading Horses

The horse-trading began quickly. Willy Hellpach of the liberal DDP initially indicated that he would not be withdrawing as he didn't regard Linsingen as a threat to the Republic. Indeed, he indicated that had it been a serious reactionary like Hindenburg, as rumours had suggested, then he might have considered standing aside. However, he did withdraw and backed Wilhelm Marx of Zentrum.

Other parties did withdraw. Erich Ludendorff's embarassing showing for the NSDAP practically forced him out. Similarly, the Bavarian BVP withdrew and backed Zentrum's Wilhelm Marx. There was some talk of the SPD and Zentrum backing a joint candidate, but it did not come to pass. The line-up for the next round would look like this:

Alexander von Linsingen- Independent (backed by the DVP and DNVP)

Otto Braun- SPD

Wilhelm Marx- Zentrum (backed by the DDP)

Ernst Thaelmann- Communist (KPD)
 
The campaign was, to say the least, uninspiring. Linsingen, Braun and Marx were no public speakers, and Thaelmann was far too much of a demagogue and a polarising figure to make any more progress than he already had.

26th April 1925 brought the second round, and it was too close to call. Linsingen had been uninspiring, but appealed to the DVP and DNVP ranks, and some floating voters with a military background; Braun had the SPD solidly behind him; Marx was doing well but it was unclear if he could pull off a victory from his position.

The results came through thus:

Alexander von Linsingen (independent)- 39.4%
Otto Braun (SPD)- 30.4 %
Wilhelm Marx (Z/BVP/DDP)- 23.2%
Enst Thaelmann (KPD)- 7.0%

Although not a convincing win, and one which barely improved on Jarres' performance of the first round, Linsingen had benefited from the SPD and Zentrum's unwillingness to nominate a joint candidate. Even Thaelmann's withdrawal would have been unlikely to hand Otto Braun victory.

And thus was Alexander von Linsingen elected as the second President of Germany. And thus did the most ardently pro-Weimar parties once again show their inability to co-operate when it mattered.
 
Tirpitz's Error

Tirpitz was ecstatic. Linsingen was, in some ways, an even better president than Hindenburg could have been- the Hanoverian general had no real powerbase other than the parties which had backed him, and they would come to call for some form of payment in kind.

This, however, was where Tirpitz and the DNVP had made a massive miscalculation.

On 2nd May 1925, the DNVP announced that they no longer wished to work under Chancellor Hans Luther and withdrew from the government. [1] Although he essentially had no choice, the DNVP leaned on President von Linsingen to dismiss Luther. Linsingen did so, although he was more than a little irritated that Tirpitz had been so hasty.

The Reichstag reconvened to select a new government. There was significant anger on the DVP benches- they had no desire to be forced out of government, and there was obvious tension between the DVP's Gustav Stresemann and the DNVP leadership.

The DNVP had made a gigantic tactical mistake. With 247 seats needed to form a government, they suddenly realised that they could not do so, mainly because somebody else had been thinking about this.

And thus it came to pass that the DNVP's brief sojourn in government came to an end, as the SPD, Zentrum, BVP and DDP came together to form a Social Democratic/Left-Liberal/Christian Democratic pact. With a total of 251 seats, the parties elected the losing SPD presidential candidate Otto Braun, Minister-President of Prussia, as the new Reichskanzler.

Linsingen, whilst no socialist by any means, agreed to Braun's elevation.





[1] IOTL, the DNVP walked out later that year anyway.
 
The New Cabinet

The new Braun cabinet was pluralistic by the nature of the coalition behind it, and was made up thus:

Chancellor- Otto Braun (SPD)
Vice-Chancellor and Foreign Affairs- Wilhelm Marx (Z)
Interior- Gustav Noske (SPD)
Finance- Hermann Mueller (SPD)
Economics- Adam Stegerwald (Z)
Labour- Rudolf Hilferding (SPD)
Justice- Erich Koch-Weser (DDP)
Defence- Wilhelm Groener (unattached)
Posts- Erich Emminger (BVP)
Transport- Otto Gessler (DDP)
Food- Heinrich Koehler (Z)
Without Portfolio- Heinrich Bruening (Z)
Education (new)- Wilhelm Kuelz (DDP)

There were some intriguing appointments here, amongst the old faces. Wilhelm Groener was appointed not just because of his prior links to the late SPD president Friedrich Ebert, but also because of his clear military experience.

Adam Stegerwald of Zentrum was another notable selection, and it appeared that the SPD had deliberately picked the leader of the Christian unions as a bridge between the parties. Either way, it worked.

Gustav Noske was a somewhat controversial appointment. Definitely on the right of the SPD, he had a formidable reputation and took the edge off any accusations that the SPD was weak on home affairs.

Finally, and most importantly for the future, the Minister without Portfolio was Heinrich Bruening, a rapidly rising star of Zentrum. He was one to watch, many concurred.
 
why did you introduce a minister of education?

Stronger centralisation tendencies?

Absolutely. I think that education is going to form a point of tension between the SPD and the Catholic parties at some point, as will the centralising agenda.
 
Absolutely. I think that education is going to form a point of tension between the SPD and the Catholic parties at some point, as will the centralising agenda.

Maybe they bring Adolph Hoffmann back. This would make a fun TL.
 
To Ban or not to Ban?

On 12th May 1925, Braun was replaced as Prussian Prime Minister by his SPD colleague, the Prussian Interior Minister Carl Severing. It was business as normal.

It was not the only important issue in which Braun had a hand. A petition had been made to President von Linsingen to remove a public-speaking on Adolf Hitler, leader of the far-right NSDAP and a notorious figure for his part in an attempted putsch in Bavaria several years earlier. [1] Linsingen was unconvinced by the petition as he regarded the putsch as being an act contrary to normal discipline, but Braun relayed his dislike of Hitler and this was reinforced by a counter-petition by the leaders of the BVP- after all, it was their regional government that Hitler had tried to overthrow. Linsingen eventually decided to keep the ban in place, stating that:

"This man has attempted to subvert the State, and as a former army man, Herr Hitler should be aware of the consequences of indiscipline. The ban shall not be repealed for the time being, especially in light of Herr Hitler's somewhat short gaol sentence. He should continue to regard himself as being on probation".

The one act won Linsingen a great deal of goodwill from the BVP, but the enmity of the Nazis. But they hardly mattered, especially as their leader could not speak in public.

Braun's first coup of his premiership came on 18th May, when he met the French foreign affairs minister Aristide Briand at Koblenz. Briand, a conciliatory man anyway, had always got on with Gustav Stresemann but the arrival of a fellow social democrat in the Reichskanzlerei put him more at ease. It was agreed that the withdrawal of French troops from the Ruhr under the Dawes Plan would be sped up as a gesture of goodwill. As a result, the first French troops were ordered to prepare to leave Duisburg on 1st June 1925.



[1] NB: I'm not trying to be patronising, I'm writing as if Hitler doesn't achieve much prominence.
 
Er, a nitpick, but this
A petition had been made to President von Linsingen to remove a public-speaking on Adolf Hitler, leader of the far-right NSDAP and a notorious figure for his part in an attempted putsch in Bavaria several years earlier.
should be ''... to remove a public-speaking ban on Adolf Hitler...', or something like that, I guess?
 
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