The Ruins of Rome: A Byzantine Collpase Timeline
- Thread starter Eparkhos
- Start date
Eparkhos
Banned
We haven't seen the last of him, but for now he's been left on the doorstep of a small monastery in Le Mans with the a piece of parchment labelled MICHEL pinned to his clothes. At this point, he's barely four. He does speak Rhoman, but not very well and he's still below the age of plasticity (when a child becomes unable to pick up a language as quick as their first). The monks dismiss his accounts of his early life as flights of fancy. He's ordained as a deacon in 1295, and then as priest in 1298. We'll leave him there for now.
Huh, so he turns out like John IV. If he becomes a cardinal or even Pope would be hilarious. Also, where does the “New Alexiad” feature, Trebizond?
Maybe the Komnenoi are the Dark Horse of the era. They save the Roman Empire. They were the only true successful dynasty after the Macedonians.
Romans: Oh God we're back under those accursed Latins again!
Komnenoi: You could not live with your failure, and where did it lead your? Back to me.
Cue Alexios VI taking the throne and crushing the Crusaders with Georgia as his ally.
Honestly, a surviving Latin Empire would actually be pretty interesting.
It wouldn't survive for very long. The native Greek Orthodox population utterly hates the Latins. In otl they preferred rule under the Ottoman Turks to a forced union with the Latin Church. When Michael VIII officially became a unionist, it was really unpopular as the native population hated the Latins. There would probably rioting within the city and an even worse state for Constantinople. The Latins did a pretty poor job of up-keep and maintaining the city after they burned down sections of it in 1204. The Latins would likely have a tough time like in otl recruiting any native troops. And when Naples and the other European powers are busy warring with each other, the Latin states will be cut off from their support. This was why the other Crusader States failed after England, France, and the HRE started warring with each other or had to deal with internal affairs. Also the feudal nature of the Latin subdivisions of the Empire kept it from operating effectively in addition to all those other problems I mentioned.
So to recap, we have a Rhoman Crimea, Trebizond, Nicaea, and Epirus. Sounds pretty good all things considered. is this Latin Empire any larger than the first? I don’t think it is.
Probably yes, we don't have the Kingdom of Thessaloniki and the confusion of states in Hellas (i think), probably if isn't that is OTL Latin Empire + Some parts of OTL Thessaloniki
This is just speculation, tough
Its also likely weaker than the first Latin Empire as well. Constantinople was taken only with the help of Naples. Naples will likely be busy dealing with affairs in the rest of Italy which means that they won't have much support as well. If the other Roman possessions can unify under a type of Aurelian like figure, they can possibly become a strong regional power strong enough to repel the Latins and drive them out of Constantinople. Its likely that the Latins would be busy trying to quell revolts against their rule. This distraction could be used to sail in the Roman forces to besiege Constantinople, or other parts under Latin rule.
Eparkhos
Banned
The "New Alexiad" refers to the restoration of one of the successor states.
The Restored Latin Empire at this point is just the Frankokratia and the conquered bits of Thrake. Remember, Demetrios Koutroules still holds Thessalonika and Mikhael Glabas has a sizable force in the Upper Axios Valley (OTL North Macedonia). And while the Moreans are outnumbered, they're certainly not outcomanded.
The Restored Latin empire will be considerably stronger (cough settler colonies cough)
What do you mean by settler colonies?
Trebizond for the win! I wonder if an Aurelian level military genius could in fact reunite the Empire and restore the Empire.
The Eighth Battle of Adrianople (July-November 1281, the Rhomano-Angevin War Pt.3)
Eparkhos
Banned
Eighth Adrianople: The Battle that Cemented the Second Latin Empire
Prince Charles kills Theodoros III at Eighth Adrianople
Prince Charles kills Theodoros III at Eighth Adrianople
The day after his coronation, Philip ordered the execution of every male Palaiologos in the city. This killed all but two of the Palaiologi men, both sons of Mikhael VIII. One was Konstantinos Palaiologos, the governor of Morea, and the other was Theodoros Palaiologos, who had been leading an expeditionary force to restore Ivan III to the throne of Bulgaria. This had gone disastrously wrong, and he had wound up fleeing back across the border to Philippopolis with only 4,000 men. A frantic rider from Konstantinopolis had reached him on 3 July, but as he approached Adrianopolis on 18 July, he was greeted by word of the fall of the capital. He proclaimed himself emperor Theodoros III in the city the next day. He raised the militia and the tagmata, bringing his army to a force of 11,000 foot and 2,000 cavalry.
News of Theodoros' proclamation arrived in Byzance* on 26 July. King Charles and most of his army had decamped on 22 July, leaving Prince Charles with 3,000 knights and 4,000 infantry, mostly claimants to old titles in the First Latin Empire. They were already preparing to march on Andrianople, as it was the key to controlling Eastern Thrake, but their advance had only become known to Theodoros on 21 July. The self-proclaimed Emperor had advanced to meet him, believing that the superior Byzantine numbers would win the day. However, the Rhoman cavalry had advanced ahead of the infantry and gotten mowed down by the Latin knights, near the town of Arkadiopolis. The retreating Rhoman cavalry commander convinced Theodoros to retreat to the more defensible areas north of the city. And thus, the march to battle turned into a hurried retreat towards the city. This demoralized the militia enough for them to defect en masse, leaving Theodoros with only 8,000 infantry. The Latin cavalry then advanced ahead of their infantry, but fell back to the infantry upon realizing their inferior numbers.
The two sides met just north of Adrianopolis on 5 August, on nearly the same grounds as the Sixth Battle of Adrianople. Unlike Kaloyan, Theodoros had neither the time nor the resources to trap the Latins. As the young emperor saw the size of the approaching Latin force, he began to despair for the odds of a Rhoman victory. According to de Anjou's Cronicale Orientum:
"The Greek laid all his hopes on one thing: Victory in a single combat. As such, he rode south to meet the Prince, bringing only his armor, a shield and his spear. He met the Crusaders at Adrianopolis itself, and shouted a challenge to Charles the Younger. The Prince demurred, yelling back that a heretic pig like himself didn't deserve such an honorable death. The Greek shouted again, and again was refused. The heretic rode up to Charles the Younger, slapped him across the face, and then rode back to his previous position. This enraged the Prince, and the two drew up positions for a duel. But as they rode, the Greek's helmet was knocked off by the sling of a Latin soldier. He was pierced through the eye and killed instantly, being thrown off of the horse. Charles ordered him buried in a potter's grave, and then had the man who threw the stone flayed to death and buried in the same field."
Charles the Younger then marched his forces on to the Rhoman lines. Theodoros' second-in-command, Andronikos Asen, ordered a blind charge at the Latin lines in an attempt to overwhelm them with a combination of surprise, shock, and numbers. Charles orders his knights to dismount, and as the two lines meet the armored men form the centers of small redoubts amongst the chaos. The initial charge fails, and the battle degenerates into a day-long pushing match. As sunset approaches, Charles orders the knights in the less heavily assailed sections of the line to mount for a charge. The Latin center swings back and the Rhoman infantry rush into the gap, only to be run down by the cavalry as they plow through the Rhoman lines, breaking through and storming the Rhoman camp. The line collapses and the Rhomans route, leaving the Latins triumphant. Asen flees into Adrianopolis, but the city surrenders two days later.
By 7 August, the only Rhoman army of size east of Thessalonika was broken, leaving the Latin dominance in Eastern Thrake unassailed. The only Rhoman chance to quickly retake Konstantinopolis collapsed with Theodoros' army. The old dynasty was almost extinct, the one survivor fighting for his life in Morea, leaving the core of Rhoman restorationism to rot and wither away. But there was still one army in the field: That of Mikhael Glabas, in Skopia…
*Latin name for Constantinople
News of Theodoros' proclamation arrived in Byzance* on 26 July. King Charles and most of his army had decamped on 22 July, leaving Prince Charles with 3,000 knights and 4,000 infantry, mostly claimants to old titles in the First Latin Empire. They were already preparing to march on Andrianople, as it was the key to controlling Eastern Thrake, but their advance had only become known to Theodoros on 21 July. The self-proclaimed Emperor had advanced to meet him, believing that the superior Byzantine numbers would win the day. However, the Rhoman cavalry had advanced ahead of the infantry and gotten mowed down by the Latin knights, near the town of Arkadiopolis. The retreating Rhoman cavalry commander convinced Theodoros to retreat to the more defensible areas north of the city. And thus, the march to battle turned into a hurried retreat towards the city. This demoralized the militia enough for them to defect en masse, leaving Theodoros with only 8,000 infantry. The Latin cavalry then advanced ahead of their infantry, but fell back to the infantry upon realizing their inferior numbers.
The two sides met just north of Adrianopolis on 5 August, on nearly the same grounds as the Sixth Battle of Adrianople. Unlike Kaloyan, Theodoros had neither the time nor the resources to trap the Latins. As the young emperor saw the size of the approaching Latin force, he began to despair for the odds of a Rhoman victory. According to de Anjou's Cronicale Orientum:
"The Greek laid all his hopes on one thing: Victory in a single combat. As such, he rode south to meet the Prince, bringing only his armor, a shield and his spear. He met the Crusaders at Adrianopolis itself, and shouted a challenge to Charles the Younger. The Prince demurred, yelling back that a heretic pig like himself didn't deserve such an honorable death. The Greek shouted again, and again was refused. The heretic rode up to Charles the Younger, slapped him across the face, and then rode back to his previous position. This enraged the Prince, and the two drew up positions for a duel. But as they rode, the Greek's helmet was knocked off by the sling of a Latin soldier. He was pierced through the eye and killed instantly, being thrown off of the horse. Charles ordered him buried in a potter's grave, and then had the man who threw the stone flayed to death and buried in the same field."
Charles the Younger then marched his forces on to the Rhoman lines. Theodoros' second-in-command, Andronikos Asen, ordered a blind charge at the Latin lines in an attempt to overwhelm them with a combination of surprise, shock, and numbers. Charles orders his knights to dismount, and as the two lines meet the armored men form the centers of small redoubts amongst the chaos. The initial charge fails, and the battle degenerates into a day-long pushing match. As sunset approaches, Charles orders the knights in the less heavily assailed sections of the line to mount for a charge. The Latin center swings back and the Rhoman infantry rush into the gap, only to be run down by the cavalry as they plow through the Rhoman lines, breaking through and storming the Rhoman camp. The line collapses and the Rhomans route, leaving the Latins triumphant. Asen flees into Adrianopolis, but the city surrenders two days later.
By 7 August, the only Rhoman army of size east of Thessalonika was broken, leaving the Latin dominance in Eastern Thrake unassailed. The only Rhoman chance to quickly retake Konstantinopolis collapsed with Theodoros' army. The old dynasty was almost extinct, the one survivor fighting for his life in Morea, leaving the core of Rhoman restorationism to rot and wither away. But there was still one army in the field: That of Mikhael Glabas, in Skopia…
*Latin name for Constantinople
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The War in the West (June 1281)
Eparkhos
Banned
The War on the Western Front
Battle of Akhrida, 7 July 1281
After the fall of Berat, de Sully and the western Angevin army advanced along the ruins of the Via Egnatia. As they advanced, the Rhomanized Albanians and Slavs set fire to the towns along the road, filled in the wells and burned the crops before vanishing into the hills. This persisted for the rest of May, and the weeks of exhaustion and dehydration wore heavily on the Latins. On 2 June they reached the spine of the Pindos and de Sully realized that it would be another week's march to Lake Akhrida[1], the nearest reliable source of water large enough to support the Latin force. On 3 June, de Sully took the approximately 1500 cavalry and rode ahead towards the lakes, leaving Robert de Courson[2] to lead the 5,000 infantry in his stead. But as de Sully and his vanguard rode on, they were setting themselves on a collision course with the army of Michael Glabas.
St. Mikhael Glabas, often refered to as the Lion of Thrake
Mikhael Glabas was one of the most experienced commanders in the Rhoman army during the Rhomano-Angevin War. Born 1234 in Thessalonika to a family of Jewish converts[3], he rose rapidly through first the Nikaean and then the Rhoman command structure. Between 1260 and 1268 he fought a slow, methodical war through sub-Haemic Bulgaria, eventually routing the army of the Tsar himself at Sozopolis in 1266. He commanded troops in Morea for a decade before being appointed to an expeditionary force against Ivaylo Bardokva in 1278. Once again he marched into Bulgaria, putting the usurper to route before retreating in the face of Nogai Khan and several tumen.
In 1280, Andronikos II ordered him against the Serbians at the head of 2,000 Rhoman infantry and 4,000 Cuman auxiliaries. In September of that year, he routed a 14,000 strong Serbian army under Urosh IV at Skopia. Glabas then ordered the construction of a series of defensive walls along the passes across the Haemoi. When news of the Angevin landing in Durazzo reached him, he sent riders to both Tarkhaneiotes in Berat and Demetrios Koutroules, the governor of Thrake, asking them to allow him to leave his post to meet the Latins. Both refused him, but when word of the fall of Berat reached him in late May, he decamped Skopia and marched south with his army. There was but one more fortress on the Via Egnatia before Thessalonika; Akhrida.
On 7 June, the front-riders of Glabas' army, numbering 500, arrived in the fortress. The fortress commander, one Mikhael Anemas, had dismissed the reports of the Angevins pushing up the Via Egnatia, believing that de Sully would be more likely to use the smaller road that ran directly to Thessalonika. The commander of the Rhoman vanguard, Eltimir, relieved Anemas of his command and began rushed siege preparations, scowering the local countryside of every foodstuff and driving the local peasantry up into the hills to deny the Angevins any succor.
De Sully and the Angevin cavalry arrived outside the city on 8 June, approaching the fortress directly due to a false belief in the low morale of the Akhridan garrison. The Latins received a less than friendly reception, with 16 knights, including de Sully himself, being severely injured. They camped two miles to the west, only for an Armanj[4] tribe to storm the camp's defenses shortly after midnight, killing almost half of the Latin force. The survivors flee into the night, many later being killed by irate peasants. About two hundred of the survivors, including de Sully, regroup on a small, swampy island in Lake Ahkrida. Malaria begins to set in amongst the troops, and local fishermen armed with bows began taking potshots at them from their boats in the lake. On 11 June, de Sully dies from an infected wound, leaving the Latin cavalry under the command of Leonardo de Procida. The next day, de Procida launches a break-out from the island, with the hundred odd knights forming an open square with their backs to the lake and marching west, back towards the main force.
However, only three hours from the camp, a group of fishing vessels carrying members of the garrison attempts to land in the square. De Procida and a small group of knights manage to board one of the boats and flee, leaving the others to be slaughtered. They land on the western shore of the lake four hours later, within full view of de Courson and the main column. De Procida attempted to relieve de Courson of his command, only for the infantry commander to have his erstwhile superior and the other knights executed for cowardice; Whatever its other flaws, the Latin command would be unified as they marched to their date with destiny.
De Courson and the Angevin army arrived outside the walls of Akhrida on 12 June. He left 1,000 men to watch the city, then turned and marched north with his main force. The primary Angevin force then camped on the peak of a small hill six miles north of the city. This camp was heavily fortified, with the natural slope of the hill forcing any would-be attackers to charge into a crossfire before coming up against a seven-foot wooden palisade, inter-laid with spiked pits, the whole time being under fire from a company of longbow-wielding company of Welsh mercenaries at the peak of the hill. On the night of the 14th, the Armanj tribe that had put the knights to route attempted to do the same to this camp, only to lose a third of its male population.
Glabas and the main Rhoman force finally left the Makedonian hinterland and marched into the Akhridan lowlands, coming within view of the Angevin fortress on 17 June. The besieging force panicked and ran, many being run down by the Cuman cavalry before the day was out. Eltimir quickly informed Glabas of the happenings of the previous two weeks, and the old general ordered the Cuman commander to take a small force and ride around the fortified camp, attempting to draw out the Latins. However, after less than one circumnavigation, Eltimir and most of the Rhoman officers were killed by the Welsh. The Rhomans fell back, with Glabas ordering the construction of a fortified camp halfway between Akhrida the Angevins. The next few days passed slowly, both sides using snipers to whittle away at the enemy officers.
On 25 June, the most important casualty was killed; Robert de Courson himself was killed by a Cuman horse archer while making a dawn inspection of the Latin defenses. He was succeeded by the next highest officer, an aging sargent commander named Bernard the Grey. The next day, the Cumans made another attack on the Angevin camp. This time, Bernard and about a third of the Latin men rushed out to attack the Rhomans as they came close to the walls. They were surrounded by the Cumans and killed to a man, demoralizing the Angevins severely. On 28 June, the Latin commander, John the Spaniard, ordered one last charge into the Rhoman lines. Most of them died on the field, but about two hundred were captured and imprisoned. The Battle of Akhrida broke the Latins in Makedonia, effectively ending the war in Europe, outside of Morea.
[1] Lake Ohrid
[2] Father of the more famous Trueman
[3] Jews who became Orthodox
[4] Aromanians
Battle of Akhrida, 7 July 1281
After the fall of Berat, de Sully and the western Angevin army advanced along the ruins of the Via Egnatia. As they advanced, the Rhomanized Albanians and Slavs set fire to the towns along the road, filled in the wells and burned the crops before vanishing into the hills. This persisted for the rest of May, and the weeks of exhaustion and dehydration wore heavily on the Latins. On 2 June they reached the spine of the Pindos and de Sully realized that it would be another week's march to Lake Akhrida[1], the nearest reliable source of water large enough to support the Latin force. On 3 June, de Sully took the approximately 1500 cavalry and rode ahead towards the lakes, leaving Robert de Courson[2] to lead the 5,000 infantry in his stead. But as de Sully and his vanguard rode on, they were setting themselves on a collision course with the army of Michael Glabas.
St. Mikhael Glabas, often refered to as the Lion of Thrake
Mikhael Glabas was one of the most experienced commanders in the Rhoman army during the Rhomano-Angevin War. Born 1234 in Thessalonika to a family of Jewish converts[3], he rose rapidly through first the Nikaean and then the Rhoman command structure. Between 1260 and 1268 he fought a slow, methodical war through sub-Haemic Bulgaria, eventually routing the army of the Tsar himself at Sozopolis in 1266. He commanded troops in Morea for a decade before being appointed to an expeditionary force against Ivaylo Bardokva in 1278. Once again he marched into Bulgaria, putting the usurper to route before retreating in the face of Nogai Khan and several tumen.
In 1280, Andronikos II ordered him against the Serbians at the head of 2,000 Rhoman infantry and 4,000 Cuman auxiliaries. In September of that year, he routed a 14,000 strong Serbian army under Urosh IV at Skopia. Glabas then ordered the construction of a series of defensive walls along the passes across the Haemoi. When news of the Angevin landing in Durazzo reached him, he sent riders to both Tarkhaneiotes in Berat and Demetrios Koutroules, the governor of Thrake, asking them to allow him to leave his post to meet the Latins. Both refused him, but when word of the fall of Berat reached him in late May, he decamped Skopia and marched south with his army. There was but one more fortress on the Via Egnatia before Thessalonika; Akhrida.
On 7 June, the front-riders of Glabas' army, numbering 500, arrived in the fortress. The fortress commander, one Mikhael Anemas, had dismissed the reports of the Angevins pushing up the Via Egnatia, believing that de Sully would be more likely to use the smaller road that ran directly to Thessalonika. The commander of the Rhoman vanguard, Eltimir, relieved Anemas of his command and began rushed siege preparations, scowering the local countryside of every foodstuff and driving the local peasantry up into the hills to deny the Angevins any succor.
De Sully and the Angevin cavalry arrived outside the city on 8 June, approaching the fortress directly due to a false belief in the low morale of the Akhridan garrison. The Latins received a less than friendly reception, with 16 knights, including de Sully himself, being severely injured. They camped two miles to the west, only for an Armanj[4] tribe to storm the camp's defenses shortly after midnight, killing almost half of the Latin force. The survivors flee into the night, many later being killed by irate peasants. About two hundred of the survivors, including de Sully, regroup on a small, swampy island in Lake Ahkrida. Malaria begins to set in amongst the troops, and local fishermen armed with bows began taking potshots at them from their boats in the lake. On 11 June, de Sully dies from an infected wound, leaving the Latin cavalry under the command of Leonardo de Procida. The next day, de Procida launches a break-out from the island, with the hundred odd knights forming an open square with their backs to the lake and marching west, back towards the main force.
However, only three hours from the camp, a group of fishing vessels carrying members of the garrison attempts to land in the square. De Procida and a small group of knights manage to board one of the boats and flee, leaving the others to be slaughtered. They land on the western shore of the lake four hours later, within full view of de Courson and the main column. De Procida attempted to relieve de Courson of his command, only for the infantry commander to have his erstwhile superior and the other knights executed for cowardice; Whatever its other flaws, the Latin command would be unified as they marched to their date with destiny.
De Courson and the Angevin army arrived outside the walls of Akhrida on 12 June. He left 1,000 men to watch the city, then turned and marched north with his main force. The primary Angevin force then camped on the peak of a small hill six miles north of the city. This camp was heavily fortified, with the natural slope of the hill forcing any would-be attackers to charge into a crossfire before coming up against a seven-foot wooden palisade, inter-laid with spiked pits, the whole time being under fire from a company of longbow-wielding company of Welsh mercenaries at the peak of the hill. On the night of the 14th, the Armanj tribe that had put the knights to route attempted to do the same to this camp, only to lose a third of its male population.
Glabas and the main Rhoman force finally left the Makedonian hinterland and marched into the Akhridan lowlands, coming within view of the Angevin fortress on 17 June. The besieging force panicked and ran, many being run down by the Cuman cavalry before the day was out. Eltimir quickly informed Glabas of the happenings of the previous two weeks, and the old general ordered the Cuman commander to take a small force and ride around the fortified camp, attempting to draw out the Latins. However, after less than one circumnavigation, Eltimir and most of the Rhoman officers were killed by the Welsh. The Rhomans fell back, with Glabas ordering the construction of a fortified camp halfway between Akhrida the Angevins. The next few days passed slowly, both sides using snipers to whittle away at the enemy officers.
On 25 June, the most important casualty was killed; Robert de Courson himself was killed by a Cuman horse archer while making a dawn inspection of the Latin defenses. He was succeeded by the next highest officer, an aging sargent commander named Bernard the Grey. The next day, the Cumans made another attack on the Angevin camp. This time, Bernard and about a third of the Latin men rushed out to attack the Rhomans as they came close to the walls. They were surrounded by the Cumans and killed to a man, demoralizing the Angevins severely. On 28 June, the Latin commander, John the Spaniard, ordered one last charge into the Rhoman lines. Most of them died on the field, but about two hundred were captured and imprisoned. The Battle of Akhrida broke the Latins in Makedonia, effectively ending the war in Europe, outside of Morea.
[1] Lake Ohrid
[2] Father of the more famous Trueman
[3] Jews who became Orthodox
[4] Aromanians
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Looks like my prediction was correct. Macedonia has survived. the fall of Morea would make the borders nice, could a union of the Frankokratia be formed eventually as a single kingdom?
The War in the Morea, Pt.1
Eparkhos
Banned
The War in the Morea - Pt. 1
Ramon de Saint-Cyr
The Angevin task force assigned to retake the Morea numbered less than 2,000, all infantry. They were led by Raymon de Saint-Cyr, a minor Forcalquierian nobleman in the service of King Charles. The initial invasion force landed a kilometer from Cape Matapa on 17 May. They were greeted by a delegation from the local Maniot clans, many of whom had been alienated from the Rhoman government by the exploitative taxation program of the governors in Mystras, many of whom treated the office as an opportunity to get rich quick. The leader of the Maniots, Ioannes Hexaggonas[1], offers to scout for the Angevins, which de Saint-Cyr readily accepted.
Hexaggonas recommended that the Latins advance against the nearest Rhoman fortress, Grand Magne, about 30 km to the north. De Saint Cyr left most of his men and the transport vessels at their landing site, taking two hundred men and the Maniot allies and advancing towards the fortress. The Latins set up a camp in the small farming village of Nikandreio, a quarter-kilometer to the east of the gate and soaked every piece of cloth in alcohol before withdrawing to an abandoned church a half-kilometer to the south. That night, the 19th, the garrison sallied out from Grand Magne and assaulted the camp. While they were doing so, the Angevins circled around to their rear and rushed the weakly held city gate. It was taken quickly and they then scrambled up to the walls, where there were several ballistrai[2]. Firebrands were attached to the ballistrai shafts and fired into the camp, setting it alight. The Rhoman soldiers panicked, many being trampled to death or falling off of the nearby cliffs. The transport fleet then sailed into the city harbor at noon the next day. De Saint-Cyr accepted the city fathers’ surrender, installing a garrison of about a hundred men, both Angevin and Maniot, before departing via sea.
The main force then sailed up the twenty kilometers up the coast to the next fortress, Oitylo. Oitylo was a formidable fortress, built by the legendary Menelaus and rebuilt during the reign of Konstantinos V to guard against Slavic incursions into Manaia. However, it had fallen into disrepair under the governance of the Franks, and after its retaking by the Rhomans it was barely garrisoned, only used to collect taxes from the Maniots. Twenty or so of the Angevin troops were from Alpine Provençe, and were able to rappel up the cliffs below the city and throw down ladders to the main body of troops. The Latins slipped silently through the city, killing the garrison members in their sleep. Five days after first landing in the Morea, Manaia was firmly in Latin hands.
[1] After the six fingers on his left hand
[2] Ballista
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Sorry for not making the update longer, this the best I can do today. Pt. 2 will be up on Monday.
Ramon de Saint-Cyr
The Angevin task force assigned to retake the Morea numbered less than 2,000, all infantry. They were led by Raymon de Saint-Cyr, a minor Forcalquierian nobleman in the service of King Charles. The initial invasion force landed a kilometer from Cape Matapa on 17 May. They were greeted by a delegation from the local Maniot clans, many of whom had been alienated from the Rhoman government by the exploitative taxation program of the governors in Mystras, many of whom treated the office as an opportunity to get rich quick. The leader of the Maniots, Ioannes Hexaggonas[1], offers to scout for the Angevins, which de Saint-Cyr readily accepted.
Hexaggonas recommended that the Latins advance against the nearest Rhoman fortress, Grand Magne, about 30 km to the north. De Saint Cyr left most of his men and the transport vessels at their landing site, taking two hundred men and the Maniot allies and advancing towards the fortress. The Latins set up a camp in the small farming village of Nikandreio, a quarter-kilometer to the east of the gate and soaked every piece of cloth in alcohol before withdrawing to an abandoned church a half-kilometer to the south. That night, the 19th, the garrison sallied out from Grand Magne and assaulted the camp. While they were doing so, the Angevins circled around to their rear and rushed the weakly held city gate. It was taken quickly and they then scrambled up to the walls, where there were several ballistrai[2]. Firebrands were attached to the ballistrai shafts and fired into the camp, setting it alight. The Rhoman soldiers panicked, many being trampled to death or falling off of the nearby cliffs. The transport fleet then sailed into the city harbor at noon the next day. De Saint-Cyr accepted the city fathers’ surrender, installing a garrison of about a hundred men, both Angevin and Maniot, before departing via sea.
The main force then sailed up the twenty kilometers up the coast to the next fortress, Oitylo. Oitylo was a formidable fortress, built by the legendary Menelaus and rebuilt during the reign of Konstantinos V to guard against Slavic incursions into Manaia. However, it had fallen into disrepair under the governance of the Franks, and after its retaking by the Rhomans it was barely garrisoned, only used to collect taxes from the Maniots. Twenty or so of the Angevin troops were from Alpine Provençe, and were able to rappel up the cliffs below the city and throw down ladders to the main body of troops. The Latins slipped silently through the city, killing the garrison members in their sleep. Five days after first landing in the Morea, Manaia was firmly in Latin hands.
[1] After the six fingers on his left hand
[2] Ballista
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Sorry for not making the update longer, this the best I can do today. Pt. 2 will be up on Monday.
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The War in the Morea, Pt.2
Eparkhos
Banned
The War in the Morea - Pt.2
A silver hexanomisma depicting Konstantinos I, c.1298
As news of the Rhoman loses in Manaia spread north, it was greeted warmly by the Melingoi, a group of Slavic-speaking herders and farmers who lived in and around the Taygetos Mountains, located due north of Manaia and to the west of Lakonia. They had enjoyed a period of self-governance under Achaian rule before being annexed by the Rhomans in the mid-1270s, and many of the Melingoi still longed for their freedom. As news of the lightning campaign through the Morea filtered north, the Melingoi seized the opportunity, and on 27 May the tribal elders raised Timotheos Spanes, the son of the previous ruler and veteran of the Angevin army, as Arkhon of Melingos. Spanes sent a messenger to Saint-Cyr proposing an alliance, then assembled a force of roughly 3,000 militia, of which almost all were light infantry. The force was backboned by the 600 spearmen who had been conscripted into the Ninth Crusade. The Melingoi army was gathered outside of Zarnata, a small fortress equidistant from the Gulf of Messenia and Mystras. Spanes and the rebel army then swept down into Lakonia on 6 June.
At the same time, Saint-Cyr and the Manio-Angevin force marched east from Oitylo on 24 May. Over the course of the next week, they picked their way across the hilly and roadless terrain of northern Manaia. They appeared outside the walls of Passavas, at the southernmost entrance to Lakonia. The Castle of Passavas was positioned on the peak of a large hill, with every approach to it coming through at least two separate crossfire “kill-zones”. It was the third most formidable fortification in Morea, after only Mystras and Monemvasia. However, it was undermanned and understocked, as Anemas had cut its funding to save money. Saint-Cyr and Hexaggonas attempted to take the fortress in an out-and-out dawn assault on 25 May, but the garrison was able to drive them back. The defenders were all veterans Tzakonians, natives of Parnon mountains renowned for their courage in battle, and they showed it. Two more assaults were launched on the same day, with the same results. On the 28th, a courier riding between Mystras and Passavas was intercepted by the Manio-Angevins. The man’s message was from Anemas himself, refusing to send the defenders any aid due to a doubt that the fortress’ limited supplies would hold out long enough for reinforcements to come. The allies settled in for a siege.
The only water source for Passavas was a small stream running below the fortification’s ramparts. The allies thus believed that the defenders would die of thirst, but after several days with no sign of demoralization amongst the Tzakonians they grew suspicious. That night, 3 June, the the Maniots camped beneath the hills saw lines shooting out from the walls. Believing that this was part of a night attack they scrambled to cut them. When the lines were reeled in, sponges were attached to the end. Evidently the defenders had been collecting water via sponge, and the besiegers spent the night cutting every line they could find. Thirst began to take its toll, and on 7 June the fortress was successfully stormed. With the gates to Lakonia open, the allies flooded through.
The Melingoi had begun looting and pillaging their way across Upper Lakonia, with Spanes unable to control them. However, he was able to get a force of about 800 men, 600 spear and 200 sling, to put Mystras under a loose siege, starting on 9 June. The defenders of the capital had an easy task, as several months’ worth of food had been gathered in the period between the Latin landing and the arrival of the rebel army. They were able to drink from a small spring within the city’s citadel, as well several cisterns. Early attempt to scale the cliffs had ended badly, as sharpshooters in the citadel had picked the Melingoi off. This changed on 16 June, when the Manio-Angevin forces arrived outside the walls. Most of the Maniots had split off and began pillaging the rich countryside of Lakonia, but Saint-Cyr still had a force of about 1,500 under his flag, almost all hardened veterans of the Italain Wars. The Angevins began building serious siege works, primarily undermining the walls of the lower city. The Rhomans began counter-mining, and for several days a desperate underground battle was waged. On 29 June, the Rhomans finally put the Angevins to flight and filled in the tunnel, restoring the siege to the status quo.
News of the Rape of Lakonia and the siege of Mystras arrived in Monemvasia at almost the same time as news of the Siege of Konstantinopolis, in late June. Unease spread through the city, and many of the city fathers began to believe that the situation was unsalvageable and that conquest by the Latins was inevitable. However, the cities’ bishop, one Gregorias, instead rallied the lower classes of the city to begin preparing the city for a siege. Several members of Gregorias’ mob stormed the city prison, releasing roughly fifty convicts. One of them, the most important, was a high-security political prisoner: 26-year old Konstantinos Palaiologos, the cousin of the emperor. He had been exiled in 1280 after a failed coup, and although he had been blinded, the job had been badly botched and he could still see out of one eye. Palaiologos met with Gregorias and the city fathers of Monemvasia and promised to defend Monemvasia to the death. This came as a strong relief to the population of the city, as there were few experienced warriors in the city, and Palaiologos was a skilled commander. On 3 July, Gregorias crowned Palaiologos as Konstantinos I of the Morean Empire. Konstantinos then departed Monemvasia with 100 men, sailing north towards Tzakonia. He landed in Tyros on 9 July and began to secure the pledges of loyalty from the local elders, gathering a force of 800 heavy infantry and roughly 2,000 skirmishers over the next two weeks before marching west, into Lakonia.
Meanwhile, the siege of Mystras drug on, with assaults reduced to occasional attempts to storm minor gates. The defenders of the city were slowly burning through their supply reserves, and as a heat wave struck in mid-June water began to become scarce. Saint-Cyr was a mere day away from launching a final assault on the lower walls when riders entered his camp, bringing reports of Palaiologos’ descent into Lakonia. The allies left a small group of Melingoi skirmishers to guard the gates while the main force turned to meet the Moreans, gathering the roving warbands into the force yet again. By the time the allied forces arrived on the left bank of the Eurotas River across from Leukokhoma, on 27 July, they numbered 1,500 heavy infantry and roughy 3,000 skirmishers. Unknown to Saint-Cyr, Palaiologos was camped nearby in Kavouraki, a mere two kilometers to the north-west.
On 28 July, Angevin scouts stumbled onto the Morean camp. The two armies rapidly assembled, with Spanes and the Melingoi advancing from the camp ahead of the Angevins, charging directly at the Moreans. However, the country they were fighting in was criss-crossed by irrigation ditches grown over by reeds and low hedges, slowing the allied advance. As the Morean camp was positioned uphill from the Angevin camp, the Melingoi skirmisher’s ranged weapons were limited by the terrain, while the Tzakonian archers could rain fire onto the attackers. After about an hour, the Slavs broke and fled, directly into the path of the Angevin infantry. The resulting chaos was plainly visible from Kavouraki, and as the lines fell out of place Palaiologos and the Morean heavy infantry charged into the Latin infantry. The Angevins were ill disciplined, soft from the months of looting in Lakonia. The Tzakonians, on the other hand, were Scottish Highlanders on steroids and smashed through the Latin ranks, leading into a full blown allied route. Spanes was killed, as were roughly 600 Angevin infantry and 1,500 Melingoi. The Moreans lost only 200, and were able to storm the defenses of the allied camp and began looting it. The smoke from the burning tents demoralized the few pockets of disciplined troops, and they began to withdraw. By the end of the 28th, the Battle of Leukokhoma had come out as a decisive Morean victory, with the allied army scattered into a field of small, demoralized groups. The Moreans ran down as many as they could, killing a thousand more.
On 6 August, Saint-Cyr and Palaiologos met at Lakedaemon. Palaiologos was almost absurdly lenient given his position, offering to surrender the entirety of Lakonia and all of its fortresses in exchange for control of all of Tzakonia and the Parnon Mountains. Saint-Cyr quickly agreed, and on 9 August the Moreans withdrew. The few remaining Rhoman cities surrendered over the rest of the year, with Kalamata holding out until November.
A silver hexanomisma depicting Konstantinos I, c.1298
As news of the Rhoman loses in Manaia spread north, it was greeted warmly by the Melingoi, a group of Slavic-speaking herders and farmers who lived in and around the Taygetos Mountains, located due north of Manaia and to the west of Lakonia. They had enjoyed a period of self-governance under Achaian rule before being annexed by the Rhomans in the mid-1270s, and many of the Melingoi still longed for their freedom. As news of the lightning campaign through the Morea filtered north, the Melingoi seized the opportunity, and on 27 May the tribal elders raised Timotheos Spanes, the son of the previous ruler and veteran of the Angevin army, as Arkhon of Melingos. Spanes sent a messenger to Saint-Cyr proposing an alliance, then assembled a force of roughly 3,000 militia, of which almost all were light infantry. The force was backboned by the 600 spearmen who had been conscripted into the Ninth Crusade. The Melingoi army was gathered outside of Zarnata, a small fortress equidistant from the Gulf of Messenia and Mystras. Spanes and the rebel army then swept down into Lakonia on 6 June.
At the same time, Saint-Cyr and the Manio-Angevin force marched east from Oitylo on 24 May. Over the course of the next week, they picked their way across the hilly and roadless terrain of northern Manaia. They appeared outside the walls of Passavas, at the southernmost entrance to Lakonia. The Castle of Passavas was positioned on the peak of a large hill, with every approach to it coming through at least two separate crossfire “kill-zones”. It was the third most formidable fortification in Morea, after only Mystras and Monemvasia. However, it was undermanned and understocked, as Anemas had cut its funding to save money. Saint-Cyr and Hexaggonas attempted to take the fortress in an out-and-out dawn assault on 25 May, but the garrison was able to drive them back. The defenders were all veterans Tzakonians, natives of Parnon mountains renowned for their courage in battle, and they showed it. Two more assaults were launched on the same day, with the same results. On the 28th, a courier riding between Mystras and Passavas was intercepted by the Manio-Angevins. The man’s message was from Anemas himself, refusing to send the defenders any aid due to a doubt that the fortress’ limited supplies would hold out long enough for reinforcements to come. The allies settled in for a siege.
The only water source for Passavas was a small stream running below the fortification’s ramparts. The allies thus believed that the defenders would die of thirst, but after several days with no sign of demoralization amongst the Tzakonians they grew suspicious. That night, 3 June, the the Maniots camped beneath the hills saw lines shooting out from the walls. Believing that this was part of a night attack they scrambled to cut them. When the lines were reeled in, sponges were attached to the end. Evidently the defenders had been collecting water via sponge, and the besiegers spent the night cutting every line they could find. Thirst began to take its toll, and on 7 June the fortress was successfully stormed. With the gates to Lakonia open, the allies flooded through.
The Melingoi had begun looting and pillaging their way across Upper Lakonia, with Spanes unable to control them. However, he was able to get a force of about 800 men, 600 spear and 200 sling, to put Mystras under a loose siege, starting on 9 June. The defenders of the capital had an easy task, as several months’ worth of food had been gathered in the period between the Latin landing and the arrival of the rebel army. They were able to drink from a small spring within the city’s citadel, as well several cisterns. Early attempt to scale the cliffs had ended badly, as sharpshooters in the citadel had picked the Melingoi off. This changed on 16 June, when the Manio-Angevin forces arrived outside the walls. Most of the Maniots had split off and began pillaging the rich countryside of Lakonia, but Saint-Cyr still had a force of about 1,500 under his flag, almost all hardened veterans of the Italain Wars. The Angevins began building serious siege works, primarily undermining the walls of the lower city. The Rhomans began counter-mining, and for several days a desperate underground battle was waged. On 29 June, the Rhomans finally put the Angevins to flight and filled in the tunnel, restoring the siege to the status quo.
News of the Rape of Lakonia and the siege of Mystras arrived in Monemvasia at almost the same time as news of the Siege of Konstantinopolis, in late June. Unease spread through the city, and many of the city fathers began to believe that the situation was unsalvageable and that conquest by the Latins was inevitable. However, the cities’ bishop, one Gregorias, instead rallied the lower classes of the city to begin preparing the city for a siege. Several members of Gregorias’ mob stormed the city prison, releasing roughly fifty convicts. One of them, the most important, was a high-security political prisoner: 26-year old Konstantinos Palaiologos, the cousin of the emperor. He had been exiled in 1280 after a failed coup, and although he had been blinded, the job had been badly botched and he could still see out of one eye. Palaiologos met with Gregorias and the city fathers of Monemvasia and promised to defend Monemvasia to the death. This came as a strong relief to the population of the city, as there were few experienced warriors in the city, and Palaiologos was a skilled commander. On 3 July, Gregorias crowned Palaiologos as Konstantinos I of the Morean Empire. Konstantinos then departed Monemvasia with 100 men, sailing north towards Tzakonia. He landed in Tyros on 9 July and began to secure the pledges of loyalty from the local elders, gathering a force of 800 heavy infantry and roughly 2,000 skirmishers over the next two weeks before marching west, into Lakonia.
Meanwhile, the siege of Mystras drug on, with assaults reduced to occasional attempts to storm minor gates. The defenders of the city were slowly burning through their supply reserves, and as a heat wave struck in mid-June water began to become scarce. Saint-Cyr was a mere day away from launching a final assault on the lower walls when riders entered his camp, bringing reports of Palaiologos’ descent into Lakonia. The allies left a small group of Melingoi skirmishers to guard the gates while the main force turned to meet the Moreans, gathering the roving warbands into the force yet again. By the time the allied forces arrived on the left bank of the Eurotas River across from Leukokhoma, on 27 July, they numbered 1,500 heavy infantry and roughy 3,000 skirmishers. Unknown to Saint-Cyr, Palaiologos was camped nearby in Kavouraki, a mere two kilometers to the north-west.
On 28 July, Angevin scouts stumbled onto the Morean camp. The two armies rapidly assembled, with Spanes and the Melingoi advancing from the camp ahead of the Angevins, charging directly at the Moreans. However, the country they were fighting in was criss-crossed by irrigation ditches grown over by reeds and low hedges, slowing the allied advance. As the Morean camp was positioned uphill from the Angevin camp, the Melingoi skirmisher’s ranged weapons were limited by the terrain, while the Tzakonian archers could rain fire onto the attackers. After about an hour, the Slavs broke and fled, directly into the path of the Angevin infantry. The resulting chaos was plainly visible from Kavouraki, and as the lines fell out of place Palaiologos and the Morean heavy infantry charged into the Latin infantry. The Angevins were ill disciplined, soft from the months of looting in Lakonia. The Tzakonians, on the other hand, were Scottish Highlanders on steroids and smashed through the Latin ranks, leading into a full blown allied route. Spanes was killed, as were roughly 600 Angevin infantry and 1,500 Melingoi. The Moreans lost only 200, and were able to storm the defenses of the allied camp and began looting it. The smoke from the burning tents demoralized the few pockets of disciplined troops, and they began to withdraw. By the end of the 28th, the Battle of Leukokhoma had come out as a decisive Morean victory, with the allied army scattered into a field of small, demoralized groups. The Moreans ran down as many as they could, killing a thousand more.
On 6 August, Saint-Cyr and Palaiologos met at Lakedaemon. Palaiologos was almost absurdly lenient given his position, offering to surrender the entirety of Lakonia and all of its fortresses in exchange for control of all of Tzakonia and the Parnon Mountains. Saint-Cyr quickly agreed, and on 9 August the Moreans withdrew. The few remaining Rhoman cities surrendered over the rest of the year, with Kalamata holding out until November.
Attachments
Eparkhos
Banned
The Latin Empire controls what is more or less OTL European Turkey. The land between the Maritsa and Strymon Rivers in anarchic, as the few Rhoman officials have fled west to Makedonia. Many minor knights have invaded and started to set up baronies, but there is no regional power.
The Bulgarians and the Turks are both in the middle of a civil war, with Ivan Asen and Georgi Terter's supporters struggling in Bulgaria and Kayqubad III and Mesud II alternating as the favorites of the Ilkhan. Both areas are flaming wrecks, with refugees pouring across the border into former Rhoman territory.
Central Serbia is in the midst of a peasant revolt, with the royal government only holding out in Syrmia. The royalists are slowly pushing south, but for now all is chaos.