The Reign of Romulus Augustus

Romulus Augustus · Dec 27, 2013

John Farson: That's one possibility that I've considered and even decided to explore to some extent via the marriage of the Roman prince Valentinian, and the Frankish princess Clotilde. However, they are based in the western Emperor where they can only come to power if Theodosius dies childless before Valentinian. At the same time, a new precedent has been set which could lead to future marriages between the Merovingian dynasty of Francia and the Pannonian dynasty of Rome, thereby potentially blending the two households in which a Frankish king or Roman emperor could be of mixed Frankish-Roman blood. So yeah, in general I'd agree that your theory is possible, but not until more time has passed for the two societies to integrate culturally and even politically.

ray243: Compared to the Germanic tribes, Roman civilization is highly advanced for its time and elements of it were incorporated by the OTL Germanic successor states that eventually developed into the various kingdoms of Medieval Europe. It may be a bit of a stretch to get the Franks to actually want to be Romans, as in subjects of the Empire, but they can certainly incorporate the finer points of Roman civilization into their own society, thereby Romanizing them without actually making them Roman. In time they could come to completely favor Roman law, or a Frankish version of it, over their own local laws. Given that the Catholic Church is headquartered in the western Empire, the Frankish laity and especially the clergy will be even more exposed to the influence of the Roman way of life. If in time assimilation leaves very few significant differences between Romans and Franks, citizenship could be the final step to full integration if a Frankish king gains the title of Roman emperor at some point, or if a Roman emperor gains the Frankish throne. This is a really helpful conversation by the way, so thanks for discussing it with me because it's given me some new ideas that I didn't really consider before.

cimon: Thanks! Merry Christmas to you too. I think Provence would be a decent reward for Rome's assistance against the Burgundians, especially since the Franks would almost certainly claim the lion's share in territory and other rewards in the conquest of Burgundy. Yes, there's always the possibility of a fallout that could lead to a Roman-Frankish war as long as the two states remain separate. Even to this day, I think governments would consider their friends and allies to be potential threats in the future. It's not paranoia so much as it is about being practical; old friends can turn into enemies, enemies can be turned into friends, it's just the reality of a vicious circle in politics. The WRE is determined to maintain good relations with Francia, both through secular politics and the Catholic Church, but they cannot afford to grow complacent either for reasons stated above.

Romulus Augustus · Dec 28, 2013

[FONT=&quot]AD 523 (Part I)

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Burgundian Civil War

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]The Year of the Consulship of Romulus Augustus and Justin I was marked by the outbreak of the Burgundian Civil War. The Kingdom of the Burgundians had reached the peak of its strength under the reign of King Gundobad. In the aftermath of his death, however, the Burgundians failed to maintain the stability and security of their realm. Much of their decline was attributed to the failure of successfully integrating their society with the local Roman population of southern Gaul. In addition to ethnic tensions, the Burgundian court’s adherence to Arian heresy placed them at greater odds with the Catholic faith of their Roman subjects. Although the persecution of Catholic Christianity diminished with the accession of Gundobad’s eldest son, Sigismund, the fact remained that many Romans were still marginalized and oppressed by the Arian-dominated Burgundian population. Moreover, the Imperial Court of the western Roman Empire became increasingly bold in their opposition to the political and religious policies of their Burgundian counterpart, making known their displeasure at the ill-treatment of Roman Christians in Burgundy.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]However, the greater threat to Burgundy’s independence came from another Catholic neighbor: the Kingdom of the Franks. Clotilde, the queen dowager of the Franks and widow of the great king Clovis I, never forgave her uncle Gundobad for the massacre he unleashed upon her family. After the death of Gundobad, the Burgundians made several attempts to reconcile Clotilde with her people, but nothing could erase the pain of loss and humiliation that Gundobad inflicted upon his niece. As the sub-kingdoms of Francia grew more consolidated under their respective monarchs—Childeric II of Paris, Chilperic I of Mettis, and Adalhard I of Noviodunum—the Burgundian court became ever more fearful that a full-scale Frankish invasion was inevitable. In the event of a Frankish attack, the Burgundians knew that there would be no allies to avail them against the vengeance of Clotilde. Their fellow Arian Ostrogoths had long since diminished as a cohesive people due to their devastating defeat against the western Empire during the Gothic War; nor could the Arian Visigoths offer any assistance as the remnants of their kingdom were contained and isolated in the Iberian peninsula. Burgundy’s worst fear was a war in which they were forced to contend against the combined might of a Frankish-Roman alliance.

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A Gallo-Roman landlord is forced to surrender his property rights to a Burgundian warlord.

[FONT=&quot]Fearing the inevitable conflict with Francia and Rome, Sigismund made a desperate attempt to save his kingdom, and his own life, by converting to Catholicism. His motive was influenced by political and spiritual reasons. Despite the certainty of alienating the Arian majority of his kingdom to the point of civil war, Sigismund determined that the consequences of an internal conflict were less severe than an all-out war with the Franks and Romans. The blatantly obvious imbalance between Arianism and Catholicism forced Sigismund to reconsider his personal views of the latter. In attempting to rationalize the justifications of his personal conversion, Sigismund concluded that the Catholic Church was indeed the one true church, founded upon Saint Peter by the grace of the Savior and first expanded by the ministry of Saint Paul. For all of the theological disputes that separated the orthodox from the non-orthodox, there was an undeniable connection between the early Christian community and the Christendom of the 6th century AD. The Catholic Church is the same church that the Lord founded when He anointed Saint Peter as the Rock on which its foundations stand upon. It was the same church that expanded from Jerusalem to Greece and Rome itself through the missionary work of Saint Paul. Having seen the immeasurable success of the Empire and Francia under the light of the Catholic Church, Sigismund became determined to see his people share in some of their neighbors’ good fortune.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Before making his announcement, the king substantially enhanced the size of the Burgundian army and also decided to increase their wages as well. He feared that the massive military buildup would provide the Empire and Clotilde’s sons with the perfect pretext for war, but Sigismund hoped that his warriors would be ready before then to contain the civil unrest that was sure to follow with his plans to abruptly transform Arian Burgundy into a Catholic kingdom. The donatives he bestowed upon the troops were incentives for maintaining their loyalty to the Burgundian crown as they too would be forced to choose between their king and the dominant Arian beliefs of the population. But his plan to save the Burgundian kingdom did not come to pass. Mere days before his official announcement of Burgundy’s new official religion, the king was found dead, murdered in his bedchamber. The murderer was his own wife, Queen Gisela; a staunch follower of the teachings of Arius, she fiercely opposed the Trinitarian tenets of Nicene Christianity, even to the point of killing her own husband in cold blood. She then successfully seized control of the Burgundian capital Lugdunum with the support of her father, Theobald, a powerful Burgundian nobleman and commander of the city garrison. Together, the conspirators facilitated the succession of Gisela’s two year-old son, Aubert, to the vacant throne.

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The Assassination of King Sigismund.
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[FONT=&quot]Gisela failed to suppress the sudden crisis that she unleashed upon Burgundy, however. In her rush to crown Aubert as a puppet king through whom she could rule, the queen-mother failed to provide a sufficient explanation regarding the murder of her late husband. Given her nefarious reputation to begin with, rumors began to spread like Greek Fire of her involvement in Sigismund’s death. The resulting scandal was worsened by the gossip that pervaded throughout the royal court and aristocracy—gossip pertaining to the true parentage of the queen-mother’s son. Aubert was publicly known as the only son of Sigismund and Gisela, and while Gisela was in fact his mother, Sigismund was not his true father. Even before the king’s assassination, there were whispers of an unholy relationship between Gisela and Theobald, the consummation of which resulted in an ill-born child with no legitimate claim to a Christian throne, or even a heretical one for that matter. With the true king dead, the whispers exploded onto to the public forum in which hearsay was openly and enthusiastically discussed by nobles and peasants alike. Although the core aspects of the rumors were true, the gossipmongers blew the details out of proportion with exaggerations and outright lies, claiming that Gisela slept with over a thousand men and their brothers. No matter how outrageously high or improbable the numbers rose, the rumors still caught on to the imagination and amusement of the local population, Burgundian and Roman alike. Gisela’s political rivals cared nothing for truth and they did their best to propagate the scandal with newer and nastier versions in an attempt to utterly destroy the queen-mother’s image. In hardly any time at all, the once feared and respected queen of the Burgundians became known as a degenerate floozy.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]The destruction of Gisela’s name was followed by a direct challenge to her son’s claim by Gilbert, the younger brother of Sigismund. Gilbert never believed that an unknown assassin simply infiltrated the palace and murdered the king as Gisela languidly explained; he also knew of her licentiousness, but never dared to confront his older brother without proof. Fearing the public’s rising displeasure with her regime and the dodgy circumstances of Sigismund’s murder, Gisela betrayed her own father by having him arrested and swiftly executed for her own crime in murdering the king. But it was too late. Even before Theobald became a head shorter, Gilbert declared himself the rightful king from his residence at Augustodunum where he rallied a significant portion of the northern Burgundian army to his cause. Gisela’s supporters at Lugdunum responded by rallying the troops and nobles in the south in support of Aubert, thus resulting in a northern-southern civil war that began to rip the Burgundian kingdom asunder.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Foreign reaction varied, but the two realms that were most intrigued by the Burgundian Civil War were the western Empire and the Franks. The elder Clotilde was determined to finally destroy the Arian court that propagated heresy to her native people, a sentiment shared by her daughter, the younger Clotilde. But neither the western Emperor or the three Frankish kings took any steps to immediately interfere in Burgundy’s internal conflict. King Adalhard I was preoccupied with his invasion of the Frisian kingdom, determined to bring Frankish rule and the Catholic faith to Francia’s northern neighbor. His brothers, Childeric II and Chilperic I, earnestly anticipated a joint-campaign to complete their father’s dream by conquering the southeastern lands of Gaul. However, they also decided that a more strategic move would be to allow the Burgundian Civil War to go on for a certain amount of time until their enemy’s energies were depleted to the point where resistance became utterly futile and pointless. Their view was also shared by Romulus Augustus, whose representatives relayed his opinion on the Burgundian situation to the Frankish queen dowager at her residence in Civitas Turonum. While both Clotildes, especially the elder, were disappointed by the prospect of waiting a little longer, they could nonetheless feel that the time for revenge was almost at hand. As long as the end result was the conquest of Burgundy and the destruction of Arianism, they were willing to stand by as the Burgundians’ last years of independence became marked by the destructive effects of civil war.

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Queen Gisela - wife of a murdered king, mother of the next one after.

[FONT=&quot]In the meantime, the Empire and the Franks did what they could to make the local population more receptive to the imminent fall of their Burgundian rulers. The Romans who lived in Burgundy were offered shelter in Imperial and Frankish lands, as were non-Roman Christians who adhered to Catholicism. The resources of the Catholic clergy and laity in both Francia and Rome were utilized for the purpose of providing aid to the refugees who were displaced by the outbreak of civil war. Aside from the Church’s altruistic purposes, Romulus Augustus and his Frankish allies intended to conscript Roman and non-Roman expatriates into their respective military forces. The exiles could then repatriate themselves on Burgundian soil by fighting alongside Imperial soldiers and Frankish warriors when the time came to assimilate Burgundy as a true member of the greater Christian community.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Edict of Rome

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]It had taken Romulus Augustus decades before he finally felt secure in his authority to take one of the most momentous steps in his long reign. Having entered the late stage of his life, the Emperor became determined to address one more significant matter before his time finally came. For years, he became immensely obsessed with his place in history. His legacy as a Roman emperor depended not only on the survival of the western Empire; it would also be shaped by the Pannonian dynasty— the Augusti that followed in his bloodline. Being a learned student of history, he was just as frustrated as his predecessors by the seemingly unsolvable dilemma of succession. Entire dynasties were made and unmade by civil wars. The senatorial nobility was a shadow of its former self, especially more so with the dissolution of the Roman Senate, yet even an emasculated aristocracy was still dangerous insofar as the combination of wealth and ambition presented a potential threat to the ruling emperor. Even worse was the fact that the military could be as much a liability as they were utterly essential to enforcement of the emperor’s authority. Under the Dominate system, the emperor ruled the Empire with absolute power. In reality, it was still very much an elected position that required majority consent from multiple sources of legitimacy, including the military, the nobility, and the average citizenry. It was an unavoidable condition, even in an authoritarian society that generally accepted the absolute rule of one man.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]The real problem, however, was that the emperorship had devolved into a meaningless position that was suitable only for figureheads while the true rulers of the Empire established themselves as the power behind the throne. It was not until Romulus Augustus escaped the confines of his status as a puppet ruler that he managed to finally restore a sense of dignity and respect to the Imperial throne. But he knew it was not enough. The rate of usurpers had more than doubled during the 5th century AD and would almost certainly rise again at some point after the Emperor’s death. Over the years, he took many steps to diminish the possibility of a successful rebellion against his rule; from personally leading soldiers on the battlefield to distracting them with military campaigns as an outlet for their aggressive tendencies, the Emperor managed to gain and retain the personal loyalty of the army. His permanent dissolution of the Senate brought the aristocracy to heel, and the noble houses had since accustomed themselves to serving the will of the Emperor instead of incurring his wrath. But no matter how many times he punished his enemies or rewarded his allies, there was virtually no guarantee that the status quo of the Pannonian dynasty would remain static in the long term. Though it vexed him to know that his progeny would most likely not rule forever through an infinite line of emperors, Romulus Augustus still wished for his family to be remembered as one of the greatest Imperial dynasties in the long history of the Empire. He had long since entered old age, but his power was greater than ever. There would not be a more opportune time to utilize his authority as the sole legislator in the western Imperial government for the purpose of initiating a monumental piece of legislature with huge implications on the future of the Empire.

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The Basilica of Maxentius, or more accurately the Basilica of Constantine the Great.

[FONT=&quot]Such a notable event required an appropriate setting, leading Romulus Augustus to host a special session with the leading members of Rome’s laity and clergy at the Basilica of Maxentius. The last and largest of the secular basilicas in the Eternal City as of the 6th century AD, it was regarded as a marvelous and enduring testament to the genius of Roman engineering. Resting on a large artificial platform that was built into a side of the Velian Hill, the basilica covered an area of 100m x 65m. Its grandiose appearance was further enhanced by a unique design that separated it from previous basilicas. Its design incorporated a large central nave that terminated in an apse on the western side, flanked by two smaller isles. They were roofed by cross vaults springing from pilasters, an architectural design first utilized in the great bathhouses of the 3rd century AD. It was therefore possible for the basilica to stand at a height of 35 meters above the floor. Although the building bore the name of its original founder, the man who completed its construction was Constantine the Great, the emperor who defeated Maxentius in AD 312 at the Battle of the Milvian Bridge. His contribution to the finished design of the building was memorialized in the marble and gilt bronze form of the Colossus of Constantine, a large statue dedicated in his honor and located in the basilica’s west apse. Given its impressive architectural design and historical value, much of which took years to restore after decades of sinking into a dilapidated condition due to neglect and sparse resources, Romulus Augustus decided that it would suffice as a location for the announcement of a new law in the Roman legal system.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]The first half of the ceremony consisted of a reiteration of the Nicene Creed, the Imperial recognition of the Council of Chalcedon, and a general summarization of the long reign of Romulus Augustus. In addition to numerous dignitaries from temporal and ecclesiastical circles, the most notable attendees included Anicia Juliana, Theodosius, Marcia, Boëthius, and Pope Hormisdas. After crediting much of the success in his reign to the secular and clerical institutions that worked in unison toward the mutual goal of preserving the Empire against near insurmountable odds, Romulus Augustus issued the Edict of Rome with the main objective of adding a new stipulation to the procedure of Imperial succession. By degree of the Emperor, all western Augusti would henceforth receive the Imperial diadem, along with the Divine Mandate, from the hands of His Holiness, the Pope—the bishop of Rome and successor to the Prince of the Apostles. At the same time, however, the Emperor retained his special prerogative to designate his own heir; the pope completed the transition of power by crowning the new Augustus. By law, western Roman emperors could no longer claim legitimacy without papal approval. Under the same law, the pope could not select his own choice for emperorship; he could only crown him. Romulus Augustus’ New Order was ultimately the realization of more than a century of the gradual fusion between the secular and religious facets of the Roman world, the coalescing of which gave way to the rise of a new kind of empire—the realm of Christendom, an empire without end.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]For the most part, the Imperial succession remained largely the same as it had been since the political reforms of the emperor Diocletian. The ‘Dominate’ emperors retained the sole right to name their successors, although any specific indication of a hereditary-based system was conveniently left out. There was no need to mention it. Hereditary rule had been an all but completely established fact for centuries. At times it failed to be a sufficient safeguard against usurpers. Due to the Edict of Rome, however, any potential rebel who harbored ambitions for absolute power would have to contend with the Holy Church itself, now one of the main sources of legitimacy for the emperor’s authority. In addition to its enshrinement within Roman law, the New Order required both the emperor and the pope to publicly swear oaths of cooperation and respect for their separate functions. As the secular head of state, the emperor vowed to not interfere in the spiritual affairs of the Church. The pope, in his capacity as the spiritual leader of western Christendom, recognized the temporal authority of the emperor. However, this should not be mistaken as a case of separation between the Empire and the Church. Romulus Augustus still favored the clergy, partly to suppress the potential threat that the secular nobility posed against his rule. Furthermore, in many respects the clergy was an elite group of highly educated and literate individuals, therefore making them some of the most qualified administrators, bureaucrats, and judges in the temporal institutions. The Church was still very much involved in the secular administration of the Empire; Romulus Augustus merely instituted safeguards to secure the Imperial throne’s monopoly on temporal power. In attempting to gain the Church’s full support for the New Order, he used the edict as an opportunity to protect the Papal throne against potential interference from the temporal government.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Romulus Augustus also addressed the matter of the Imperial College, the system of multiple Roman emperors. This system originated in the late reign of Caesar Augustus, who appointed his adopted son, Tiberius, as a virtual co-ruler due to the absence of a legal-based institution of hereditary succession. But it was not until more than a century later when the title Augustus was shared by two emperors at the same time; in this case, Marcus Aurelius and Lucius Verus, the adopted sons of Antoninus Pius. From then on, more and more emperors made a habit of elevating their designated heir to the highest Imperial rank. Diocletian took it a few steps further and instituted the Tetrarchy, otherwise known as the Rule of Four in which the Empire was administratively divided between two senior emperors and their lesser colleagues. Though the Tetrarchy was a short-lived institution, the government of multiple emperors persisted into Romulus Augustus’ time with few exceptions of sole senior emperors, including himself.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Ultimately, he knew that even in its territorially reduced state, it was a political and logistical necessity for the Empire to be governed by more than one emperor. From a legal perspective, the Roman Empire was one and indivisible. Yet beneath the superficial sense of unity, there was a significant degree of political, cultural, and religious division between the Latin West and the Greek East. Both sides regarded themselves as Roman, but they had developed into very different versions of Roman civilization. Rome and Constantinople both needed to be kept assured that their interests were protected by an emperor of their own; Romulus Augustus’ status as the sole senior emperor was an exception to the tradition because of multiple extenuating circumstances, including the fact that he did not oppose the presence of a junior-grade emperor in the East. But he did not trust the temporary arrangement to outlast him. The West would not accept the rule of one emperor who governed from Constantinople, nor did he want it that way. Likewise, the East was never going to accept the western throne as the only source of supreme power in the Empire.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Romulus Augustus also believed that too many emperors went beyond the call of practical necessity; cheapening the Imperial office and diluting its influence. With that in mind, he sought to rectify the situation by re-consolidating Imperial authority into a smaller, more cohesive system in the form of a certain clause within the Edict of Rome. The Rule of Two, also known as the Diarchy, was a new doctrine which stated that there could only be two Augusti at one time—one to embody Imperial power in the West, another to embody power in the East. It was one of the few times that Romulus Augustus utilized his authority as the sole senior emperor in both halves of the Empire, precisely because the New Order required the compliance of Rome and Constantinople.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Whereas the emperors would be tasked with the responsibility of protecting the system as its temporal guardians, the Pope of Rome and the Patriarch of Constantinople became its spiritual protectors. Not only were they both charged with the duty of completing the transition of power in their respective corners of the Roman world, they were also entrusted with preserving the continuity of government through the Imperial bloodlines. It was the closest reference that the amended constitution had to hereditary succession, but without overly insinuating the political reality of it. Henceforth, the Roman papacy and the Constantinopolitan patriarchate could only legally support a blood member of the ruling dynasties—specifically the emperor’s chief heir—in the transfer of power. The only exceptions to the rule were marriage or adoption into the Imperial family, or the lack of any male issue with familial connection to the sitting emperor. Regarding power transition, each Augustus had his own Nobilissimus Caesar, the heir apparent to the Imperial throne, in addition to the lesser Caesares if spare heirs were available.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Aside from the greater emphasis on hereditary succession, the Diarchy differed from the Tetrarchy in the case of the Caesares. The Caesar was still the official designation of the heir to the throne, but whereas under the Tetrarchy he was sent away to govern his own administrative zone of the Empire, the Diarchy’s Caesar was now more closely bound to the Augustus so that the latter could maintain a more watchful eye on the development of his eventual successor. Though he was essentially a sleeper asset to be kept on standby until the emperor’s death, the heir would not ideally remain idle until his accession to power. The emperor had the authority to dispense at his discretion various political, administrative, and military tasks to the heir apparent and lesser heirs.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]The main focus of the Diarchy were the two Augusti, however. Upon Romulus Augustus’ death, Olybrius II and Justin I to their shared status as senior emperors, but there were to be no more junior Augusti in accordance with the Rule of Two. Above all else, it was vital to maintain the alliance between the two emperors in spite of the ongoing political and cultural rift between West and East. Now that Justin’s heir, Justinian was married to Honoria, the granddaughter of the western Emperor, the two Imperial dynasties were united as one house over the combined Empire. Romulus Augustus suspected that if enough time passed without significant interruptions, the practice of the Diarchy could develop into a system through which both Imperial thrones were firmly held by one dynasty—his dynasty.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]In the aftermath of the passage of the Edict of Rome, Justin I followed with his announcement of the Edict of Constantinople, which basically reiterated what its western counterpart stated. However, Justin was merely the public face of the New Order in the East; the real architect who helped Romulus Augustus in its establishment was Justinian. Prior to his return to Constantinople, Justinian had been one of the few trusted individuals whom the Emperor shared the full extent of his vision for the future through the Diarchy. Justinian utilized his considerable influence in the eastern Imperial Court to support the careers of certain members of the laity and clergy—men whom he could rely on to the support the implementation of the New Order. Although the system was ultimately accepted in both halves of the Empire, the nobility of Constantinople was incensed by it because of the clause that essentially tied the eastern throne to Justinian’s family. Some nobles still resented Justin and his clan for their provincial background, regardless of Justinian’s marriage into the Pannonian dynasty. They had been trying to pressure the eastern Emperor for months into naming an Imperial colleague of aristocratic birth. Romulus Augustus’ Diarchy system put paid to their ambitions.

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Imperial Crest, 10th Century Anno Domini: The Roman Double-Headed Eagle traced its origins back to the Edict of Rome.
It symbolized the dual nature of the Roman Empire, the Temporal and the Ecclesiastical, as recognized by Romulus Augustus' reorganization of the system of succession.

[FONT=&quot]Notes:

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Sigismund ITTL is not the same person as the king who succeeded Gundobad IOTL. They merely share the same name.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Rome - Past and Present[FONT=&quot]: Main reference for description on the Basilica of Maxentius.

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Mongo · Dec 28, 2013

So far, it looks like Romulus Augustus will fully live up to his name: Romulus, the mythical founder of Rome, and Augustus, the founder of the Roman Empire. Of course, this is only if his plans for a new law of succession actually become accepted.

ray243 · Dec 29, 2013

At this rate, Romulus is most definitely going to end up as a new Christian saint. His ascension to sainthood is going to be one of the major factors that could guarantee the success of his dynasty.

In regards to Romulus favouring the clergy as his administrators, there are some potential ramification that could happen as a result. The distribution of many classical text still requires a powerful benefactors that are interested in studying them. Would a more powerful clergy be willing allow their students to study the classical texts and receive a liberal arts education?

How will this affect the knowledge of Greek in the Western Empire? Historically, the knowledge of Greek declined in the West as the Eastern Empire drifted further away.

Another long term issue you might have to deal with regarding education is what will happen to all the Greek texts if the Arabs did not organise the translation movement to preserve them? The success of the Arabs played an important role in the preservation of the Classical texts, especially in matters that dealt with Greek science. Would the people of the Mediterranean world organise such a movement if Islam was butter-filed away?

Dalradia · Dec 29, 2013

Great update and interesting situation in burgundy. Gilbert can follow his brother's decision to convert to christianity and gain some military support either from the franks or the romans probably from the romans more since thet stand to gain most if they back gilbert I have no doubt the pope would welcome new catholic kingdom as for romulus he might also support gilbert barring he regains some lands *and knowing his devious mind he may want to keep burgundy as a buffer.(dunno if this is right but I read a saying once called have a frank as a freind but not as a neighbor)The franks are gonna be mad of course if the romans help the burgundians but I think giving them southern gaul could counter the I'll feeling

Romulus Augustus · Dec 29, 2013

Mongo: Thanks! There's always some uncertainty over the immediate future of a new system, but I think it has an advantage in that the style of power transition has for a long time been a mix of unofficial hereditary succession and elective monarchy ('elective' in that the emperor relied on majority consent from the army, government, and population). Throwing the Church into the mix seems like the next logical step, especially since the eastern emperor is essentially "crowned" with the Imperial diadem by the Patriarch of Constantinople.

By incorporating a similar process that involves the western emperor and the Pope of Rome, the bond between the Empire and Church will be theoretically strengthened as a result. It may seem initially awkward in the case of Romulus Augustus' immediate successors, just as it was probably strange for the Senate and Tiberius when the latter 'succeeded' Caesar Augustus, but the Edict of Rome can become more normalized in the minds of the population in at least a few decades or the combined reigns of a few emperors. Above all else, the Empire would need time to get used to the new arrangement of the succession, but would-be usurpers will generally have a more difficult time if betraying the legitimate emperor means defying the authority of the Church in the process. It's certainly not impossible, but the amalgamation of Imperial and Ecclesiastical legitimacy can potentially serve as a safeguard against the civil wars that were usually fought over the emperor's throne.

ray243: In considering the possibility of Islam being butterflied away ITTL, I have also thought about how this might affect the legacy of classical Greco-Roman culture, as well as the preservation of classical texts. There are several factors that could potentially help in this matter. IOTL, monasteries are well noted as virtual reservoirs of ancient knowledge, preserving classical Greek and Latin texts. There were exceptions, of course, as many Greek manuscripts were still lost. But if TTL's monastic system can be enhanced into a major infrastructure in both halves of the Roman Empire, that could lead to a much larger group of educated individuals (mainly monks) who can serve as the caretakers of preserved knowledge from the ancient world of classical antiquity.

In the case of how receptive the Christian laity and clergy will be to this, I think it depends on a number of factors. Some will undoubtedly oppose a connection to the ancient past, not so much because they feel threatened by it, but because it represents an era of oppression on Christianity by Roman paganism. At the same time, there are other Christians who are not only secure in the faith, but would also recognize that Christianity flourished in spite of pagan dominance and the skepticism of cynics. Boethius and Cassiodorus, both of whom are OTL Romans who exist ITTL, are well-educated statesmen who contributed to some degree in the preservation of the classics. People such as them indicate that Christian scholars can learn from the likes of Aristotle, Plato, Cicero and so on as statesmen, writers, philosophers, and other types of academics, excluding their pagan views of course.

Throw people like them into the mix, along with the monastic system and a general interest in classical knowledge, and I think it can be plausible to gradually build up a Renaissance of some sort despite the absence of Islam as a factor in it. In order to be more acceptable in Christendom, the classics would have to be adapted, or de-paganized, which I believe is certainly doable. Classical Greek and Roman cultural facets can and have been assimilated into Christianity. Again, I think it would be logical if the monasteries were preserved in their OTL role where the classics are concerned. They are best suited to preserve and cultivate classical Greco-Roman culture as part of the Medieval Roman civilization. Aside from these reasons, however, I am perfectly willing to consider more ideas and suggestions in how to better chart a path that leads to TTL's Medieval Rome incorporating [non-pagan aspects] classical antiquity without paganism in the mix.

Dalradia: Thank you! The Burgundian kingdom will be an interesting arc to develop. While I do not plan to write it out the way I did with the Gothic and Vandalic wars, the latter of which took practically 'forever' to finish (I'm still feeling exhausted just by thinking about it...), I will still try to make it interesting, compelling, and realistic. By this time, there are more Catholic Christians in Burgundy than there were when Romulus Augustus came to power in the western Empire, although Arianism is still in control of the Burgundian kingdom. I agree that the Catholic Church will be receptive to a Catholic Burgundy, but the same can also be accomplished with a Frankish-conquered Burgundy so Rome will probably be agreeable with the Franks taking over southeastern Gaul also.

For Romulus Augustus' part, his original goal was to try maintaining Burgundy as a buffer zone between the WRE and Francia, hence the 'triumvirate' alliance between himself, Clovis, and Gundobad. However, that was also before Clovis' conversion to Catholic Christianity. Now that the Franks stand alongside the WRE in holy communion with the Church, the Emperor could be more willing to reconsider his stance on Burgundian independence.

Of course I don't mean to make it seem so straightforward; things rarely are in politics. Romulus is considering a number of scenarios in his mind. Rome could always use Burgundy as an ally in case Francia went rogue; Rome and Francia could use each other's help if Burgundy turned hostile against either of them; Burgundy, Francia and Rome would make a formidable alliance if they were mostly on the same page on important issues; and then Burgundy and Francia could pose a significant threat against Rome if they ever turned on the Empire at the same time. There are various scenarios, some more likely than others, but the Emperor is also considering that removing Burgundy will leave Western Europe dominated almost exclusively by Francia and Rome as the two remaining great powers in the region. Romulus Augustus knows that there is always the danger of a potential future conflict between Romans and Franks, but he would also be more concerned about the possible scenario of Franks and Burgundians versus a diminished Roman Empire. The latter is the one he wants to prevent as much as possible.

Mixxer5 · Dec 29, 2013

I know it's a bit late to ask that question... But how did eastern aristocracy reacted to Senate massacre? It should cause huge unrest, because eastern and western aristocracy intermarried.

Romulus Augustus · Dec 29, 2013

Mixxer5 said:
I know it's a bit late to ask that question... But how did eastern aristocracy reacted to Senate massacre? It should cause huge unrest, because eastern and western aristocracy intermarried.

Not at all. It's never too late to ask questions. Though supported by the majority of the population due to Romulus Augustus' physical wounds and his "personal account" of the conspiracy against him, the subsequent purge of the senatorial aristocracy was not without controversy, especially where its eastern counterpart was concerned. However, there were a number of factors that enabled Romulus Augustus to essentially "get away" with it, other than the excuse of a legitimate retaliation against the attempt on his life.

First, the Roman nobility - at least in the case of the western Empire - has slipped further and further into indolence, especially when it comes to political participation. There are notable exceptions such as Liberius, who's family was spared by Romulus Augustus, but by and large the aristocracy hasn't had its act together for a long while, preferring luxury and easy-living over the daily minutiae of government administration. Throw them a bone in the form of wealth and lands from the senators on the Emperor's proscription list, and they can be compelled through a combination of reward and fear to play along with the new order of things.

As far as the eastern nobility is concerned, they would probably not take too kindly to Romulus Augustus' blacklisting of their western peers and relatives, but it's important to note that certainly not all of the senatorial aristocracy was eliminated; it just wouldn't be feasible. Much like other purges, the Senatorial Purge essentially cleared a lot of space for "lower-level" nobles to move up to higher tiers, thus giving the Roman nobility a sense of renewal which can be harder to achieve in non-democratic societies. This also allows Romulus to gain new allies in the remaining senatorial aristocracy, allies who know where the real power lies and desire to share in it by serving the Emperor's will instead of going against it. The rest of the nobility who want to spend their lives in decadence are free to do so as long as it does not impede the Emperor's agenda or adversely affect the Empire to an intolerable extent.

What's more, I think the eastern nobility would be scared by the possibility that their own emperor might be encouraged to do away with his own senate. In any case, there is a precedence for this kind of situation, excluding the de facto dissolution of the Roman Senate of course. Romulus Augustus is certainly not the first emperor to cut loose on the senatorial aristocracy. He killed many senators and forced others into exile, as has been done before, but he used the situation to place a "temporary" ban on Senate activities for an "indefinite" duration in a general state of emergency. Meanwhile, he still possessed his own aristocratic connection to the powerful Anicii clan, his wife's family which supported the Emperor's actions in order to strengthen their own power base. Then there are the nobles who were spared and "rewarded" for their loyalty.

Overall, the Senate's transition into oblivion was a long process in the making; their "exit" ITTL was more dramatic in the short run, but in the long span of history they still go out with a whimper rather than a bang. That means their memory, although not completely forgotten, will become less and less remembered or cared about with each passing Roman generation that lives and dies under the absolute rule of the Emperor in the absence of a Senate. At the time of the Senatorial Purge in AD 501, the eastern nobility (along with the rest of the eastern Empire) was caught up in a whirlwind of its own internal and external problems to get involved in western affairs; this is largely what helped TTL's WRE to rebuild itself without ERE interference.

Romulus Augustus · Dec 30, 2013

[FONT=&quot]AD 523 (Part II)

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]The Fate of Dagobert

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]In late AD 523, the western magister militum Dagobert was a celebrated hero and veteran of the Vandalic War. After the death of Tufa, Romulus Augustus’ personal assassin, he became the western Emperor’s most reliable servant. Yet his reputation had become so notable that the Emperor found himself at crossroads between continually favoring his greatest general, or killing him as a potential threat. Were it not for the loyalty that Dagobert demonstrated time and again, as well as the rarity of a commander who was both loyal and capable, the Emperor would have chosen the second path. Yet it was clear since the end of the Vandalic conflict that he had to do something because nothing only looked like jealousy and weakness on his part. Over the last few years, Daogobert was rewarded with a position at the Emperor’s right side during the triumphal ceremony that celebrated the Roman conquest of the Vandal kingdom. The general was then twice honored with two consulships by the Emperor himself. Private estates, including farm land and a luxurious villa, followed in the rewards that Romulus Augustus bestowed on his loyal lieutenant.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]But none would compare to the latest prize. Dagobert’s wife had passed away several years back, allowing him to take a new bride. Just as Caesar Augustus took the step to bind his most reliable general, Marcus Vispanius Agrippa, to the Imperial household, so too did Romulus Augustus decide that Dagobert was fated to join the current ruling dynasty in the West. Yet he could not realistically give the hand of a noblewoman in his family to an illegitimate Ripuarian Frank of partial Roman descent. Fortunately, even in death his late uncle Paulus, the magister officiorum whose ill-fated conspiracy failed to overthrow the Emperor, was ironically still of some use. In AD 501, a few months before the Great Senatorial Purge, Paulus’ mistress gave birth to a daughter. For reasons unknown to even Romulus Augustus, his uncle chose to keep the infant girl whom he named Adeodata. It took some effort on the Emperor’s part to refrain himself from killing her after Paulus treacherously attempted to usurp the state, but ultimately he came to consider the possibility that his illegitimate cousin could one day become a useful asset. That day finally came when Romulus Augustus chose to give Adeodata’s hand in marriage to Dagobert.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]The Emperor had nothing to fear from such a marriage; Adeodata represented a bastard-born collateral branch of the Imperial family, and therefore her bloodline could never surpass the importance of the legitimate line in the politics of Imperial succession. However, in spite of her low birth, she still had the blood of a noble relative of the Emperor himself. Adeodata was a finer prize than someone like Dagobert could have hoped for, given his own illegitimacy and origin as a half Roman-blooded Frankish foreigner. Furthermore, the magister militum regarded the match as an honor, mostly because of the respect he held for the memory of Paulus. Romulus Augustus secretly found it amusing how his most loyal general also idolized the man who attempted to murder his Emperor. As far as Dagobert and the public were aware, Paulus heroically died while defending his nephew against the treacherous conspirators of the corrupt Roman Senate. Aside from the practical advantages of the false account, the Emperor could not resist using his would-be killer’s legacy as added incentive to justify his retaliation against the rest of the senators, most of whom had actually not participated in Paulus’ failed rebellion.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Fortune Favors the Bold

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Though hindered by multiple civil wars and hostile barbarian neighbors north of the lower Danubius (“Danube”), the eastern Roman Empire remained powerful and largely intact compared to its western counterpart. But while the East’s territorial integrity proved static, its military might sustained considerable losses during the Eastern Civil War between Emperor Anastasius I and the rebel general Vitalian. As of AD 523, the eastern Roman forces were still recovering after the destructive conflict culminated in the Battle of the Golden Horn where thousands of Imperial soldiers were killed on both sides. Fortunately, however, the eastern Empire possessed a reservoir of wealth with which it could rebuild and maintain a sufficient fighting force. The new Imperial regime of Justin I considered the revitalization of the military as a high priority for Constantinople. Attrition, civil war, an increase in desertion, and other various factors gradually undermined the Empire’s ability to defend itself against internal and external threats. Most northern incursions into Roman territory over the last decade consisted mainly of isolated raids that were conducted for the purposes of plunder and slaves; the Roman-Persian frontier remained mostly the same as it had been for years with the exception of several exchanges in border settlements and fortresses through diplomacy or war between the Empire and Sassanid Persia.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Emperor Justin considered it a blessing that the Persians never launched a full-scale invasion against the Empire when it was at its most vulnerable point during the civil war. Determined to seize this opportunity to re-strengthen the Imperial military before the Persians became emboldened by the Empire’s weakened security, he transferred several field army units to Pontica and Orientis, the two dioceses that formed the Roman border with Persia. Taxes were raised across the eastern Empire in order to pay for the recruitment and training of additional soldiers, but not so much as to push large segments of the population into revolt. The purpose of the Roman army was to serve as a defense force, just as it had done to great effect in the East. However, Justinian personally opposed the static condition that the Empire had grown used to by his time. An astute student of Roman history, he longed to see the legions of the Empire marching once more for conquest and glory.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Justin, on the other hand, was a firm believer in defense-in-depth, a purely defense strategy adopted by the Roman military in response to the changing internal and external circumstances that made preclusive security virtually impossible to maintain. Gone were the times when the Empire launched a major offensive campaign into foreign lands in order to neutralize enemy targets as they encroached on the Imperial frontiers. The old policy grew outdated and thus transitioned through the 3rd and 4th centuries AD into a new strategy that essentially allowed hostile armies to enter the Empire where they could be destroyed in detail on Roman soil. But in Justinian’s view, it was foolish and even shameful to react only after the enemy struck first. Even with the reforms that created a military better suited to defense, a comitatenses unit moved no faster than a marching infantryman or the speed of its baggage train, allowing invaders some amount of time to pillage the Empire’s lands before they could be engaged by the field armies.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Justinian was fed up with the constant state of the Roman-Persian border and the eastern Empire’s policy of using money to buy peace with its more dangerous neighbors, peace which often proved to be short-lived. Whereas as he once saw it as a necessary evil, especially where Sassanid Persia was concerned, the western Empire’s triumph over the Ostrogoths and Vandals encouraged him to consider a more bold approach to the Persian dilemma. Even so, the fact remained that the Empire had made multiple attempts to expand its frontier eastward, only to achieve temporary gains in the case of Emperor Trajan, or suffer horrific setbacks like Marcus Licinius Crassus. In spite of Rome’s own attempts to adapt the cataphracti, the clibanarii, and other Persian-style units into the Imperial military, the respective Roman and Persian armies were so evenly matched that neither side ever truly forced a decisive outcome, leading to a virtually perpetual state in which war was a normal condition while peace was nothing more than a temporary respite. Justinian hated to admit it, but the truth was that any campaign against the Persians was likely to end in an unsatisfying stalemate, or worse a military catastrophe. Something had to happen with the potential to change the status quo before he felt confident enough in the Empire’s ability to prevail over the might of the Persian forces in a potentially long-term conflict.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]That something happened in AD 523, mere months after the outbreak of the Burgundian Civil War and the Edict of Rome. The rule of Sassanid Persia fell into dispute between Kavadh I, the shahanshah (“king of kings”), and his eldest son Kawus. At one time, Kawus was the heir presumptive to the Sasanian throne until rumors of his secret adherence to the unorthodox teachings of Mazdak caused him to fall out of favor with the orthodox-minded views of his father and the nobility. Unwilling to accept his fall from grace, or the fact that he had lost his position to his younger brother Khosrau, the disgraced Sasanian prince fortified his position in the Tabaristan region with an army of like-minded men who supported his claim to the throne of Persia. Justinian viewed the Persian civil war with great interest, believing it to be the perfect opportunity for altering the balance of power in the Empire’s favor, especially now that Kawus had reached out to Constantinople by requesting the aid of Roman troops. The fallen prince knew that his rag-tag army of rebels and misfits were no match against the battle-hardened warriors at his father’s command. In a personal letter to Justinian, the commander of the Roman army in the East, Kawus proposed a military alliance with trade rights, tributary compensation, and other gifts to the eastern Imperial government in exchange for the Empire’s support against Kavadh. He even offered to renegotiate the Roman-Persian disputes over Lazica, Iberia, and other client states in the Caucasus area.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Despite how Justinian cared nothing for Zoroastrianism, orthodox or unorthodox, he did care a great deal about Kawus’ plight, or rather the opportunity it created for the eastern Empire. If Kavadh and Khosrau fell, the Persian throne would fall to a king who showed the potential to be a figurehead for Constantinople. Even if Kavadh prevailed against his wayward son, the Romans still had a chance of inflicting significant damage before the Persians could offer sufficient resistance or retaliation. Either way, there was a possibility that Kawus’ revolt would leave Sassanid Persia in a much more vulnerable state, giving the Empire a chance to capitalize on the precarious situation of one of its greatest rivals. But the Emperor would hear none of it. Justin, who had proven amenable to the advice of his nephew since ascending to the eastern Imperial throne, now defied Justinian much to his surprise.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Justin rationalized his decision with the certainty that a full-scale assault on the Persian border would require a substantially large amount of Imperial forces, most of which were trained and equipped primarily for the purpose of defense. The field armies would have to first be enlarged, as would the foederati. This would almost certainly siphon troops away from the limitanei, and even then the Empire would have to implement unpopular policies such as mass conscription and increased taxation. As far as the Emperor was concerned, the Persians were not worth the trouble, especially if failure resulted in the full wrath of Sassanid Persia against the Roman people. As long as the two major powers remained in a virtual deadlock, the Empire stood a good chance of repelling future Persian invasions whenever they arose. Thus Justin believed that pure defense was simply more cost effective than an all-out war between the two most powerful empires in the known world.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Justinian, enraged by what he saw as short-sightedness on his uncle’s part, defiantly fled Constantinople in secret with only the company of his wife and a retinue of trusted companions. Upon arriving in Antioch via the Mediterranean Sea, he gathered a small army using his authority as commander of the East. His soldiers then marched to Circesium, a border city in the province of Osrhoene, unaware that their mission was not authorized by the eastern Emperor. Knowing that a furious Justin would undoubtedly send troops to return his heir back to the capital, Justinian wanted to get his campaign underway as soon as possible. Circesium would be his staging point for the launching of an incursion into Persian territory along the River Euphrates. Justinian knew that he did not have nearly enough troops to pursue a more aggressive campaign, but his goal was to distract Kavadh in order to buy Kawus’ rebellion additional time to strengthen their forces. By this time, Justinian was no longer simply hoping to impress the Imperial government by proving that his aggressive plan could work; he was determined to show the entire eastern Empire that the time to end the Persian threat to Roman security was finally at hand. It could take years, even decades. So far, his primary advantage was that Kavadh did not anticipate unsanctioned Roman interference in Persia’s internal matter. Much of his army was therefore concentrated on hunting Kawus and suppressing his rebellion to the east, hence leaving Justinian with greater freedom to inflict some damage on the Persians’ western front for a time.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Though Justinian retained overall command of his army, he recognized his own deficiency as a military leader. Command over battlefield tactics and war strategy was entrusted to his capable lieutenant Heraclius. A Roman officer of Armenian ancestry, Heraclius belonged to the same family of Heraclius of Edessa, the eastern Roman general who led the Empire to defeat in a failed campaign to reclaim North Africa from the Vandals in AD 468. Determined to restore the honor of his house's name and reputation, Heraclius willingly followed Justinian to war in spite of his own private misgivings about the uncertainty of how much success they could achieve with the limited resources at their immediate disposal.

[/FONT]

Heraclius, Descendant of Heraclius of Edessa

Notes:

[FONT=&quot]Kawus and Khosrau are ALT versions of their OTL selves. There may likely be some similarities other than genetics, but ultimately they are separate individuals from their OTL counterparts as opposed to people like Romulus Augustus or Anicia Juliana, both of whom are OTL characters whose lives have been altered ITTL.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Just for the record, I would not undersell a war between Sassanid Persia and the eastern Roman Empire. Aside from a few notable differences ITTL, many of the OTL conditions that made Roman-Persian wars really difficult for either side to gain a decisive victory still exist here. Justinian is not guaranteed to win; even if he does, whatever gains he acquires can be undermined or lost in so many different ways, just as they were IOTL after his death. Even with a civil war, Sassanid Persia is still a major power with enough strength to withstand a Roman invasion before retaliating with its own show of brute force. Come to think of it, I’ve lost track of the civil wars I’ve invented or re-invented for TTL, but to be fair I keep running into so many conditions (e.g. Religious disputes in Christianity and Zoroastrianism, as well as secular causes like power struggles over thrones and what not, economic incentives, political gains, etc) that make it more plausible for these conflicts to happen.
[/FONT]

Deleted member 67076 · Dec 30, 2013

You know, if the Romans would be able to push the frontier to the Zagros mountains, they'd be in a very defensible position and greatly shift the balance of power in their favor.

ray243 · Dec 30, 2013

Hmm, it seems like Justinian will have a very narrow window of opportunity before Justin found out what his Caesar has been doing. It will take a few days at the most before Justin found out that Justinian went to Antioch to muster the troops.

Justinian will definitely need the support of the Arab tribes if he is to have any chance of success. Without enough logistical support, the Romans can forget about laying siege to any major Persian city.

Jammy · Dec 30, 2013

Wasn't Dagobert the illegitimate son of Paulus as well?
I could be remembering that wrong but i'm sure Dagobert was related to the Imperial family somehow anyway?

Fantastic update though

Dalradia · Dec 30, 2013

Poor poor dagobert .if only he knew

jkarr · Dec 30, 2013

Why do i envisage in my head someday well see pictures of Viserys and Denearys x3

Cuāuhtemōc · Dec 30, 2013

Poor Dagobert and Adeodata. I have a feeling they'll find out eventually about their unholy union.

Bmao · Dec 30, 2013

ray243 said:
Hmm, it seems like Justinian will have a very narrow window of opportunity before Justin found out what his Caesar has been doing. It will take a few days at the most before Justin found out that Justinian went to Antioch to muster the troops.

Justinian will definitely need the support of the Arab tribes if he is to have any chance of success. Without enough logistical support, the Romans can forget about laying siege to any major Persian city.

However, Justinian could get around the authority of his uncle if he were to reach out to Romulus, who is after all his mentor. If Romulus were to give the go ahead to Justinian to seek the opportunity to weaken the Sassanians, then there is no way that Justin is going to oppose Romulus, knowing full well what happens to people who do defy him.

As for Dagobert and Adeodata, its equally likely we'd never find out, but whoever ends up being the spawn of these two might end up becoming the scheming, inbred overly influential civil official that Emperor Valentinian/Romulus II/ etc or whoever is the Emperor of the West in the mid-to late 6th century has to deal with in order to prevent a major reversal. Its just an unfortunate coincidence for these two I think.

One last thing. Wasn't Heraclius the Elder purported to be an Ancestor to the OTL Eastern Roman Emperor Heraclius? Of course, Heraclius as we know him has been butterflied away, but I think that making this Heraclius into TTL's Belisarius is a very nice touch.

cimon · Dec 31, 2013

Justinian is right here

erpetual defence is baren and it leads eventually to defeat;every defensive success must be followed by a counter offensive in order to produce favourable results.Justin probably had not appreciated the gradual increase of cavalry in the East(that is OTL) with its cataphracts,heavy cavalry and especially mounted archers in both heavy and light cavalry;these were the weapons of success in a mobile and versatile warfare,that hopfully this Heraclious can carry out.

At any rate,a very interesting turn of events....bearing in mind that the East had greater resources and was more populous than the Persians and with its back secured,the Persians will attract the full and undivided attention of a war machine greater that theirs...

Romulus Augustus · Jan 1, 2014

Happy New Years, guys!

Part of what I like about this start to Justinian's Persian war is the 'uncertainty' about it. I'm not sure if Julius Caesar actually set out to conquer all of Gaul when the Gallic Wars began, or if he just made it up as he went along until realizing that the entire region was practically his for the taking. In some respects I think it's a little similar to what Justinian is doing ITTL with regards to Sassanid Persia. A new ally has called for his help and he answered as an excuse to invade a foreign land. A long-lasting conquest might seem less possible at the moment, but that may eventually change, depending on the factors and conditions as the war progresses.

I felt bad about throwing Dagobert under the bus like that, but I couldn't get past the irony of Romulus Augustus actually trying to do something right by someone who is loyal, only for it to end up being really wrong. Dagobert is one of the few people that Romulus Augustus respects, or at least as much as he's capable of respecting someone else without plotting their death or whatever. This is because Dagobert has proven to be both an extremely loyal officer and a capable battlefield commander. The combination is rare, given that other officers are loyal but incompetent, or competent and potentially disloyal. It's a vexing conundrum for any emperor, and only makes Dagobert even more valuable as a commander. But not even loyalty can fully guarantee that you'd be safe from the most vile of fates, even when the Emperor himself didn't intend for it to be that way.

Heraclius of Edessa is purported to be the namesake ancestor of Heraclius the Elder, the father of Emperor Heraclius. However, there are no primary sources that corroborate this theory. In any case, TTL's Heraclius -- a relative of Heraclius of Edessa -- is indeed a 'replacement' for Belisarius, but he won't be the only capable officer in service to Justinian. One of the things that seemed smart about Justinian was that he didn't completely rely on Belisarius' expertise alone, even though the general played a major part in his wars. At this point I agree that the OTL Heraclius (who, for the record, is not TTL's Heraclius at all, not even an ALT version since the Byzantine emperor was born around the AD 570s) will not likely exist ITTL due to the butterfly effects. In fact, I think it's safe to say that all OTL Byzantine emperors from the mid to late 6th century AD onwards have been wiped out of existence.

Deleted member 67076 · Jan 1, 2014

It is my proud pleasure to announce that I've nominated this timeline for the Turtledoves! Specifically, "Best New Medieval Timeline" (450 - 1399)!

Romulus Augustus · Jan 2, 2014

Soverihn: Thanks, man! If even one person thinks that TTL deserves a nomination, then I know it ended up being better than what I expected. So thank you; I appreciate that.

[FONT=&quot]AD 524

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Cry ‘Havoc’

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]The civil war of the Burgundian kingdom began with a very bloody start barely a year into its internal conflict. Gilbert, the younger brother of the late Sigismund and a claimant to the throne of Burgundy, was determined to force a quick end to the war before the Franks or Romans decided to take advantage of the situation. Gisela, the widow of Sigismund and queen-mother of the infant king Aubert, shared her brother-in-law’s sense of urgency and sought to crush the insurrection with swift, decisive action. In the first several months of the war, Gilbert’s army made a few attempts to push through the southern defenses in order to reach Lugdunum, only to be repelled by the Burgundians who fought for Aubert. Supplementing their forces in Octodurus with a levy of conscripts from Genava, Gisela’s faction marched against Gilbert’s supporters in Aventicum where their enemies fell to siege warfare, attrition, and domination.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Having lost a great deal of manpower to the east, Gilbert divided his main army into two groups; one to defend his capital at Augustodunum, and the other to take Genava, forcing Lugdunum to refocus on its defense instead of pressing its offense on the north. At the same time, the local population suffered as soldiers on both sides indiscriminately committed acts of rape, pillage, and murder against the diverse people of the kingdom, regardless of whether they were Burgundians, Gallo-Romans, or some other ethnic group. Defenseless villages were burnt to the ground, wealthy estates were thoroughly plundered, and churches were desecrated by frenzied soldiers and desperate scavengers. Lawlessness, confusion, and general chaos grew increasingly rampant throughout the settlements and the countryside, much of which became deserted as refugees flooded Augustodunum and Lugdunum by the thousands.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Officially, Gisela supported her brother, Bertrand as the public regent of the young king due to the unconventional notion of a woman holding the reins of power. Behind her son’s throne and the façade regency of Bertrand, however, Gisela controlled the southern half of the kingdom. Like others who recognized the one who ruled as the power behind the throne, Gilbert did not fail to perceive his sister-in-law’s attempt to rule Burgundy throughout the duration of Aubert’s minority. He was quick to capitalize on the queen mother’s nefarious reputation by encouraging his supporters to spread malicious gossip about the relationship between Gisela and Bertrand. The details varied, but the latest round of accusations basically insinuated that sister and brother were lovers, thus resulting in more speculation about identity of Aubert’s ‘true’ father.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Though they were uncertain in the validity of their statements against the queen mother’s reputation, Gilbert’s followers persisted in their agenda much to the aggravation of Gisela. She prohibited everyone within the scope of her faction’s authority from even mentioning the gossip on pain of death. She retaliated in turn by spreading her own misinformation about Gilbert, claiming that he was a bastard rather than a true son of Gundobad, or that his wife made a cuckold out of him with an array of lovers at court. Gisela further accused him of secretly sponsoring witchcraft and various forms of paganism with the intent of tarnishing Gilbert’s good name within the Christian community as he had done to her. Before long, the conflict degenerated into political smear campaigns while the devastation of the kingdom escalated with greater losses of life and destruction to property.
[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]

[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]The assassination of [FONT=&quot]King Sigismund[/FONT][FONT=&quot] resulted in the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Burgundian Civil War[/FONT][FONT=&quot], a conflict between the northern and southern regions of the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Kingdom of Burgundy[/FONT][FONT=&quot]. [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Gilbert[/FONT][FONT=&quot], the younger brother of the murdered monarch, secured the north with an army of warriors loyal to himself. He then challenged [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Queen Mother Gisela[/FONT][FONT=&quot], the de facto power behind the throne of her infant son [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Aubert[/FONT][FONT=&quot], for the right to rule the kingdom.[/FONT][/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]And let slip the Dogs of War

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot] Justinian’s personal campaign against Sassanid Persia resulted in a political firestorm in Roman-Persian relations. Having previously received assurances from Emperor Justin I that the eastern Roman Empire would respect the latest peace treaty between the two realms, Kavadh I demanded an explanation from the frightened Roman ambassador who had none to offer. By the time a frustrated Justin decided to send a messenger to Ctesiphon with orders to confirm that his nephew acted without the authority of the Imperial government, the decapitated heads of the ambassador and his retinue had been delivered to Constantinople, along with a declaration of war. Enraged by what he saw as a diplomatic catastrophe, Justin dispatched an army to hunt Justinian and return him to the eastern capital.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]In all that time, Justinian’s supporters constantly beseeched the aging eastern Emperor to change his position on the Persian war. Euphemia, the empress consort of Justin, was among the fiercest and most relentless advocates who defended the actions of Justinian whom she was especially fond and protective of. Romulus Augustus contacted Justin through a correspondence of private letters, declaring that Imperial authority was absolute, but also that the Sassanid menace was a critical priority in the security of the Empire’s eastern front. Although the western Emperor did not openly condone or condemn Justinian’s assault on Persian territory, his message subtly indicated that Justin’s responsibility as an Imperial colleague was to ensure the defense of his part of the Empire—and that defense did not necessarily imply ‘defense-in-depth’ only as his own reign proved with the re-conquest of North Africa.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]However, Justinian still had many enemies in the eastern Imperial Court, some of whom dared to take advantage of his absence in the capital by insinuating that he was guilty of treason. They mostly consisted of Constantinopolitan noblemen, including members of the eastern Senate, secret heretic sympathizers, and politicians who were disgruntled by what they saw as a western-controlled puppet government. The brief sense of political unity that followed the death of Anastasius I and Justin’s subsequent accession was torn asunder as the political apparatus became fiercely divided between Justinian’s supporters, the ones who hailed Justinian’s bravery, and the detractors who claimed that he was engaged in an illegal war.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Through it all, Justin’s physical and mental health began to deteriorate; his increasing senile mind was superseded by his growing paranoia about how others were tempted to disregard his authority. Fearing betrayal from all sides, he doubled the wages of the Excubitors and bequeathed unto them excessive donatives in the hopes of maintaining their allegiance, even though he already it to begin with. He did not go so far as to create an entire proscription list, but that did not stop him from making examples out of the laity and clergy of Constantinople, regardless of whether they spoke for or against Justinian—or said nothing of his war at all. Justin ultimately succeeded in making it clear that he would not have his authority questioned by anyone else, nor would he be manipulated by the agenda of others when he was still capable of making his own decisions. Yet his popularity plummeted with the population as a result of the harshness in his authoritarian measures, many of whom did not understand why the Emperor’s benevolence began to wane.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Aside from Justin and the core members of his regime who endlessly fought over what direction the Empire should take with regard to Justinian’s actions, the rest of the eastern Roman population was unaware of the private fallout between the Emperor and his heir. Justin wisely refrained from openly denouncing Justinian; he could not do so unless he was prepared to execute his adopted son for defying his authority. He merely kept silent about the issue, offering neither praise or condemnation, much to the surprise and suspicions of the people of Constantinople. Suspicion was not proof, however; and so the average Romans went about their lives without any awareness of the frailty in the top echelon of their own government, all for the sake of Justin who wished to avoid an embarrassing scandal.
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[FONT=&quot]The [FONT=&quot]Imperial Cavalry[/FONT][FONT=&quot] of the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]eastern Roman Empire[/FONT][FONT=&quot] was significantly more advanced than its predecessors. Ironically, the more heavily-armored units were modeled on the famed cavalry forces of the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Sassanid Persian Empire[/FONT][FONT=&quot]. The results were the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Cataphracti[/FONT][FONT=&quot] and the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Clibanarii[/FONT][FONT=&quot], both of which served the same function by providing much needed shock cavalry to the ranks of the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]eastern Imperial Military[/FONT][FONT=&quot].[/FONT][/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Under different circumstances, he would have considered a much more aggressive action. But Justinian was a special case, not just because he was the Emperor’s nephew and heir, but rather because of the considerable support that he enjoyed in both halves of the Roman Empire. Justin was not yet as senile as some people thought him to be. He knew that his throne was acquired with Justinian’s help, and by proxy the help of Romulus Augustus and the West. His situation was precarious, to say the least. If he chose to openly denounce Justinian, he risked unleashing another civil war in less than a decade since the last one. It was a doomsday scenario that Justin wanted to avoid at all costs; if he won, he would lose his main heir and possibly the support of the western Empire; if he failed, then his death would only reinforce the all too familiar precedent of seizing the Imperial throne by the force of usurpers. Either way, the Justinian dynasty would almost certainly die with its founder.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]A few months later the eastern Emperor learned that the army he sent to retrieve Justinian was ambushed and massacred on the Persian side of the border, forty miles east of Circesium. The Sassanids had mistaken Justin’s troops for Justinian’s army, given that they were unaware of their purpose in the first place. Unknown to Justin and the Sassanid regime, Justinian actually orchestrated the massacre as a calculated risk in his campaign. After his scouts reported the sighting of another Roman army in Persian territory, Justinian deduced that their orders were to bring him back to Constantinople. He then ‘allowed’ the information of their whereabouts to slip out from the confines of his camp so that the Sassanids could move against them before his uncle’s troops caught up with his army.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Justinian regretted his deliberate part in the loss of Roman life, but he also believed that it was necessary to his cause. When the Sassanids slaughtered the unsuspecting Romans in a surprise attack, Justinian gave an impassioned speech to his army about how their valiant comrades perished in an attempt to assist with the Persian campaign, convinced that his version of the story would inspire the soldiers to fight on. This was especially important because he needed their concentration to be focused on the Persians. The soldiers under his command operated under the belief that they still served the interests of the Imperial government in Constantinople. The advantage of fighting in enemy territory was that it allowed Justinian to cut his army off from the Roman world, or at least information that could lead them to doubt the authenticity of his “orders” to invade Sassanid Persia. But even if word of the Emperor’s disapproval did somehow reach them, Justinian would dismiss it as enemy propaganda.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]However, being cut off from Constantinople also separated Justinian’s army from a vital factor in the military—their wages, as well as regular supplies of various resources that an army needed to sustain itself in a long campaign. Lacking the means to provide his troops with regular pay, Justinian allowed his soldiers to really cut loose when it came to pillage and plunder. The major Persian cities were not viable targets for the army at Justinian’s command, so there were numerous other settlements in the area, less-guarded and vulnerable to the Romans. Living off the land was only a short-term solution, however. Justinian also made attempts to use diplomacy to his advantage in the hopes of winning the local Arabi (“Arab tribes”) to his side. Contact with the locals was an advantage to some extent, allowing Justinian to rely on some degree of aid from the tribes that proved more receptive to what they perceived as a potential liberator against their Sassanid overlords. Other tribes, however, reacted very negatively to the Romans who brazenly billeted themselves on their land, among which were the followers of Nestorius. In an attempt to sow discord within Christianity, Sassanid Persia vassalized the people who followed the unorthodox views of Nestorianism. The Imperial government had long since deemed such people to be foolish madmen, and accordingly branded them with the ignominious title of ‘heretics’, as well as ‘collaborators’ for conspiring with the heathens against the eternal Empire.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Aside from Justinian’s skills in subterfuge and manipulation, he still counted on the military expertise of his chief lieutenant, Heraclius, on the battlefield. The initial forces that the Sassanid government rallied in response to Justinian’s invasion were defeated in a series of early victories due to Heraclius’ skillful leadership. Learning from their mistakes, the Persians deployed an even larger army to intercept Justinian’s troops, defeating the Imperials and forcing them to retreat to the Roman border near Dara. Fortunately for Justinian, the city’s garrison was complemented by an entire Roman army due to its strategic location on the Persian frontier. Decius, the dux (“duke”) of the army in [Roman] Mesopotamia, learned about the eastern Emperor’s disapproval of Justinian’s actions in Persia through his brother and contact in Justin’s inner circle. Instead of moving against the wayward Caesar, Decius marched his soldiers without orders to support Justinian, knowing that he would welcome the additional troops into his depleted army. Decius was a soldier, but he was also a scion of the gens Decia, a political family with strong ties in the government of Constantinople. Justin was old and he failed to take any open action against Justinian, who was still young and likely to inherit the throne in spite of his recent actions. Like any trained politician, Decius recognized where the political wind was shifting and that was where his loyalty went—to the rising sun, not the setting one.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Decius’ gamble paid off; Justinian received the extra forces to replenish his army which sustained losses after multiple defeats against the second Persian army that came after him. Under the combined leadership of Heraclius and Decius, the Romans dug into their position and held their ground against the enemy, relying on a combination of heavy-armored infantrymen and horseback troopers for much needed shock support against the Persian forces that were famous for cavalry warfare. By the end of the year, the Romans and Persians shared in several victories and defeats, but neither side were yet able to force a significant outcome, which was exactly how Heraclius wanted to keep things while Kawus’ rebellion occupied the Sassanid military in the north. Though outmatched and outnumbered by the forces loyal to the Sassanid regime, Kawus’ followers were fortunate in that the Persian military was forced to divide its attention and resources in order to fight Justinian as well. The rebel prince used this window of opportunity to build an alliance with the Gushnaspians;. An indigenous people of Tabaristan, their king agreed to join the rebellion in exchange for greater autonomy under Sassanid sovereignty.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Even with Decius’ reinforcements, he still lacked the manpower and adequate military resources to go on the offensive against major Sassanid targets. The best that he could achieve under the resources that Justinian gave him was keeping the Persian forces divided between two main targets. It was a long shot and Heraclius could not discern a decisive triumph in the immediate future with the way things were going so far. But like a loyal and disciplined soldier, he fought past the self-doubt and carried on with his orders to the best of his ability. Justinian claimed the credit for his victories and downplayed the setbacks, but Heraclius interpreted it as the natural right of the Nobilissimus Caesar—his commanding officer and the next emperor of the eastern Empire.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]Justinian’s near defeat against the numerically superior Persian army forced him to reevaluate the circumstances of the conflict that he began. At the time, he was overwhelmed with shock and outrage over his uncle’s decision to not use the Mazdakite rebellion to the Empire’s advantage in their struggle against Sassanid Persia. He also came to realize that his idolization of the western Empire’s recent achievements influenced his choice in attacking the Persians without Justin’s approval. Romulus Augustus’ armies ultimately triumphed over the Ostrogoths and Vandals, but neither of his enemies were of the same caliber of the Sassanid military. Even so, Justinian refused to turn back; he had ‘crossed the Rubicon’ by defying his uncle’s policy of non-interference in Persia’s internal conflict. Upon reflection of that decision, he considered himself to be fortunate since Justin did not publicly declare him a traitor and enemy of the Empire, as Decius revealed after the battle. Though he was now more cautious in his overall strategy, Justinian knew that the war would either end in another stalemate or a catastrophic defeat for the Romans. Victory—the victory he wanted—was not within his reach. The army he fielded for war was well trained and equipped, but lacking in the numbers it needed to sustain a potentially long conflict with the Persians. Yet still he carried on with grim determination. The western front was secure for now, due to the efforts of Romulus Augustus. The eastern frontier would never be stable as long as the Sassanid regime continued to threaten the Empire’s security. Despite the fact that he would have liked to see the Empire restored to its former territorial extent, Justinian preferred even more to neutralize the Persian menace as long as the western Empire stood as a buffer zone between the East and the Germanic kingdoms of Western Europe.

[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]In the aftermath of the setback near Dara, Kavadh I began raising a new army in the Sassanid capital of Ctesiphon in response to Decius’ aid to Justinian. Convinced that it was another sign of Constantinople’s aggression against the Persian empire, the ‘King of Kings’ considered the Empire to be at war with Sassanid Persia. However, the newly-assembled army was not going to engage Justinian’s troops. That task was now reserved for the king’s other son, Khosrau, whose forces were now divided between fighting Justinian’s army and the rebel Mazdakites. Khosrau’s army would cross the frontier with orders to lay waste to numerous settlements on the Roman side of the border. If this strategy failed and Justinian did withdraw from Persian territory, then Kavadh would not hesitate to send his army deeper into the Empire’s eastern provinces, even to the point of threatening a major commercial center like Antioch itself.

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[/FONT] [FONT=&quot]The [FONT=&quot]Second Roman-Persian Wars[/FONT][FONT=&quot], also known as the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Justinian-Sasanian War[/FONT][FONT=&quot] and the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Great Eastern War[/FONT][FONT=&quot], was the name given to the major regional conflict fought between the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]eastern Roman Empire[/FONT][FONT=&quot] and the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Sasanian Empire of Persia[/FONT][FONT=&quot]. A continuation of the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]First Roman-Persian Wars[/FONT][FONT=&quot], the conflict began when [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Justinian’s[/FONT][FONT=&quot] army invaded Persian territory during the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Sassanid dynasty’s[/FONT][FONT=&quot] internal conflict over the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Mazdakite rebellion[/FONT][FONT=&quot].[/FONT][/FONT]

The Reign of Romulus Augustus

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