The RDNA-verse: A Strange, Worldbuilding TL

Which entry would you like to see done first?

  • Kingdom of South Italy

    Votes: 29 31.5%
  • Sub Saharan Africa (eventual focus on the United African States and Southern Africa)

    Votes: 16 17.4%
  • Central Plains Collective (eventual focus on the rest of the Collectivist Internationale)

    Votes: 47 51.1%

  • Total voters
    92
South Italy: General Introduction

The Kingdom of South Italy holds the claim of being not only one of the last Free Nations of Europe, but also the last surviving monarchy on the Continent itself. While but a shadow of its former glory, its people are by no means weak or resigned to oblivion. The country's sheer stubbornness and nigh zealous fortress mentality, even in the face of the Collectivist Internationale, is such that it remains a royalist power in its own right.

Encompassing a defensible stretch of the Mediterranean centered around the so-called Mezzogiorno, the realm is a constitutional monarchy under the reign of King Giacomo III, the latest sovereign of the Savoia-Siracusa line. Though still claiming the pre-Terror borders from the early 20th Century, it is formally comprised of seven Crown Provinces, two Autonomous Territories and the "Special Protectorate" of Malta, all of which are represented in the Parliamento Italiano. In practice, however, these have been supplemented by a system of "fortress-settlements" that emerged following the Napoli Reforms of 1930, with the even more fortified Cittadella ("Citadels") having considerable leverage. Over time, the lines between the nobility, civil politicians and military have also blurred, to the point that regional commanders are almost akin to the feudal lords of old. While seen by some observers as an inevitable outcome to the country's generations-long fortress mentality, civil liberties remain firmly entrenched as have many social institutions. That being said, while the swan song of Reactionarism never truly took hold, the peculiar form of "democracy" as perceived here is militantly tinged. Service, especially in the Regio Forze Armate Italiano (or "Royal Italian Armed Forces") grants greater rights to citizens out of the view that freedoms are earned, though equality under the law remains and no formal discrimination exists for those who choose not to for whatever reason.

The 38.8 million-strong populace themselves more than live up to their stringent standards. Officially, around 71% is Italian (many of at least partial Sicilian, Neapolitan or Sardinian lineage), with 22% being "Arabs" (catch-all for pure Arabs and those of Arab and Berber origin) and the remainder comprised of Greeks, Maltese and the unassimilated descendants of refugees from the Continent, notably the French. While relations between the two predominant groups especially had historically been terse, mutual hardship, common cause have over generations fostered a kind of camaraderie transcending differences, even while conserving said distinctions. Whether its the prevalence of Italian languages and Italo-Arabic (a creole blend derived from Tunisian Arabic), the growing trend of mixed-race relationships, these have also done much to further integrate the citizenry to an even greater extent than formal government policies. There are still some exceptions, particularly among some of the more old-fashioned Greeks, but such sentiments are nonetheless encapsulated in the phrase Fratelli attraverso l'inferno ("Brothers through Hell"). In the face of the surrounding enemy, as a recurring anecdote puts it, all have their part to play.

Despite its difficult predicament, South Italy is neither alone nor insignificant. The expansive "No Man's Lands" that surround its borders (a grim legacy of Case Rubicon) are filled with mines, forts and hidden emplacements that have allowed the Italians to sustain nigh-constant skirmishes. The RFAI itself, which most citizens are part of one way or another, has over time gained a reputation for excelling at defense and being fearless even in the face of death, which has allowed the country to be an active component in maintaining the "Red Curtain." It's also more willing, however, to partake in more underhanded means to maintain an advantage, whether to fend off enemy scouting patrols or root out "traitors," false "refugees" and covert cells funded by the Internationale. This is not to ignore the significant aid provided by its ties with the "Three Crowns" of the New World, whether it be Royal Navy patrols helping keep the Mediterranean open or New Austrian military shipments and joint operations. To speak nothing of the realm's special protectorate: the Sovereign Knights of Malta. While unpredictable, showing more fealty to the Vatican-in-Exile than its actual benefactors, and notorious for a militant zeal even by the realm's standards, the last so-called "Crusader Kingdom" has nonetheless shown its commitment in blood multiple times.

Combined with a still-functional economy (with the wineries of Sicily and Calabria seen as among the best in the world), natalist policies and a substantial industrial base formed out of necessity, the country continues to succeed in holding the line against the Collectivists. That it has deterred them from fully conquering the Continent at all, however bloody the costs may be, speaks volumes of how its stubbornness is not unfounded. Nonetheless, its people know better than to be complacent. The enemy's efforts to isolate the realm and subvert it from within are known to have escalated in more recent years. Meanwhile, concerns have arisen over the growing social and mental costs of keeping up the fight with seemingly little hope for real respite.

Regardless, Italians are a resilient people. Everyone does their duty, be it for God, King or Fatherland. Or die trying.

Basic History of South Italy

The Italian Peninsula has seen much over the millennia. Here was where the glory that was Rome first emerged, as had its successors. It was here, as well, that the Renaissance took root, reviving the knowledge of Antiquity to enlighten a changing globe. The modern history of what would become South Italy, coincidentally, began around that time. For generations, and for a while after, there were various city-states, republics, duchies and kingdoms, most at the mercy of foreign powers in some form or another. Nonetheless, as Niccolò Machiavelli expressed in the 1530s, a sense of nationalism mirroring Ancient Greece had spread. This didn't happen overnight, however, as each state had their own ideas for what being "Italian" meant, whether in divided regions like Tuscany or the more united lands south of the Papal States under the Crowns of Naples and Sicily (colloquially known as the Mezzogiorno) and being more "patriotic" towards themselves than anything else.

A series of events over the next few centuries, from encroaching Habsburg influence in Venice to the wave of reforms that accompanied the so-called Enlightenment, gradually laid down the groundwork for bringing all of Italy together. The ascendant House of Savoia (which by the 17th Century had encompassed its namesake lands, as well as what had been Piedmont, Aosta, Genoa and Nissa) was involved in intermittent conflicts with the Spanish over their hegemony in the Mezzogiorno. This eventually led to Duke Vittorio Amedeo II, breaking away from French attempts to influence his realm, successfully establishing himself as King of Naples and Sicily in 1705. While this proved fleeting, as he was forced to relinquish the titles by his erstwhile Habsburg allies "to preserve order" in exchange for Corsica and Sardinia in 1723, the promise of genuine change compared to the stifling grip of the preceding feudal order laid the groundwork for not only widespread resentment, but growing support (as was increasingly elsewhere) for a more unified land.

It wasn't until the 1810s, however, that such trends would culminate in uprisings throughout much of the Peninsula. Figures like Giuseppe Mazzini and Daniele Manin came into prominence, espousing Italian patriotism and unity over division. Such people, who would be remembered in time as heroes, gained the attention of the Savoias through the reformist Duke Ferdinand (later King Ferdinand I). Seeing both a chance to elevate his dynasty's fortunes and to bring long-needed change to a fractured land, he and other nationalists embarked on what has since been known as the Grande Risorgimento ("Great Resurgence"). Defined by both peaceful compromise and military force in the north, among the most notable successes was the "Mezzogiorno Revolution" in 1851, in which a Savoia-backed resistance force led by Vincenzo Fardella di Torrearsa and Giuseppe Garibaldi deposed the unpopular Bourbons who had assumed control. The 1854 Unification that followed formally proclaimed the Kingdom of the Two Italies. Although it wouldn't be until 1863 that the Papal States (and with it Rome) formally joined as the autonomous Vatican State, the Peninsula was effectively under one banner, to be ruled by and for Italians.


The latter parts of the 19th Century saw the realm struggling to both consolidate itself and bolster its prestige on the world stage. At first, this seemed almost Herculean, whether it was debates over Standard Italian, the introduction of republican-influenced constitutionalism or developing the more "backward" Mezzogiorno with greater financial and industrial incentives. Such hardships also contributed to the initial wave of Italians migrating to the New World to seek better fortunes (such as the American Federation), and may also have led to Ferdinand I marrying into Sicilian nobility (forging the House of Savoia-Siracusa). Nonetheless, with the help of both its Habsburg allies (through the Austro-Hungarian Crownlands) and the British Empire, it came to not only stand up on its own but expand beyond the Peninsula. By 1900, it had already established colonies in the former Ottoman territories of Tunisia and Tripolitania, as well as its "Special Protectorate" over the Sovereign Knights of Malta. It also gained considerable influence in the then-newly independent countries of Greece and Albania. Before long, the country was increasingly seen as a regional power in its own right.

Then, came the Terror. While stirrings of unrest were already occurring in parts of the country, for a time the Collectivists seemed far away. Nonetheless, Giacomo II ordered for various contingencies and plans to be drawn out should the worst come to pass. As the sheer extent and horror of the threat became all too evident, such efforts were soon put into action as the Continent crumbled, including the ironically named Case Elysium (aiding the retreat from the collapsing mainland that eventually led to the integration of Italian Greece in 1944). The most infamous of these, however, was Case Rubicon: a withdrawal done on a massive scale, through a combination of defensive lines and widespread scorched earth tactics. Callous as this was, and approved only with great reluctance by the monarch and upper ranks of the RFAI, this was seen as the most viable option to preserve the realm in any functional capacity, while leaving the enemy nothing to use against it. Thus, from the moment it was enacted in 1926, thousands of Italian soldiers and militia, along with several Knights, knowingly went to their deaths to deny the enemy their "victory" and seek vengeance for what was lost. Their sacrifices, however, not only gave the Papacy a chance to evacuate Rome before the Red tide consumed it, but also allowed the last major wave of refugees (whether from the fallen north or other so-called "Lost Nations" like France) to escape and bought the strained realm time to establish the final defensive perimeter from the provisional capital of Naples.

The Napoli Reforms signed in 1930 did more than simply rename the realm into the Kingdom of South Italy and sought to go beyond temporary measures in response to the new reality. Among the changes brought about were the codification of the fortress-settlement system, a policy of widespread conscription into the RFAI regardless of background, plans for a plebiscite for the Tunisian colonies and a commitment to stopping the enemy from closing the curtain on the Continent forever. In practice, all these largely formalized what was already occurring since the Terror, while the continuing threats posed by the enemy meant that the Reforms had to keep up with a volatile situation that could change at any moment. Indeed, Case Rubicon itself only came to its climactic if bloody end with the brutal Defense of Naples in 1937, when Collectivist forces launched a surprise attack on the Proto-Citadel. This would go down as the worst point in Italian history after the loss of Rome, as it led to the city itself being abandoned and destroyed "as Vesuvius brought ruin upon Pompeii," with the Savoia-Siracusas seeing no choice but to retreat to Palermo, where they rule to this day. It also marked the last time, however, that the defenses were breached to any significant degree. And while the skirmishes never truly ceased from then on, a sense of order was restored.

Subsequent years saw the Italians' fortress mentality further entrench itself into the national consciousness, with the notion of fratelli attraverso l'inferno transcending ethnic, religious and even gender lines. As most readily volunteered themselves into either the military or civil work, by 1953 the policy of conscription morphed into offering greater rights to citizens through service. So it was, that even as a new feudal-style "aristocracy" emerged from the the bastions (with some commanders hailing from the old nobility), so too did new opportunities arise for even the lowliest commoner to become part of that elite. Yet regardless of where one is in society, as New Austrian and Loyalist Canadian observers noted during a joint exercise off Corsica in 1994, all are doing their part. That view, for all its grim ramifications, had proven itself as sturdy and in its own way, admirable as the people themselves.

They must be. For while emigration never ceased being open for those seeking a better life elsewhere, the loss of the Continent wholesale would not only risk shutting the Mediterranean off forever, but would also render the sacrifices of their forefathers to be all for nothing. The past century has proven them true, but for how long, who could truly say.

- "The World Almanac of Nations." American Federation. 2023 Edition.

----​

For some added trivia, many of the "fortress-settlements" correspond to actual towns and cities across Italy, Tunisia and Greece. Meanwhile , placenames like "Candia" are the Italian forms of what would be in real life, cities like "Heraklion."

The use of the term Mezzogiorno (Italian for "Midday") in reference to Southern Italy is derived from how sunshine in that region is particularly strong around that time of day. While it's not clear when the word itself was first used for that part of the country, it's said to have gained popularity in real life after the 1860s, when it (then under the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies) became part of Italy.

The Grande Risorgimento that led to the 1854 Unification is a direct nod to the real life Risorgimento ("Resurgence") that eventually unified Italy by 1871. Coincidentally, Mazzini, Manin and Garibaldi still played major roles in RDNA-verse version of events, though there's a more pronounced influence from the figures who, in our timeline, led the Sicilian Revolution of 1848, such as Vincenzo Fardella di Torrearsa.

In real life, Southern Italy/Mezzogiorno never saw proper industrialization or development compared to the rest of the country after unification, which contributed to the notorious "North-South Divide" and the proliferation of the Mafia. In the timeline, however, a combination of closer patronage from the House of Savoy (resulting eventually in the House of Savoia-Siracusa) and a more concerted effort to bring the region up to speed would go far in avoiding the malaise, while also laying the foundations for the country's transformation after the Terror.

The peculiarly militarized state of Italian society is a combination of various influences, from the feudalism that marked the Kingdom of the Two Sicilies to pre-Fascist Italian constitutionalism and of all things, Starship Troopers (the latter especially with the "service guarantees citizenship" undertones). The in-universe circumstances faced by the country have brought these about, as well as a sense of social camaraderie, largely out of necessity and the acceptance of having to fight on indefinitely. As the "perceived" alternative is destruction.

Case Rubicon is also a nod to the phrase "Crossing the Rubicon." Originally a reference to Julius Caesar making his fateful choice to march into Rome, it notion of committing to a plan, to which there's no turning back.

----

1582466407948.png


Unfiltered version:
1582466437654.png
I'm not certain about the location of New Naples. Was it built on OTL Sapri, Province of Salerno?

Anyways, keep up the good work, it looks nice!
 
I'm not certain about the location of New Naples. Was it built on OTL Sapri, Province of Salerno?

Anyways, keep up the good work, it looks nice!

You're right. It's a "new town" of sorts built on what would be Sapri and Villamare in OTL.

And thanks!
 
Sorry to keep you all waiting! Other commitments, delays, and all.

That being said, I've already begun work on Sub-Saharan Africa. Though I've also started work sorting out the details for the Central Plains Collective.

Either way, these would further flesh out the lore well beyond what was originally present in 2010.
 
The Central Plains Collective (c.2022)
The Fallen Danube: The Central Plains Collective

The collapse of the Austro-Hungarian Crownlands in 1927 marked more than the Habsburgs' retreat into New Austria. From the ashes of their Danubian realm arose the polity known as the Central Plains Collective. Referred to as Colkozepbenen in ColStandard, it is something of a peculiarity within the Collectivist Internationale. It is also among the handful of "ColMems" in which more is known about with any degree of certainty, however much remains open to speculation. In addition it is simultaneously one of the most loyal and most volatile, having witnessed several "Unperson" uprisings over the generations.

The origins of this ColMem go back over a century. While Collectivism as an ideology had been present since the 19th Century, it wasn't until 1914 that the scattered groups and secret societies across the Danube joined together into the Union of People's Collectives. Led by the fringe Kollektivarbeiterpartei and a disgraced clergyman named Alexander Knöpfer, it initially garnered some support among scholars and laborers with its promises of universal brotherhood through the "Will of the Workers." Concern grew among the authorities and then Emperor-King Franz Ferdinand I, however, as the organization made increasingly public attacks on not only political rivals within the movement but others across the realm, while allegations surfaced of some members simply disappearing. Combined with its open defiance against the monarchy, suspected ties with other Collectivist groups across the Continent, and a cult-like zeal, by 1920 efforts were made to suppress it to maintain order. Unfortunately, these attempts failed.

Although conflicting and incomplete records from period covering the Terror make it difficult to theorize what actually happened, it's undeniable that Knöpfer and his followers seized their moment to stage their "Workers' Revolution." Alongside other Red militias, the U.P.C. ambushed and overrun various towns in the countryside, almost by surprise if surviving testimonies are any indication. Despite the best efforts of not only the Imperial Army regiments deployed to restore order, further bolstered by reinforcement from New Austria, but other Danubian citizens opposed to Collectivism, it became evident that the tide had irrevocably turned. For every militant band that was crushed, two more seemed to take their place, further worsened by additional manpower from the nascent Internationale. With the fall of Vienna and Budapest in 1926, however, the path was laid open for the conquest of much of the crumbling realm. While some were known to have held out in the Alpine and Carpathian bastions for some time, most of the remaining Habsburg forces (by then under de facto New Austrian command) were forced to retreat southward towards the Adriatic Sea. The bloody yet stubborn sacrifices at those final defensive lines, whether it came from volunteers or members of the ruling dynasty itself, have since gone down in the annals of history, buying precious time for refugees and surviving soldiers to evacuate. With the departure of Franz Ferdinand I himself aboard the last ship to leave in 1927 and the subsequent scourging of Trieste by the enemy, the last organized vestiges of the Crownlands perished.

A triumphant Knöpfer was appointed the first ColMem Secretary (later ColMemsec) of the Central Plains Collective and wasted little time in remaking the Danube in the Will's image, which is still ongoing. The very name for the polity alone reflects the aim of freeing men from the past. Of the old capital cities alone, only Budapest was rebuilt and repurposed as "Worker's Fort 03" (Arbeiterod 03 in ColStandard), which has served as the permanent administrative center since at least the 1940s, while Vienna was said to have been reduced to rubble, in an ironic echo to the destruction of ancient Carthage. Their fates were mirrored across the former Austro-Hungarian lands, with an emphasis of purging significant traces of the old order. Beyond demolishing historical landmarks, religious structures and other locales deemed useless, priceless pieces of art and literature are believed to be lost forever. While an ideological regimen, which has waxed and waned over the generations, has sought to purify the mind of backward notions, including the eradication of historical, ethnic, cultural and nationalist ideas. Ironically, in their place a new "Danubian" culture of sorts, if not a distinct "national" identity has emerged among much of the population, forged from both Red dogma and the ashes of the "Lost Nations" that once existed.

Society, as elsewhere in the Internationale, has been thoroughly restructured along Collectivist lines. Formally comprised of the Inner Party, Outer Party, and the Workers, over time these have coalesed, at least in the C.P.C., into the former two (ostensibly due to the latter being apparently perceived as Party members by technicality). The local "Danubian" forms of ColStandard also notably feature significant, albeit mangled, influences from Austrian German and Hungarian, among others. Nonetheless, the social structure remains close to the Internationale's "norm." The Inner Party serve as the de facto ruling elite and primary exemplars of the Will (with Colmemsec Hermann Rakos continuing the U.P.C. and Knöpfer's work), chosen through selection more than from birth. Those of the Outer Party, meanwhile, form the backbone of the factories, farms, institutions and military forces. In Colkozepbenen's case, its status as an agricultural and mining hub has made it a crucial asset for Supreme Politburo, the ColMem being the host of the "Adriatic Cordon"(a network of naval blockades and fortifications serving as a regional counterweight to the Free World's Red Curtain). It may well explain why, alongside the local Party's firm loyalty, its relatively arbitrary boundaries (still partially mirroring the old Crownlands) have remained largely stable.

While it is said that all its myriad subdivisions are equal as are all of mankind, some are more equal than others. From what could be discerned, those of the Inner Party enjoy standards of living that seem contrary to their otherwise utilitarian and spartan pretensions, whereas the average Outer Party member would be lucky to have most of the bare essentials unless one showed appropriate fervor (or at least had the patronage of the more faithful). It's likely that most may live their lives without ever knowing much else other than what the Will has decreed for them as their lot. Nigh-constant surveillance and strife, as well as fear of heresy (both without and within) further reinforce this state of affairs. Which, it seems, suits the powers that be just fine, their grip as unquestioned as the Will.

It's also known, however, that throughout the decades, that even compared to its neighbors, the so-called "Unpersons" had served as a persistent thorn on the Party's side.

Ghosts of the Lost Nations: The Unpersons of the Central Plains Collective

Derived from ColStandard, it's believed that the term "Unperson" originally referred to the Inner Party's observed tendencies, through StateOrd, to erase any traces of those who defied the Will of the Workers. In time, as with their counterparts elsewhere in the Internationale, these came to include rebels and others deemed even more heretical than the peoples of the Free Nations. Much of what's known about their exploits is based on accounts from defectors and refugees, as well as whatever could be scrounged by New Austria's Evidenzbureau and the South Italian Servizio Informazioni. The rest, however, is shrouded in speculation and conjecture. Regardless, their efforts have not been in vain.

Even though the Austro-Hungarian Crownlands were lost, there were those who refused to submit to Collectivist rule. A motley mix of nationalists, Habsburg loyalists, military remnants, nobles, ordinary citizens and even disillusioned U.P.C. members scattered throughout the former realm continued to resist Red rule. This "first generation" of Unpersons had no centralized leadership, but were nonetheless able to lay the groundwork for a secretive network linking the disparate cells. It was even alleged that it had the rudimentary trappings of an underground state, with couriers, educational facilities and even armed militias. StateOrd, however, caught on after the first decade, though his increasingly expansive campaigns to root them out only served to emboldening more people to rise up. This led to the First Great Rebellion in 1942, wherein which food riot in Workers' Fort 03 escalated into an armed uprising that forced the deployment of the Collective Army (later ColArmeo). It was a decisive victory for the ColMemsec (resulting in Knöpfer's "election" as part of the Supreme Politburo), but failed to crush the resistance's spirit.

By the 1950s, their ranks included Party dissidents and those born after the Terror. It was by then, so the testimonies go, that a longer-term "backup plan" began germinating, even as the remaining "old guard" plotted an insurrection that would eclipse the first. So it was, that from their hidden bastions in and around Workers' Fort 04 (formerly Sopron/Odenburg), the Second Great Rebellion erupted across the Central Plains Collective in 1959. This, perhaps, marked their apex. For not only did the fighting against the Red forces threaten to spill into surrounding ColMems (where Unpersons were said to have been inspired). But the rebels even came close to controlling the communications network and a vital route to the Adriatic, which would have opened up a potential path for reinforcements from the Free World (especially New Austria) to intervene. Unfortunately, the Internationale responded with even greater force before such a possibility could arise. Nonetheless, the doomed militia bought time for their comrades in arms to either go into hiding or escape into freedom, with the last armed holdouts being brutally crushed in 1962.

From that point on, any semblance of open revolution perished. Indeed, since the number of genuine defectors from the ColMem (as opposed to sleeper agents and StateOrd saboteurs) dwindled significantly by the late 20th Century, it's nearly impossible to know for certain whether Unpersons still exist at all as a distinct organized presence. At the same time, there's enough to suggest that this may well be intentional. Though a few hidden strongholds would be retained, most used the underground network to disperse into the countryside and enact the "backup plan." Realizing that overthrowing the Party in their lifetime was increasingly far out of reach, the surviving, aging leadership instead called on their compatriots to continue the struggle by any means. While there would occasionally be larger-scale operations, the last known being the Adriatic Incident of 1992 (which involved the last major flight of defectors to New Austria), it's by and large in the hands of individuals, or at most small cells with little to no direct contact. They would stow away priceless relics, smuggle old books, retain the old languages among themselves, teach children in secret, lie, cheat and if need be, die. All to carry an unbroken line of knowledge, wisdom and memory from their forefathers to the next generation, and those after.

Given the seeming strength of the Central Plains Collective as it stands presently, this may be the best way for them to carry on. Whether it will take a thousand years, or the threat of atomic annihilation, the sanity and hope borne from these efforts would in time lead to true victory. At least, that is the best that could discern, as the alternative is not one to lightly entertain.

There are also other rumors and accounts from the Unpersons that seem unsettling if true. It's been known for decades that the "abominations" mentioned in official Collectivist doctrine, speculated by some to be allegories to so-called "Nation-Personifications" as seen in fiction, refer to the Lost Nations crushed during the Terror, as well as the underlying concepts behind them. According to fragmentary records and questionable accounts from those claiming to have been Outer Party defectors, these may only be the beginning. Allegedly, among the ranks of the Inner Party is a young man who has barely aged since taking up the position of ColRep or Collective Representative as early as the First Great Rebellion. While somewhere deep in either Workers' Fort 03 or what was once Lake Balaton, the continuing efforts to destroy all vestiges of the Lost Nations there may be more than literal, whether for research or something else entirely.

- "Beyond the Red Curtain: A Portrait of the Collectivist Internationale." American Federation. 2023 Edition.


----
For some added trivia, the "Danubian" variant of ColStandard used is a deliberately mangled amalgamation of German, Hungarian and Esperanto (among others), with elements of Newspeak from 1984 (alongside the social structure of the Inner and Outer Party). ColStandard itself, apart from being a reference to Newspeak also has Esperanto with Slavic elements. Coincidentally, StateOrd has elements of both the Thought Police and the Soviet KGB.

The Central Plains Collective, and the Collectivist Internationale in general, has existed in one form or another ever since the setting's earliest incarnations. While there've been hints and foreshadowing in much more recent material, it's only now that I've actually gotten more in-depth with Collectivism and how it is in practice. All while still leaving more than enough room for ambiguity and mystery, as even in-universe, the Free World only has some tantalizing glimpses into their adversaries (the "ColMem" being among the handful of places they know more about). While, inevitably, the Orwellian and 1984 elements are much more out in force, I also made a point to add more nuance and depth, as well as have them make sense in the context of the 'verse. Though that said, it's also deliberate...as for why, I'll let the viewer decide.

The early evolution of the Unpersons as a resistance movement, as well as the circumstances around the First and Second Great Rebellions, are based on both the Warsaw Uprising of 1944 and the 1956 Hungarian Revolution. Coincidentally, the "underground state" that emerged initially is an allusion to the Polish Underground State during World War II, though it eventually transitions to something more akin to both Emmanuel Goldstein's Brotherhood from 1984 and Eastern Front partisans. While Hermann Rakos, is an allusion to Mátyás Rákosi, the General Secretary of the Hungarian Communists up until the Revolution in '56.

Alexander Knöpfer, the first "ColMemsec" of the Central Plains Collective, is a sly reference to the antagonistic Alex Knöpfer from the Axis Powers Hetalia fanfic Human Curiosity by Super Sister. That particular story involves an organization going after the Nations for secretive ends...though to say more may betray hints as to what the Collectivists have in mind in response to the "National Question."

The Central Plains Collective's coat of arms is a distorted version of Communist Hungary's Stalinist-inspired heraldry prior to 1956.

Many of the placenames, despite using ColStandard, correspond to the locations of the towns and cities they're supposed to be. Notably:

Arbeiterod (Workers' Fort) 02 - Prague
Arbeiterod 03 - Budapest
Arbeiterod 04 - Sopron/Odenburg
Arbeiterod 05 - Innsbruck
Arbeifalu 06 (Workers' Village) - Salzburg
Colhaveno 05 (Collective Port) - Trieste
Colflanko 02 (Collective Shore) - Keszthely

And yes, the "Nation-Personifications" are a reference to this entry. I can neither confirm nor deny whether or not it's true.
;)

EDIT: Made some last-minute tweaks and polishing to the map.​

----

ndAhN6n.png
 
Last edited:
The War of the Western Frontiers/President's Crusade (c.1859-66)
A History of the Californias.

Originally named by Spanish explorers exploring the southern peninsula in the 1520s, the Californias were originally inhabited, if sparsely by nomadic ancestors of present-day American Indians and Mesoamerikaners. As part of Spain’s fledging colonial empire in the New World, the budding colonies were handed over with the rest of “New Spain” in 1554 to the Austrian Habsburgs, whose interim rule over what had become known as New Austria was made official by 1611. It wasn’t long before colonists, nobles and missionaries from Mitteleuropa – including a number of adventurers from Bohemia – began settling the southern half of the large expanse, trickles of daring souls seeking opportunity that grew in number with each generation. It was in this context that the Margraviate (later, Crown Province) of Kalifornien was formally established by Imperial decree in 1681, ruled from Neu Wien. Due to its relative distance, it was largely left to its own devices, the peninsula still known unofficially to this day as Südkalifornien made its own territory in 1712 to keep the new Markgrafs from becoming too powerful in court.

And for a time, the arrangement went well enough. By the late-18th Century, more of Kalifornien was explored and settled, the scattered Mesoamerikaners remaining in the territory either integrating in the growing townships and homesteads or intermarrying with the colonists. But the northernmost frontiers remained largely unpopulated, attracting nomadic natives and increasingly, pioneer-settlers from the newly independent American Federation. Not even the infamous civil war in the 1840s among the Americans did much to quell the simmering tensions and clashes as they intensified in scale.

All this culminated in 1859 with the War of the Western Frontiers, also known as the President’s Crusade. What started as skirmishes between the Markgraf’s militias and isolated outposts quickly escalated as A.F. military expeditions from their Eastern heartland threatened to overrun all of Kalifornien, if not Neu Wien itself under the auspices of Continental Destiny and “liberating” the royalists. New Austrian forces under the direct command of the ruling Habsburg Archduke however managed to stop the American advance, even if it led to a vicious stalemate until reinforcements arrived from the Austro-Hungarian Crownlands in 1864. The action startled the officials in Franklinton F.D.C. as much as it risked further European intervention in what had previously been coined a “war between colonials,” in turn prompting the British in Canada to mediate a peace settlement.

The Treaty of Ottawa in 1866 thus settled the dispute once and for all. The Americans went on to claim – and settle –the northernmost New Austrian territories. The State of North California in particular was formed in time from most of the lands ceded from the Margraviate, the remainder made part of the Western Indian Territory (the State of Dine-Utah from 1917); the completion of the First Trans-American Railroad in 1873 further accelerated the new territories’ assimilation and development. While the Margraf’s remaining territories were reconstituted into the Crown Province of Kalifornien in 1874 as part of the wider reforms sweeping across the now Royal Dominion of New Austria. By the time Südkalifornien was absorbed 16 years later, the domain not only recovered but also had, similarly to its northern neighbors begun using its plentiful oil and gold deposits to foster a stable, modern economy. In the process, attracting more migrants from across the Atlantic....

- "The Westinghouse Atlas of the New World." American Federation. 2023 Edition.

...Even before the Founding Fathers could finish ratifying the Constitution, or the aging Franklin could be inaugurated as the first President, the fledgling republic faced its share of birth pains. The 19th Century would see American frontiers expand beyond the original Colonies in pursuit of a "Continental Destiny" (thanks in part to acquiring the sparsely settled Louisiana Territory from the French in 1800 and Alyaska from the Russians in 1854), more immigrants flocking from the Old World, new industries emerging and the rise of new States. It also saw growing competition between the A.F. and Canada, resulting in myriad squabbles that in time barred British expansion towards the Pacific; alongside similar tensions with the New Austrians and their Habsburg rulers, culminating in the War of the Western Frontiers (also known as the "President's Crusade" in reference to then-President Rutherford Lee) from 1859-66, it helped fuel a disdain for monarchy. Meanwhile, the haphazard, if at times hostile efforts to deal with tensions between Native Indians and pioneers (including the forced relocation of the Cherokee and Choctaw over the 1820s-30s) led to heated debates in Franklinton, F.D.C. (founded in 1795) over a more lasting solution, many hearkening to the sympathetic commentaries of Franklin and a Shawnee leader named Tecumseh; within a few generations, these would result in more amicable relations, the prominence of tribes in certain States (such as the Sioux in North and South Lakotah), and them being increasingly assimilated into wider society as citizens...

- "The Westinghouse Atlas of the New World." American Federation. 2023 Edition.

...By then, even as the Habsburgs’ New World lands continued to expand, more challenges – and opportunities – emerged. While New Austria’s southern borders with the colonies in so-called Mittelamerika had always been relatively stable, the Caribbean Sea and the sparsely-populated, let alone explored northern frontiers remained vulnerable, especially from its burgeoning neighbors to the north. Skirmishes with American privateers and settlers grew in intensity, culminating in the War of the Western Frontiers in 1859-66; fierce resistance from New Austrian regiments as well as reinforcements from what was then the Austro-Hungarian Crownlands and British intervention contributed to the Treaty of Ottawa and present day borders with the American Federation....

- “Atlas Sans Frontieres: The Gaspereau-Thomson Guide to the New World.” Loyalist Canada. 2023.

----
Thought I'd add this little bit as a surprise: a RDNA-verse Wikibox covering some of the historical backstory of the setting. In this case, the War of the Western Frontiers (spanning from 1859 to 1866), also known in the American Federation in-verse as the "President's Crusade."

It's a bit of an experiment to see if I could improve further upon the concept, while also fleshing out some more details. The closest analogue in our timeline for this event would be a mix of the Mexican-American War and the Second Franco-Mexican War. Coincidentally Benjamin Dewell in real life was one of the pioneering Anglo settlers who took part in the founding of the California Republic, while "Degataga Uwatie" is a reference to Cherokee Nation leader (and Civil War officer) Stand Watie, reflecting the increasingly equal footing Native Americans have by that point in the setting. While "Bethen" is a reference to the works by :iconaufigirl: .

EDIT: Minor correction

----

ddtxduc-4b09ae0e-5398-4103-8a1e-c38a8662a7b8.png
 
Last edited:
Art: The Armies of the Vatican-in-Exile (c.2022)
Here's another commissioned artwork for the RDNA-verse, once again done by the very talented :iconlordcarmi: . This one, in particular, is focused on the Vatican-in-Exile and by extension, the Sovereign Knights of Malta.

Like with the Loyalist Canadian, American Federation and New Austrian profiles, this is very much inspired by the faction art done by Hussardcore for Kaiserreich: Legacy of the Weltkrieg(www.reddit.com/r/Kaiserreich/c…). While the "present" era of the timeline is set in the early 21st Century (around the 2010s-2020s), there's a decidedly "Dieselpunk transitioning to Fallout" and Orwellian bent in the setting.

In the case of the Vatican-in-Exile, though, there's also a more pronounced medieval and theocratic motif, combined with elements based both the OTL Swiss Guard and Italian Armed Forces. Needless to say, the Terror and the generations after have made the Catholic Church more militant, to say the least. And yes, the references to Psalm 137 in the text (aka that Bible passage from Fallout: New Vegas) are intentional.

All that said, hope you enjoy this little surprise. Godspeed, and Deus Vult.

--o--

Vatican-in-Exile


ddu3h5q-3b75f2ab-f93d-4df0-9d7b-5c46e33f0078.png

 
The Union Southern Africa/Reactionary Southern Africa/Suid-Afrika (c.2022)
Southern Africa: General Introduction

The Union of Southern Africa, referred to among locals as Suid-Afrika, has gained a reputation as the "Rotting Heart of Reactionarism." Despite its isolationism and substantial propaganda, it is known with certainty that all isn't well in this nominally Free Nation spanning over one million square miles in size. Yet as the prime benefactor behind the so-called "League of Neutral Defiance," it would be foolish to underestimate or dismiss it as a dictatorial madhouse. There's much to unravel in this peculiar yet notorious country, however distasteful it may be to visitors' eyes.

The country remains under the grip of the Volksfront ("People's Front"), espousing the "Afrikaner-Mosleyite" strain of Reactionarism since 1927 and with B.J. Hertzog as the current Union President. In addition to the five Provinces comprising Southern Africa proper, there are six "Special Homelands" designated for major Black groups such as the Xhosa, Zulu and Owambo. Although the constitution (which has been modified ever since independence in 1924) has provisions for political parties, the regime dominates the Parlement ("Parliament") in Bloemfontein and all institutions of government, with the Nasionale Eenheidsparty ("National Unity Party") largely seen as controlled opposition meant to provide further legitimacy. That pervasive nature could be found almost everywhere, from vidscreen propaganda to regimented social norms and a stratified hierarchy extholling how, as all races know their place in the world, each must do their share to stand against the "degenerates" and the Collectivist foe.

The Afrikaners themselves only make up about 2/5ths of the 68.1 Million people known to inhabit Southern Africa, even after generations of deliberate nativist policies and the assimilation of those descended from Anglos and Germanic Europeans. Combined with the "Honourary Afrikaners" (which notably include heavily integrated Blacks like the Tswana), however, they form the dominant culture. As the "pure" exemplars of true civilization (more so the core Afrikaner), they have significant privileges and rights, but also the responsiblity of defending the lands of their forefathers from all enemies. Short of the Volksfront itself, nothing embodies this more than the Volkstaat Weermeg or V.W. ("National Defense Forces"), which fights almost constantly, even to the point of partaking in adventurism well beyond its borders, to protect their independent, rugged way of life. Though in more recent decades it has been forced to welcome women and those outside the Volk, its professionalism and sense of superiority reflect the regime they serve. Those classified as "Coloureds," in contrast, are treated as an underclass practically separate from the rest of society (the severity varying depending on ethnic group and profession), with the nominally autonomous "Special Homelands" seen as glorified detainment camps with which to let the more "rebellious" Blacks be. The worst among the lot, perhaps, would be the broadly defined "Non-Citizens," of which little is known for certain but are believed to have standards of living that are sub-human.

While the nation may not be as powerful as it once was, it's by no means a backwater. As a founding member of the League of Neutral Defiance and still formally seen as a leading power among the Reactionaries (however much the Australians had usurped the title), its present notoriety remains as strong as it was in its heyday. Through its arms manufacturing industry, led by the government-backed Krygstuig Korporasie or Krygskorp ("Armaments Corporation"), it is known to have shipped weapons even beyond Africa, with the "Bolivaristas" of Colombia, "National-Reactionaries" of Ireland and the "Alnahdists" of the Levant being among their common clients. Although the days when it could topple warlords and prop up protectorates of its own are gone, one can still find V.W. advisors and soldiers in action, often against the Internationale or its proxies. Coupled with rumors of possessing atomics of its own, it is little surprise that much of the Free World, whether it's the American Federation, Gran Patagonia or New Austria, would prefer to use more diplomatic means than blind hostility. Yet even with the opening of borders for visitors, much remains clouded as to what would happen next.

Despite economic and social troubles, which include alleged sabotage of several factories, the Volksfront's efforts to foster self-reliance have nonetheless been successful. Whether it's the picturesque Drakensberg range, the lush green landscape around Kaapstad and Bloemfontein, or the plains of Tswanaland Province, its vast land provides ample room for agriculture, mining and more advanced industry. The Afrikaners themselves, as well as those not of the Volk, have also done much to make their land as productive as it could be, even as the regime claims ever more properties simply to help bolster a stagnating system. Still, the results have proven resilient in the face of hardship, echoing to the stubborn and spirited nature of their ancestors. Whether that would hold true, with or without the regime, remains to be seen.
Basic History of Southern Africa

The lands at the southern tip of Africa are said to have been sparsely inhabited for generations, particularly by the ancestors of the San people. It was only after Jan van Riebeeck, a navigator for the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie or Dutch East India Company, set up a way-station in 1652 for ships bound for the Orient. This small outpost became known as Kaapstad and soon grew in prominence, especially as company employees, indentured laborers and their families were encouraged to settle there. These were followed over the next century by both European pioneers mainly from the Dutch homeland (also including a number of French Protestants and German exiles), with the growing number of vrijburgers ("Free Citizens") expanding out into the surrounding countryside and even beyond V.O.C. reach. It's during this time, as farms and homesteads began emerging where there had been none, that the settlers came to be known as Boers ("Farmers"), with their children increasingly seeing themselves as natives to the land rather than a distant continent. It's also during the period that contact was made with Xhosa tribesmen and other Black Bantu groups migrating from the north, the hostile results of which would linger long after. Good or ill, the seeds of an Afrikaner consciousness as a culture and nation had been planted.

When the United Kingdom seized control of the Cape from the ailing V.O.C. in 1796 (one consequence of the Franco-British War of 1793-1800), the next chapter of the land's history had unwittingly been set into motion. In addition to formally abolishing slavery and discouraging indentured servitude, the British at first implemented similar policies used in their Canadian colonies. The locals were given relative autonomy and favorable rights such as the retention of the Dutch language, albeit a dialect which was already evolving into Afrikaans. Increasingly stringent taxation, however, combined with Anglo-centric settlements such as Port Natal, Fort York (Strandbaai) and Georgetown (Andriestad), started causing frictions. These contributed to Boers expanding even further inland, trains of Ossewa ("Ox-wagons") becoming more common by the 1820s. Then, in 1829, a group led by Lang Hans van Rensburg and Johannes Tregardt became the first of the so-called Voortrekkers ("Pathfinders"), setting off for greener pastures past the Orange River. More pioneers (by then calling themselves Afrikaners) undertook their own "Treks" in the decades that followed that went even further beyond, with the frontier town of Bloemfontein, after skirmishes with Bantu raiders, proclaimed the capital of the Orange Free State (future Province of Oranje-Vrystaat) in 1840.

While London tried to offer royal charters, for a time the authorities were content with letting the Voortrekkers do as they will. By the 1870s, however, the so-called Great Game across the continent was already underway. At that point, several settlements and semi-nomadic pastures had emerged, with some under British control while others were beginning to become as organized as Bloemfontein. This "patchwork" arrangement could not last forever. Calls for bringing all Afrikaners (from Kaapstad to the distant outposts of Pietersburg and Windhoek) under one banner intensified, while the discovery of diamonds deep inland both attracted enterprising Anglos and stirred greater tensions with the Zulu and Xhosa. A delegation led by Johannes Brand and Piet Joubert, however, accepted the Crown's sovereignty over all Boer communities in 1882 in exchange for autonomy, recognition of land rights and economic integration. While this was initially unpopular and did little to stem distrust against the British Empire, it prevented what would have been a costly war. This also helped pave the way for the successive consolidation of the various colonial and formerly independent territories under the Cape Colony, whose House of Assembly (predecessor of the Volksraad) was increasingly dominated by nationalists. It wasn't until the Orange Free State and British Southwest Africa finally joined in 1894 that Southern Africa was finally unified into a single body, with the 1905 Dominion Act formally granting it self-rule. The prospect of greatness, on their own terms, seemed closer than ever.

The Terror, however, would have lasting repercussions on the burgeoning country's future. As early as 1920, the local Governor-General and other loyalists found themselves sidelined, especially with order breaking down beyond the Dominion's borders. As many of the territories under the control of the European powers collapsed into a hodgepodge of myriad warlords, renegade garrisons and rival colonial remnants, many felt that they could neither rely on distant London or their nominal allegiance to the Crown. There was also growing sentiment that the nascent Collectivists had been able to sow much chaos due to the decadence and corruption of the Old World, as well as fears that their creed would soon turn Blacks against the Afrikaners. Various political groups emerged in quick succession that tapped into those issues, and despite ideological differences were united in pushing for Southern Africa to secede outright from the Empire. Thus, with widespread support, Parliament formally proclaimed the country's independence in 1924. Almost immediately, the new authorities not only mobilized the Southern African Defense Force (later christened the V.W.) seized control of every British military asset left within its sovereign territory (including a number of Royal Navy vessels), but also assumed control over the Betchuanaland Protectorate.

It was also around that same period, among many refugees escaping a Continent seemingly lost to the Collectivists, that a disgraced baron turned firebrand named Oswald Mosley arrived in Kaapstad, seeking exile for his views. Finding many sympathetic voices, he went on to spend the next few years in the country. In which time, he played a key role in unifying similar political parties under the United Afrikaner Front (soon forming the core of the Volksfront) and its leader, Johannes Gerhardus Hertzog. By 1927, the movement had grown powerful enough to inspire rallies across Southern Africa, silence most opposition parties and intimidate the still-volatile government in Bloemfontein to grant it power, sparking what's since called the Afrikaner Dawn. Ideological disputes between Hertzog and Mosley, however, soon led the latter to leave alongside other sympathizers for Australia, especially over who actually constituted the Volk and Western civilization. Still, the new regime (espousing what would be later called the Afrikaner-Mosleyite branch of Reactionarism) held firm, and wasted little time in reshaping the country.

By 1930, the borders were closed off from all outside migration, even from those who weren't deemed "degenerate." Afrikaans was given greater prestige as a national language alongside an increasingly "localized" form of English, with those of Boer descent given more power in government and society. Their perceived vulnerability both within and without, however, led Hertzog to the conclusion that survival necessitated more drastic action. Thus a long-term nativist policy known as Toekomshoop ("Future's Hope") was conceived in 1933, with the goal of making Afrikaners the predominant racial and cultural power in their corner of the world. Meanwhile, alongside its Australian counterpart, the Volksfront laid down the foundations of the League of Neutral Defiance at the Treaty of Windhoek in 1938, forged as a means to represent their respective ideologies as an alternative to both Collectivism and those still clinging to the "decadence" that brought down the Pre-Terror world.

The decades after would see greater incentives for encouraging "proper" births, efforts to spread Reactionary ideals in nearby states, and myriad ambitious projects (including the establishment of the Krygskorp in 1948) to bolster Southern Africa's stability and self-sufficiency. They also bore witness to the founding of the Special Homelands and the growing stigmatization of many Blacks, Orientals and mixed-race "Coloureds" (ultimately lumped together into the latter). Most found themselves little better than the indentured servants of the old V.O.C and some were even being deemed "Non-Citizens" outright, even as certain others were elevated for their support for the regime. Various uprisings were known to have occured, as well as intermittent skirmishes not only with warlords (replaced altogether by Collectivist militias towards the 1950s), but also with Brazilian forces in neighboring Angola. Even as Southern Africa grew powerful, it seemed nigh constantly on a razor's edge.

Following the ascension of Albertus van Rensburg as Union President in 1958, a direct descendant of one the first Voortrekkers, additional reforms were pushed to meet the growing challenges faced by the nation. The Toekomshoop was refined such that Anglos and Europeans of Germanic lineage could be counted as Afrikaner, provided they adapt almost wholesale into the culture. Certain "compliant" Black groups in the 1960s (notably the San and Tswana), called Swart Boeres ("Black Boers") due to the successes of earlier social projects, were also given the same chance, which in turn led to Tswanaland being welcomed as a proper Province in 1965. Combined with gradual, if somewhat token, concessions towards non-Afrikaners, these helped in further stablizing and bolstering the country's standing, at least for a time. Mounting social and economic tensions, combined with a seemingly stagnant mindset and a growing trend towards near complete isolationism (especially as the Internationale's grip over its African "ColMems" strengthenen) meant that by the end of the 20th Century, it had largely withdrawn from the outside world. Yet Southern Africa refused, and refuses still, to stay silent.

Whatever the country's fortunes may be, it can be certain that its people will not go gentle into the night.

- "The World Almanac of Nations." American Federation. 2023 Edition.

----​

For added trivia, some of the placenames are nods to the history of certain real South African cities. Strandbaai (and its old British name of Fort York), for instance, is based on Port Elizabeth, while Port Natal is the old colonial name of Durban. Bloemfontein's earlier settlement is also an allusion to its past before its actual "founding" in real life.

The early history of Southern Africa mirrors that of the real South Africa, though it's heavily implied that the Xhosa Wars left deeper wounds even compared to reality.

The Volksfront's symbol, befitting its Reactionary nature, is derived from the Ossewabrandwag, an anti-British and pro-Nazi German organization that existed from 1939 to 1952. While the flag itself is largely inspired by both the historic Orange Free State and Transvaal Republic.

The Volksfront itself, and Afrikaner-Mosleyite Reactionarism, is an amalgamation of Apartheid South Africa (especially the Ossewabrandwag and more radical elements of the then-ruling National Party) and North Korea's Juche, among others. While Oswald Mosley himself might seem like an unlikely figure to pop up in this alternate TL (though as among the founders of Reactionarism rather than British Fascism as in real life), he wasn't the only one to bear that name. His background as a disgraced baron is also based on his background as part of the nobility.

The Voortrekker pioneers mentioned, such as van Rensburg and Tregardt, as well as the Voortrekkers themselves are based on their actual counterparts and the real Great Trek of the 19th Century. Though unlike our timeline, van Rensburg's group actually survived rather than perished at the hands of the Zulu.

Johannes Gerhardus Hertzog and his descendant are inspired by both James Barry Munnik Hertzog (Boer general-turned-Prime Minister) and his son, Johannes Albertus Munnik Hertzog (a notorious figure during the Apartheid years and later founder of the "Reconstituted National Party").

The Krygskorp is a sly nod to the actual Armscor of South Africa (the name derived from the formal Afrikaans translation) though in the TL, it still oversees the production (and distribution) of weapons. Coincidentally, the rumors of nuclear arms are also a reference to how the actual country also had its own nukes, albeit ones that were voluntarily dismantled by the 1990s.

Southern Africa's clashes with Brazilian Angola harken to the South African Border War from 1966 to 1990, in which the SADF also intervened in the concurrent Angolan Civil War.

Many of the placenames outside Southern Africa are either old colonial names (such as Sá da Bandeira) or French and Spanish transliterations (Punta Negra for Pointe-Noire). While the peculiar locations of some of the "Special Homelands" (in addition to the apartheid parallels) are based on both altered migration paths compared to OTL and deliberate displacement by the Volksfront in-universe.

It's technically a very distant descendant of this Southern Africa: RDNA-verse map from 2011. That said, it's not only been heavily retconned (as hinted in other entries), but also significantly expanded upon that corner of the globe. More than just giving a more detailed look into the nature of Reactionarism (as that setting's sort-of equivalent to fascism and other hard-authoritarian regimes), I also used the opportunity to try and present the country as a dysfunctional yet more perverse take on it, without going overboard into "Domination of the Draka" territory. All the while, showing how certain historical circumstances and something dramatic like the Terror can drive whole societies into adopting such regimes.

The politically incorrect details in the map and text are deliberately in-universe. In addition, and just to be on the safe side, depiction is not endorsement, nor do I condone apartheid and such.

EDIT: Polishing

----

reactionary_southern_africa__rdna_verse_by_mdc01957_dduzfx0-fullview.jpg
 
Last edited:
Southern Africa: General Introduction

The Union of Southern Africa, referred to among locals as Suid-Afrika, has gained a reputation as the "Rotting Heart of Reactionarism." Despite its isolationism and substantial propaganda, it is known with certainty that all isn't well in this nominally Free Nation spanning over one million square miles in size. Yet as the prime benefactor behind the so-called "League of Neutral Defiance," it would be foolish to underestimate or dismiss it as a dictatorial madhouse. There's much to unravel in this peculiar yet notorious country, however distasteful it may be to visitors' eyes.

The country remains under the grip of the Volksfront ("People's Front"), espousing the "Afrikaner-Mosleyite" strain of Reactionarism since 1927 and with B.J. Hertzog as the current Union President. In addition to the five Provinces comprising Southern Africa proper, there are six "Special Homelands" designated for major Black groups such as the Xhosa, Zulu and Owambo. Although the constitution (which has been modified ever since independence in 1924) has provisions for political parties, the regime dominates the Parlement ("Parliament") in Bloemfontein and all institutions of government, with the Nasionale Eenheidsparty ("National Unity Party") largely seen as controlled opposition meant to provide further legitimacy. That pervasive nature could be found almost everywhere, from vidscreen propaganda to regimented social norms and a stratified hierarchy extholling how, as all races know their place in the world, each must do their share to stand against the "degenerates" and the Collectivist foe.

The Afrikaners themselves only make up about 2/5ths of the 68.1 Million people known to inhabit Southern Africa, even after generations of deliberate nativist policies and the assimilation of those descended from Anglos and Germanic Europeans. Combined with the "Honourary Afrikaners" (which notably include heavily integrated Blacks like the Tswana), however, they form the dominant culture. As the "pure" exemplars of true civilization (more so the core Afrikaner), they have significant privileges and rights, but also the responsiblity of defending the lands of their forefathers from all enemies. Short of the Volksfront itself, nothing embodies this more than the Volkstaat Weermeg or V.W. ("National Defense Forces"), which fights almost constantly, even to the point of partaking in adventurism well beyond its borders, to protect their independent, rugged way of life. Though in more recent decades it has been forced to welcome women and those outside the Volk, its professionalism and sense of superiority reflect the regime they serve. Those classified as "Coloureds," in contrast, are treated as an underclass practically separate from the rest of society (the severity varying depending on ethnic group and profession), with the nominally autonomous "Special Homelands" seen as glorified detainment camps with which to let the more "rebellious" Blacks be. The worst among the lot, perhaps, would be the broadly defined "Non-Citizens," of which little is known for certain but are believed to have standards of living that are sub-human.

While the nation may not be as powerful as it once was, it's by no means a backwater. As a founding member of the League of Neutral Defiance and still formally seen as a leading power among the Reactionaries (however much the Australians had usurped the title), its present notoriety remains as strong as it was in its heyday. Through its arms manufacturing industry, led by the government-backed Krygstuig Korporasie or Krygskorp ("Armaments Corporation"), it is known to have shipped weapons even beyond Africa, with the "Bolivaristas" of Colombia, "National-Reactionaries" of Ireland and the "Alnahdists" of the Levant being among their common clients. Although the days when it could topple warlords and prop up protectorates of its own are gone, one can still find V.W. advisors and soldiers in action, often against the Internationale or its proxies. Coupled with rumors of possessing atomics of its own, it is little surprise that much of the Free World, whether it's the American Federation, Gran Patagonia or New Austria, would prefer to use more diplomatic means than blind hostility. Yet even with the opening of borders for visitors, much remains clouded as to what would happen next.

Despite economic and social troubles, which include alleged sabotage of several factories, the Volksfront's efforts to foster self-reliance have nonetheless been successful. Whether it's the picturesque Drakensberg range, the lush green landscape around Kaapstad and Bloemfontein, or the plains of Tswanaland Province, its vast land provides ample room for agriculture, mining and more advanced industry. The Afrikaners themselves, as well as those not of the Volk, have also done much to make their land as productive as it could be, even as the regime claims ever more properties simply to help bolster a stagnating system. Still, the results have proven resilient in the face of hardship, echoing to the stubborn and spirited nature of their ancestors. Whether that would hold true, with or without the regime, remains to be seen.
Basic History of Southern Africa

The lands at the southern tip of Africa are said to have been sparsely inhabited for generations, particularly by the ancestors of the San people. It was only after Jan van Riebeeck, a navigator for the Vereenigde Oostindische Compagnie or Dutch East India Company, set up a way-station in 1652 for ships bound for the Orient. This small outpost became known as Kaapstad and soon grew in prominence, especially as company employees, indentured laborers and their families were encouraged to settle there. These were followed over the next century by both European pioneers mainly from the Dutch homeland (also including a number of French Protestants and German exiles), with the growing number of vrijburgers ("Free Citizens") expanding out into the surrounding countryside and even beyond V.O.C. reach. It's during this time, as farms and homesteads began emerging where there had been none, that the settlers came to be known as Boers ("Farmers"), with their children increasingly seeing themselves as natives to the land rather than a distant continent. It's also during the period that contact was made with Xhosa tribesmen and other Black Bantu groups migrating from the north, the hostile results of which would linger long after. Good or ill, the seeds of an Afrikaner consciousness as a culture and nation had been planted.

When the United Kingdom seized control of the Cape from the ailing V.O.C. in 1796 (one consequence of the Franco-British War of 1793-1800), the next chapter of the land's history had unwittingly been set into motion. In addition to formally abolishing slavery and discouraging indentured servitude, the British at first implemented similar policies used in their Canadian colonies. The locals were given relative autonomy and favorable rights such as the retention of the Dutch language, albeit a dialect which was already evolving into Afrikaans. Increasingly stringent taxation, however, combined with Anglo-centric settlements such as Port Natal, Fort York (Strandbaai) and Georgetown (Andriestad), started causing frictions. These contributed to Boers expanding even further inland, trains of Ossewa ("Ox-wagons") becoming more common by the 1820s. Then, in 1829, a group led by Lang Hans van Rensburg and Johannes Tregardt became the first of the so-called Voortrekkers ("Pathfinders"), setting off for greener pastures past the Orange River. More pioneers (by then calling themselves Afrikaners) undertook their own "Treks" in the decades that followed that went even further beyond, with the frontier town of Bloemfontein, after skirmishes with Bantu raiders, proclaimed the capital of the Orange Free State (future Province of Oranje-Vrystaat) in 1840.

While London tried to offer royal charters, for a time the authorities were content with letting the Voortrekkers do as they will. By the 1870s, however, the so-called Great Game across the continent was already underway. At that point, several settlements and semi-nomadic pastures had emerged, with some under British control while others were beginning to become as organized as Bloemfontein. This "patchwork" arrangement could not last forever. Calls for bringing all Afrikaners (from Kaapstad to the distant outposts of Pietersburg and Windhoek) under one banner intensified, while the discovery of diamonds deep inland both attracted enterprising Anglos and stirred greater tensions with the Zulu and Xhosa. A delegation led by Johannes Brand and Piet Joubert, however, accepted the Crown's sovereignty over all Boer communities in 1882 in exchange for autonomy, recognition of land rights and economic integration. While this was initially unpopular and did little to stem distrust against the British Empire, it prevented what would have been a costly war. This also helped pave the way for the successive consolidation of the various colonial and formerly independent territories under the Cape Colony, whose House of Assembly (predecessor of the Volksraad) was increasingly dominated by nationalists. It wasn't until the Orange Free State and British Southwest Africa finally joined in 1894 that Southern Africa was finally unified into a single body, with the 1905 Dominion Act formally granting it self-rule. The prospect of greatness, on their own terms, seemed closer than ever.

The Terror, however, would have lasting repercussions on the burgeoning country's future. As early as 1920, the local Governor-General and other loyalists found themselves sidelined, especially with order breaking down beyond the Dominion's borders. As many of the territories under the control of the European powers collapsed into a hodgepodge of myriad warlords, renegade garrisons and rival colonial remnants, many felt that they could neither rely on distant London or their nominal allegiance to the Crown. There was also growing sentiment that the nascent Collectivists had been able to sow much chaos due to the decadence and corruption of the Old World, as well as fears that their creed would soon turn Blacks against the Afrikaners. Various political groups emerged in quick succession that tapped into those issues, and despite ideological differences were united in pushing for Southern Africa to secede outright from the Empire. Thus, with widespread support, Parliament formally proclaimed the country's independence in 1924. Almost immediately, the new authorities not only mobilized the Southern African Defense Force (later christened the V.W.) seized control of every British military asset left within its sovereign territory (including a number of Royal Navy vessels), but also assumed control over the Betchuanaland Protectorate.

It was also around that same period, among many refugees escaping a Continent seemingly lost to the Collectivists, that a disgraced baron turned firebrand named Oswald Mosley arrived in Kaapstad, seeking exile for his views. Finding many sympathetic voices, he went on to spend the next few years in the country. In which time, he played a key role in unifying similar political parties under the United Afrikaner Front (soon forming the core of the Volksfront) and its leader, Johannes Gerhardus Hertzog. By 1927, the movement had grown powerful enough to inspire rallies across Southern Africa, silence most opposition parties and intimidate the still-volatile government in Bloemfontein to grant it power, sparking what's since called the Afrikaner Dawn. Ideological disputes between Hertzog and Mosley, however, soon led the latter to leave alongside other sympathizers for Australia, especially over who actually constituted the Volk and Western civilization. Still, the new regime (espousing what would be later called the Afrikaner-Mosleyite branch of Reactionarism) held firm, and wasted little time in reshaping the country.

By 1930, the borders were closed off from all outside migration, even from those who weren't deemed "degenerate." Afrikaans was given greater prestige as a national language alongside an increasingly "localized" form of English, with those of Boer descent given more power in government and society. Their perceived vulnerability both within and without, however, led Hertzog to the conclusion that survival necessitated more drastic action. Thus a long-term nativist policy known as Toekomshoop ("Future's Hope") was conceived in 1933, with the goal of making Afrikaners the predominant racial and cultural power in their corner of the world. Meanwhile, alongside its Australian counterpart, the Volksfront laid down the foundations of the League of Neutral Defiance at the Treaty of Windhoek in 1938, forged as a means to represent their respective ideologies as an alternative to both Collectivism and those still clinging to the "decadence" that brought down the Pre-Terror world.

The decades after would see greater incentives for encouraging "proper" births, efforts to spread Reactionary ideals in nearby states, and myriad ambitious projects (including the establishment of the Krygskorp in 1948) to bolster Southern Africa's stability and self-sufficiency. They also bore witness to the founding of the Special Homelands and the growing stigmatization of many Blacks, Orientals and mixed-race "Coloureds" (ultimately lumped together into the latter). Most found themselves little better than the indentured servants of the old V.O.C and some were even being deemed "Non-Citizens" outright, even as certain others were elevated for their support for the regime. Various uprisings were known to have occured, as well as intermittent skirmishes not only with warlords (replaced altogether by Collectivist militias towards the 1950s), but also with Brazilian forces in neighboring Angola. Even as Southern Africa grew powerful, it seemed nigh constantly on a razor's edge.

Following the ascension of Albertus van Rensburg as Union President in 1958, a direct descendant of one the first Voortrekkers, additional reforms were pushed to meet the growing challenges faced by the nation. The Toekomshoop was refined such that Anglos and Europeans of Germanic lineage could be counted as Afrikaner, provided they adapt almost wholesale into the culture. Certain "compliant" Black groups in the 1960s (notably the San and Tswana), called Swart Boeres ("Black Boers") due to the successes of earlier social projects, were also given the same chance, which in turn led to Tswanaland being welcomed as a proper Province in 1965. Combined with gradual, if somewhat token, concessions towards non-Afrikaners, these helped in further stablizing and bolstering the country's standing, at least for a time. Mounting social and economic tensions, combined with a seemingly stagnant mindset and a growing trend towards near complete isolationism (especially as the Internationale's grip over its African "ColMems" strengthenen) meant that by the end of the 20th Century, it had largely withdrawn from the outside world. Yet Southern Africa refused, and refuses still, to stay silent.

Whatever the country's fortunes may be, it can be certain that its people will not go gentle into the night.

- "The World Almanac of Nations." American Federation. 2023 Edition.

----​

For added trivia, some of the placenames are nods to the history of certain real South African cities. Strandbaai (and its old British name of Fort York), for instance, is based on Port Elizabeth, while Port Natal is the old colonial name of Durban. Bloemfontein's earlier settlement is also an allusion to its past before its actual "founding" in real life.

The early history of Southern Africa mirrors that of the real South Africa, though it's heavily implied that the Xhosa Wars left deeper wounds even compared to reality.

The Volksfront's symbol, befitting its Reactionary nature, is derived from the Ossewabrandwag, an anti-British and pro-Nazi German organization that existed from 1939 to 1952. While the flag itself is largely inspired by both the historic Orange Free State and Transvaal Republic.

The Volksfront itself, and Afrikaner-Mosleyite Reactionarism, is an amalgamation of Apartheid South Africa (especially the Ossewabrandwag and more radical elements of the then-ruling National Party) and North Korea's Juche, among others. While Oswald Mosley himself might seem like an unlikely figure to pop up in this alternate TL (though as among the founders of Reactionarism rather than British Fascism as in real life), he wasn't the only one to bear that name. His background as a disgraced baron is also based on his background as part of the nobility.

The Voortrekker pioneers mentioned, such as van Rensburg and Tregardt, as well as the Voortrekkers themselves are based on their actual counterparts and the real Great Trek of the 19th Century. Though unlike our timeline, van Rensburg's group actually survived rather than perished at the hands of the Zulu.

Johannes Gerhardus Hertzog and his descendant are inspired by both James Barry Munnik Hertzog (Boer general-turned-Prime Minister) and his son, Johannes Albertus Munnik Hertzog (a notorious figure during the Apartheid years and later founder of the "Reconstituted National Party").

The Krygskorp is a sly nod to the actual Armscor of South Africa (the name derived from the Afrikaner though in the TL, it still oversees the production (and distribution) of weapons. Coincidentally, the rumors of nuclear arms are also a reference to how the actual country also had its own nukes, albeit ones that were voluntarily dismantled by the 1990s.

Southern Africa's clashes with Brazilian Angola harken to the South African Border War from 1966 to 1990, in which the SADF also intervened in the concurrent Angolan Civil War.

Many of the placenames outside Southern Africa are either old colonial names (such as Sá da Bandeira) or French and Spanish transliterations (Punta Negra for Pointe-Noire).

It's technically a very distant descendant of this Southern Africa: RDNA-verse map from 2011. That said, it's not only been heavily retconned (as hinted in other entries), but also significantly expanded upon that corner of the globe. More than just giving a more detailed look into the nature of Reactionarism (as that setting's sort-of equivalent to fascism and other hard-authoritarian regimes), I also used the opportunity to try and present the country as a dysfunctional yet more perverse take on it, without going overboard into "Domination of the Draka" territory. All the while, showing how certain historical circumstances and something dramatic like the Terror can drive whole societies into adopting such regimes.

The politically incorrect details in the map and text are deliberately in-universe. In addition, and just to be on the safe side, depiction is not endorsement, nor do I condone apartheid and such.

----

reactionary_southern_africa__rdna_verse_by_mdc01957_dduzfx0-fullview.jpg
Why are the Zulus and Venda in the wrong place? Zululand is effectively eSwatini, and the Venda are living in what appears to be OTL northeastern KwaZulu-Natal instead of the borderlands in the north.
 
Why are the Zulus and Venda in the wrong place? Zululand is effectively eSwatini, and the Venda are living in what appears to be OTL northeastern KwaZulu-Natal instead of the borderlands in the north.
It’s a combination of both altered migration paths (a partial consequence of how the Boer expansion played out in the setting compared to OTL) and later displacement by the Volksfront.
 
The Long Cold War - The League of Neutral Defiance (c.2022)
The League of Neutral Defiance: General Introduction

Among the so-called "Free Nations," the League of Neutral Defiance, often known simply as the League, is often seen as a peculiarity. Currently headed by Permanent Secretary Eric Stevensen of Australia, the name itself is something of an oxymoron, as its "neutrality" is only insofar as its member states do not align with the rest of the Free World. Those who are part of the bloc are a motley mix as varied as their own particular strains of Reactionarism. It would be folly, however, to simply dismiss them as just a club of delusional men playing at running the world's future. This even goes past them being simply defiant.

The origins of the bloc go back to Oswald Mosley and his followers. While by no means the first or only significant figure to have conceived the ideological catch-all, his successes made him an enemy in his former homeland. Such animosity was soon followed by other Royalist and Republican powers, with similar movements failing in nations as varied as Gran Patagonia and New Austria. By the mid-1930s, it had become clear to the regimes in Southern Africa, Australia and even Ireland (whose ruling party came to power indirectly due to Mosley's actions) that, for all their disputes and self-imposed isolationism, simply opposing the nascent Collectivist Internationale and standing apart from the turmoil beyond their borders was not enough.

Thus, began several correspondences between Mosley and Southern Africa's leader, Johannes Gerhardus Hertzog. While the two were known to have somewhat mended their friendship, which had soured following the Afrikaner Dawn of 1927. There were, nonetheless, heated debates over how to go about forming a viable political bloc, especially as both parties saw such a proposal as a means of asserting power on the international stage. These eventually culminated in the Treaty of Windhoek in 1938, in which the two founding states proclaimed that they would stand separate from any existing alliance or pact, but would hold steadfast in mutually preserving the "purity of civilization" from Collectivists and "degenerates" alike. The following year, the Irish joined after prolonged discussions and the threat posed by the British Imperial Commonwealth, with the Republic of Colombia applying for membership not long after. The League of Neutral Defiance had been born.

From the beginning, there was little doubt that Southern Africa was the leading component (though Reactionary Australia was not far behind), which was reflected in the decision to make Kaapstad the bloc's headquarters in 1942. Still, prestige and status were almost wholly the only real benefits provided by membership in those early days, and little else. The Invasion of Britain, however, alongside reports of Collectivist raids past the Irish border (with Afrikaner "volunteers" known to have aided in the defense) prompted calls for more solidarity. The rest of the decade saw Reactionaries in Southeast Asia and Venezuela also being welcomed, whether due to Australian or Colombian support. But even as the number of member-states grew, the expanding reach of the Collectivist Internationale made it increasingly apparent that this "club of lunatics," as one American reporter quipped at the time, had to be more than a vanity project.

Slowly but surely, there was a more structured effect being laid out in the name of advancing mutual Reactionary interests. Southern African arms (as well as "advisors") and Australian aid became more widespread across various parts of the world, whether it's the jungles of South America or the remaining militias and Reactionary states on the African continent itself. Initiatives were made to encourage more trade among member-states (even if only as means for the dominant powers to exert influence), deter attempts by Royalist and Republican countries to stir opposition to their regimes, and offer support to sympathetic movements (like the extreme New American Party). With the entry of the nominally Hashemite-ruled Levant and its Arab allies in 1968, the League's clout had firmly become as significant as those of the Three Crowns, Twin Republics or the wider Assembly of the Free World. Further refinement and coordination in subsequent decades meant that by the time the Kingdom of Joseon joined in 2007, it was anything but a glorified status symbol.

Today, the organization has 18 countries in its ranks, reduced over the years due to either Collectivist-backed revolts or the collapse of local regimes (especially in Venezuela's case). Whether it's Equatoria (an infamous rogue colonial remnant founded by French and Belgian-Dutch settlers), the fervent Bolivaristas of Colombia, or the Levant's blend of nationalism and state control, they are at least superficially varied in their professed takes on Reactionarism and forms of government. This has undeniably caused friction and much bickering, especially with the recurring trend of such regimes to emphasize racial and cultural purity befitting those "chosen" above all others. Nonetheless, there's a peculiar sense of order. From Kaapstad, agreements are reached that help keep the flow of trade weapons, aid and manpower going, keeping its member-states separate and protected from the rest of the world.

Of the myriad constituent nations, six wield the most power in directing the League's affairs, and by extension, most Reactionary trends:
  • The Free Republic of Australia (Anglo-Mosleyites/Sovereign People's Council)
  • The Union of Southern Africa (Afrikaner-Mosleyites/Volksfront)
  • The Free Sovereign Republic of Ireland (National-Reactionaries/Fianna Gael)
  • The Hashemite Kingdom of the Levant (Alnahdists/Hizb Alnahda)
  • The Republic of Colombia (Bolivaristas/Partido Bolivarismo)
  • The Kingdom of Joseon (United Front/Yunaich'idŭ Isahoe)
While the Afrikaners retain their traditional prestige, they had long since been supplanted by Australia as the bloc's de facto leading face, with talks of moving the headquarters to Melbourne only further solidifying that unspoken reality. Though more ambitious, far-reaching plans lurk within those halls. Of those known, among the most concerning is the so-called "Last Bastion" initiative. A combination of Southern African and Australian contingency measures, it's officially presented as a bloc-wide project to establish defensive redoubts in the event of a large-scale assault by any foreign aggressor, Collectivist or otherwise. It's also believed, however, that atomics are involved in these preparations, and that the extent to which they would triumph in either victory or defeat would have drastic consequences even for the Free Nations as a whole.

Whatever the truth, at least for now, the League remains focused on themselves and against the Internationale. For how long, is anyone's guess.

- "The World Almanac of Nations." American Federation. 2023 Edition.

----​

For added information and trivia, Australia's President Wellington-Mosley is partially based on A.K. Chesterton (the second cousin of Catholic writer G.K. Chesterton), who in real life was an active member of various groups, including the British Union of Fascists alongside Mosley himself. Colombia, meanwhile, has President Valencia, based on Laureano Gomez, who was suspected of having sympathies for various dictatorships and Francisco Franco especially. While Joseon's puppet monarch, Yeong, is based on Yi Kang, Prince Imperial Uihwa and to a degree Chinese Emperor Puyi. In addition, the Hashemite monarch nominally ruling the Levant, Hassan II, is based on Prince Naif bin Abdullah of Jordan, while Union President Hertzog of Southern Africa being based on both James Barrie Munnik Hertzog and his infamous son, Johannes Albertus Munnik Hertzog. As for the League's Permanent Secretary, he's an amalgamation of Eric Campbell and Queensland's infamous Johannes Bjelke-Petersen.

Ireland's flag is a combination of its OTL flag and the defaced St. Patrick's Saltire used by the Blueshirts. In real life, the Blueshirts were a paramilitary organization that was absorbed in what's now known as the Fine Gael party. Coincidentally, the Irish leader, O'Dubhthaigh, is based on Eoin O'Duffy, who infamously led the Blueshirts and was involved in the Spanish Civil War. While the National-Reactionaries' party, the Fianna Gael, is Irish Gaelic for "Soldiers of Ireland."

The Levantine flag is an amalgamation of the Jordanian, United Arab Republic, Egyptian and Palestinian flags, with the predominant colors based on the Pan-Arab colors used by various Middle Eastern countries in real life. While the Alnahdists themselves are are based on both the rise of Fascist Italy, the emergence of Nasserism, Zionism and Ba'athism.

The Korean used is based on the McCune-Reischauer system, which in real life was used in South Korea until 2002 and remains utilized in altered form by North Korea. The Kingdom of Joseon's flag is also a combination of the real life ones used by Joseon until the 19th Century and those of the short-lived Korean Empire (which lasted until 1910). The rise of Reactionarism among the Koreans in the timeline, however, is a combination of the militarist takeover of Japan in the 1930s and the rise of Fascist Italy (complete with the retention of a powerless monarchy).
Befitting its Bolivarian pretensions, the Colombian flag uses a coat of arms that combines elements from various aspects of its real-world history, particularly the insignia for Gran Colombia.

The League's particular stylings, seeming dysfunction and overall atmosphere are a warped blend of the Axis Powers and Non-Aligned Movement, with elements of Oswald Mosley's "National Party of Europe" initiative from the 1960s.

While Equatoria, shown in the map, is a more perverse mirror of the Belgian Congo, Rhodesia and the Central African Republic. Alternatively, its ruling regime could be described as what the infamous Central African Empire period would be like, had delusional renegades, settlers and garrison remnants tried to forge it.

----

1588008239886.png


Unfiltered version:
1588008288962.png
 
The Long Cold War - New Austria's Sphere (c.2022)
The Crown Protectorates and New Austria's Sphere: A General Overview

The Royal Dominion of New Austria's sphere of influence, echoing the old Austro-Hungarian Crownlands, has had myriad monikers for its various components. Indeed, there's no formal, overarching name for the system in the same manner as the British Imperial Commonwealth, with the closest approximate being the lands under the Habsburg Throne-in-Exile. Many in the country and other royalist realms tend refer to the entirety as simply "New Austria's Sphere" (or alternatively the Reichsbund). Americans and Gran Patagonians, meanwhile, view much, if not all of it as a continuation of feudal vassalage and borderlands by other means. Thus ironically, they are more often than not perceived by republican societies as "Marklands" and "Fiefs" subservient to their masters and uncaring nobles. The reality, however, is infinitely more complex.

The most easily distinguished elements would be the lands actually considered part of New Austria, yet apart from it. The Duchy of Kuba, for instance, is still considered part of the realm. The Habsburgs remain its sovereigns, the ruling Montalban y Bergener line has served as both Dukes and hereditary Governor-Generals, and Kubaner politicians and nobility have special seats in the Reichstag, while its economy is very intertwined with the mainland. Nonetheless, barring provisions laid out in the Carriedo Compromise of 1934, the "Autonomous Realm" (as it's officially known) has otherwise been left to run its own affairs and even maintains its own parliament. There's also the Semi-Autonomous Enclave of Mariazell-am-Meer, which serves as the de facto capital of the Vatican-in-Exile. Despite its formal terminology and being originally intended to be a temporary measure (rendered "indefinite" following the 1938 Papal Concordat), this seemingly small territory enjoy similarly high degrees of self-rule, hosting its own legislature, armed forces (the famed Guardia Pontificia or Päpstlichegarde) and enacting the Holy See's laws. Nonetheless, there's little doubt that the Papacy's domains are still, at least on paper, New Austrian soil.

The confusion, ambiguity and less flattering terms, however, truly arise when it comes to the so-called Crown Protectorates. These territories, bound by both treaties and seemingly archaic oaths of fealty, are not considered part of the realm itself, nor do they have formal representation at the Reichstag in New Vienna. That fact alone, in addition to their mutual status, is also about all that they, at least superficially, have in common. Their apparent likeness to the feudal domains of old are further compounded by historical precedent. Over New Austria's evolution as a country, the frontier fiefs and margraviates away from the colonial centre functioned in a similar manner, although these fully done away with by the 1874 Reforms that formalized the present Provinces. Looks, as the saying goes, can be misleading, for only by understading each of these domains can one learn the truth.

The oldest and arguably most loyal is the Free Island of Hispaniola, which takes pride in being much more "authentic" in its Spanish heritage compared to Kubaners and Mittelamerikaners. As the Capitancy General of Santo Domingo, it became Spain's last significant colony in the Caribbean with the loss of what had been the Governorate of Cuba in 1726, and eventually its last remaining possession in the New World. Towards the end of the 19th Century, clamor for greater autonomy had given way to calls for independence not unlike those seen previously across South America. As uprisings grew in frequency and severity, a disgruntled officer by the name of Felipe Vásquez led a delegation of like-minded nobles and reformists to New Vienna in 1904. In exchange for support, the newly fledged state would recognize Habsburg sovereignty, but otherwise be free to run itself in whatever way is deemed fit by its people. Some, then and now, contest that political concerns in deterring both republican elements among the opposition and American expansion into the region played a more crucial role. Nonetheless, after a brief period armed struggle and diplomatic maneuvering (with Austro-Hungarian backing), the island broke away in 1906 and became New Austria's first Crown Protectorate. This has held up to this day, with Hispaniolans (or Españolanos) benefiting significantly from their benefactors, even holding firm through the worst of the Upheaval to become a exemplar of Royalist patronage. Although the American Federation still entertains the notion of wrestling influence away from the existing order, such ideas have gained little traction or popularity among the locals.

Then, there's the Free Territories of Mittelamerika, simultaneously seen as the most crucial and volatile of the three. The Spanish Crown retained control over much of what was then called the Capitancy General of San Salvador, but the domain never gained the same degree of prominence or success seen with Panama and the colonies even further south. By the mid-17th Century, what had become a relative backwater became contested with pirates and adventurers from myriad German states hoping to seek their own fortunes, ultimately leading to Prussian control over the region. While the Spanish and German-speaking communities that made up the nascent Mittelamerikaner (or Centroamericano) people enjoyed growing prosperity under Hohenzollern rule, the Terror revealed societal and class tensions that lurked beneath the surface. Fearing widespread collapse, legitimists like Emiliano Diaz and Rupert von Salldorf appealed their northern neighbor's aid and protection, citing generations of trade and peaceful co-existence. Despite the ongoing chaos of the Upheaval, however, New Austria readily obliged, seeing mutual interest in denying the Collectivists any further footholds in the New World, especially in light of the fall of Panama (now Amcoltermini in ColStandard). The consequences of that intervention endure even now. As a result of concessions since the Mittelamerika's entry in 1924, and support given to both domestic military forces and mercenary companies (in an echo of the old Holy Roman Empire), myriad outposts keep vigil over one of the most heavily militarized hinterlands in the world. Constant efforts are also made to root out Internationale-backed cells and militias, including the "Contrastado" successors of a rebellious nobleman named Augusto Sandino. Nonetheless, the country has held firm and seen a semblance of normalcy despite the trials.

The newest and most eccentric, though, would be the Free State of Senegal-Lazarie, as unlike the others, it's not even in the New World at all, nor any prior history with the Habsburgs. The aristocratic de Lambertyes, whose members had also served with what is now called the Sovereign Knights of Malta, came to assume power over the Kingdom of France's colonization efforts in that corner of Africa. The abolition of slavery in 1773, influx of Frenchmen through various incentives, and the noble house's personal efforts to foster development all contributed to the burgeoning colony being granted "Royal Outremer" privileges in 1880. The onset of the Terror in Europe, though, forced then-Governor Martin de Lambertye to declare independence in 1925, soon being proclaimed Vicomte de Lazarie (invoking Biblical symbolism for one day resurrecting the old homeland). His attempts to placate both the Black African majority and colonial populace led unwittingly to a coup staged by the radical Action Europa, in which the ruling house was killed under mysterious circumstances. The regime was not unlike the infamous Free State of Equatoria, in which most were subservient to those of "true" European lineage, who alone had the right to citizenship, all in the name of "preserving France." This eventually broke down into civil war by 1968, as various factions (many backed by either Collectivists or Reactionaries) vied for power. As various Free Nations sought to support anyone opposed to either ideological camp, the Throne-in-Exile chose to lend arms and reinforcements to Antoine de Saint-Exupéry, who led what remained of the pre-Reactionary order. While some at the time expected the republican forces (largely backed by the United African States) or the regime remnants (endorsed by Southern Africa) to triumph, the aging refugee proved far more capable than anyone expected. With victory declared in 1977, the liberated country, under its current name, had become part of New Austria's Sphere in all but name, which was formalized the following year. While minor disturbances continue to persist with Collectivist holdouts, most (including the current Vicomte) remain content with their allies, which is likely to persist for the foreseeable future.

Over the decades, all three territories have become host to various bases and outposts, whether under direct and indirect control of the Reichswehr-Honvédség or that of the Evidenzbureau's operatives. Their economic, industrial and military contributions to their benefactors have also grown, ostensibly to better confront the Internationale. At the same time, however, they are neither serfs nor glorified puppets, as least as far as most New Austrians are concerned. The protectorates themselves are largely left to their own devices, with the "Chief Commissioners" acting much more as advisors than governors. Whether they were Hispaniolan, Mittelamerikaner or from Senegal-Lazarie, they were given preferential treatment by the realm (with Kuba and Mariazell-am-Meer also serving as vital partners), but were also recognized as independent states (albeit largely recognized only by other royalists) with their own respective embassies and delegates. While the aid provided by those very same benefactors have not only fostered general prosperity and security, but also engendered a sense of loyalty that has been dismissed by republicans as "vassalage."

As a consequence of all these, it is little wonder why New Austria's Sphere has persevered for so long, despite various difficulties.

- “Atlas Sans Frontieres: The Gaspereau-Thomson Guide to the New World.” Loyalist Canada. 2023.

----

For added trivia, the coat of arms seen in the Kuban flag isthe historical one for Havana before independence from Spain, while said flag's design is a combination of the Habsburg yellow with pre-independence Cuban flags from the 19th Century. The Kubaner Duke is also based on Juan José de Arteaga de Herrera, who in real life was the third Marquis of Havana, whose family were elevated into nobility before Cuba's independence.

The portrait for the Pope is that of Pope Paul VI, who in real life was canonized as a Catholic Saint in 2018. While the overall nature of New Austria's Sphere is derived from the at times byzantine nature of how the Habsburgs historically governed, whether in the Holy Roman Empire or later on through Austria-Hungary. As an added aside, the emblem used for the Evidenzbureau is based on the seal of the actual Austro-Hungarian organization.

The flag used for Hispaniola is a combination of the old colonial banner flown by the Capitancy General of the Santo Domingo, and the deep blue color in the Dominican Republic's current flag. While the coat of arms used is that of Santo Domingo itself. San Marco, coincidentally, is where Saint-Marc, Haiti would be in OTL.

The Mittelamerikaner/Centroamerikano flag, and its general organization, are a combination of the Federal Republic of Central America and Germany, with a particular emphasis on the designs used by Nicaragua and Honduras. Blauefeld, the capital of Miskitoland, is also a Germanized reference to Bluefields, which served as the center of the British Mosquito Coast for a time in reality. While the "Contrastados" are an ironic blend of both the Contras and Sandinistas.

Senegal-Lazarie is a peculiar blend, and not just for being a nod to Thousand Week Reich. On top of its flag being based on the French India Company, the actual Senegalese one, and the deep blue of the Royalist French banner, the coat of arms are a modified version of Senegal's actual heraldry (designed by a Frenchwoman). It's history, however, combines colonial French West Africa, the Belgian Congo, the story of Rhodesia, and even the Angolan Civil War, with New Austria taking the place of Cuba. The present state of that country in-universe could be described as a royalist take on Zimbabwe Rhodesia.

And yes, the first Vicomte de Saint-Exupéry mentioned is the same Antoine who in real life, wrote The Little Prince.

Although they've always been present from the very beginning, with Kuba and the Vatican-in-Exile having been significantly expounded on, it hasn't really been explained or explored in its entirety. While this vagueness has made it easier both conceive proper backstories and lore of these regions, (and in the case of Senegal-Lazarie, a chance to retcon and explain why New Austria has some presence in Africa), it's also been an opportunity to really look further into how the even smaller components of the setting would play out, even away from the grander scope of certain elements.

All the same, hope you enjoy. Viribus Unitis.

(EDIT: Made some map corrections. Apologies!)

----
1588816468132.png


Unfiltered version:

1588816507603.png
 
Last edited:
The United African States (c.2022)
The United African States: General Introduction

Encompassing the Niger Basin and much of what had historically been called Guinea, the United African States (or U.A.S.) is a republican power that remains surprising for its ascent to prominence as well as its peculiar origins. Forged from a motley collection of British, German and native territories in the decades after the Terror, its people have come a long way to stand as a stark, free counterweight to the darkness of Southern Africa.

Currently under the term of President Leopold Shagari of the Liberal African Party, the union is a federal constitutional republic. While undoubtedly taking inspiration from both the American Federation and Gran Patagonia in how it's organized, the "African Republicanism" espoused by most major political parties is nonetheless unique. It is comprised of six Constitutent and six Special Federal States (including the Federal Capital District of Iga-Curamo), each enjoying considerable autonomy, as well as two Protectorates (the Ténéré Confederation and Republic of Ouaddai) with representation in the United Congress. Even within individual States, there's much in the way of diversity, whether it's the traditional sovereigns (such as the Yoruba's Oba or "rulers"), government-protected tribal lands, or communities established by the colonial settlers and their descendants. More than common laws or national writ, however, these disparate groups are far more united than they appear. This, it's often touted, is the greatest success of both the people who steered their compatriots from madness and the so-called "Fathers of Unification," whose tireless visions continue to inspire new generations.

Over 251 Million people are considered U.A.S. citizens. While the majority of the population are classified as "Black Africans" belonging to long-standing ethnic groups such as the Yoruba, Igbo, Hausa and Akan, among others. A sizable element of "White Africans," meanwhile, can trace their descent from either Anglo and Prussian settlers or later refugees who had arrived amidst the Terror, to say nothing of the myriad mixed-blood "Coloureds." While English and German serve as the lingua franca (corresponding roughly to the old colonial territories), many other native languages (such as for the aforementioned Yoruba and Igbo) and creole ones are commonly used throughout the country. For all their variety in backgrounds and origins, one would be forgiven for thinking that their country would have collapsed long ago, or devolve into what other Reactionary states in that corner of the world, or the Afrikaners for that matter, had become. While it's true that its people had been on the verge of succumbing to the same madness as many around them or worse, they see themselves as more than the sum of their parts. They take pride in their cultural inheritance, yet are more than just Black or White, neither longing for an untainted past, nor fully European. They are Africans, one and all.

Whether through peaceful, diplomatic means or the stubborn yet resilient United African Defense Forces (called either the U.A.D.F. or the Afrikabundeswehr), the union has made the most of its seemingly precarious position. From the thriving streets of Iga-Curamo and the busy, historic piers of Port Victoria to the tamed highlands of the Upper Volta, its trading houses and companies exert regional dominance over commerce, the country seen by many as an economic hub that's almost indispensable. Its people's penchant for ingenuity and an embrace of meritocracy (a legacy of their turbulent past) have also allowed them to maximize the bountiful resources of their land, which include building industrial centers where none had existed and having some of the best mines, refineries and sources of energy anywhere in the world. Meanwhile, serving as both an equal partner with and a counterweight to the republican powers of the New World, it also has play a key role in thwarting Collectivist and Reactionary designs alike for the Free World's remaining foothold on the continent. This has inevitably led to a rivalry with Southern Africa, which over time has taken a fervent, ideological bent going beyond conflicting interests. Given how the loss of certain member-states in the League of Neutral Defiance could be directly attributed to the U.A.S., one could see why such animosity has grown.

For all its prosperity and ascendant clout, a tourist would be hard-pressed to think that not too long ago, United Africa was anything but. Nonetheless, its citizens keep the memory of hardship and near-chaos close, even as they continue to transcend the lingering legacy of those times. For they know, just as their allies across the Atlantic if not even more so, that it may not take much to bring everything down. Yet as much effort as it may seem to build and push forward, against the encroaching dark, it's a price worth paying.

Basic History of United Africa

The lands encompassing the U.A.S. is known to have been home to myriad statelets and kingdoms for generations by the time the first European explorers arrived in the 16th Century. The Portuguese had set up some trading posts along what would become Gold Coast-Guinea and Iga-Curamo. While this led to the introduction of Christianity among the various native peoples, such as the Yoruba, Igbo, Akan and Hausa, it also contributed to the lands in question becoming a major source in the slave trade across the Atlantic. As sordid as this practice was, the chieftains and monarchs were by and large left to their own devices, going on as they had always done. By the latter half of the 18th Century, however, abolitionist sentiment among the great powers led to slavery itself being gradually outlawed, significantly weakening the clout of local rulers who had benefited from the system.

Two nations, in particular, were quick to seize the initiative. In 1741, the Kingdom of Prussia assumed control over the Danish-held Fort Christianborg (now Osu-Christianburg), granting the German realm access to the Gold Coast and the lucrative trading routes in the region. Further east, the nascent United Kingdom had displaced its Portuguese allies over their remaining outposts in the region, from which Anglican missionaries could venture deeper inland. While there were occasional raids from either local opposition or attempts by the French to expand, by the early 1810s, the two powers' grip on the coasts was firmly secured. With the collapse of the slave trade, their influence over the chieftains and kings surrounding those tentative colonies only grew. With the appointment of British advisors to the Yoruba-ruled Oyo Empire in 1834 and the conquest of Dahomey by explorer Theodor Nachtigal in 1860, any lingering notions of overt resistance were dashed. Thus, the days when the Blacks ruled themselves were numbered, even before the so-called "Great Game" began in earnest, partitioning much of the African continent among the Europeans.

By the end of the 19th Century, the lands that would one make up the U.A.S. were under either direct or indirect German and British control. Cities like Lome, Christianburg, Port Victoria and Iga-Curamo, in particular, had become major focal points of investment. Advances in medicine and industrial infrastructure meant that arrivals from the homeland, beyond just missionaries or educators, could settle down in larger numbers than before. While there were still some nominally sovereign territories and traditional rulers, such as in Upper Volta and parts of what was called the British Niger, in practice they answered to the colonial administrations all the same. Not that the distinction mattered much to the Black natives. While the reactions varied depending on the ethnic group, generally speaking some were receptive to Western culture while others objected to forgoing their old ways of life. Nonetheless, this didn't stop some from defying racial expectations, with natives gradually entering universities and positions of relative authority, however much these were reliant on loyalty to the establishment. All the while, the authorities gradually opened up more freedoms to their erstwhile subjects, reflecting a greater trend towards eventual self-rule.

The Terror, however, revealed just how fragile this sense of order was. The 1920s would see several African colonies break off amidst the turmoil, many of which collapsing into anarchy. Seeing no help coming from London, Sir Hugh Clifford, the last Governor of the British Niger, opted to stay and declared independence in 1925. Working alongside Oba Ibikunle Alfred Akitoye of the Yoruba, his tenure as the fledgling state's "Provisional President" saw an influx of Anglo refugees from across the Continent and a delicate balancing act to placate the various Black groups, using both loyal militias and what remained of the garrison to maintain order. Around the same time, similar trends were occurring among their Prussian neighbors, which under "Acting Governor" Karl-Jesko von Puttkamer had similarly broken off and welcomed German refugees from their now-lost homeland. Amidst growing instability and myriad internal tensions, these two colonial remnants drew closer together throughout the 1930s.

It soon became clear that the status quo could not last indefinitely. Save for the American-backed Liberian Republic, which had expanded into the crumbing French and British colonies around it (renaming itself the West African Federation in 1942), most of the surrounding lands were ruled by either warlords, tribal kingdoms, "White Chieftains" or increasingly, Reactionary regimes. Internally, discord continued brewing. It didn't matter whether it was Christians against Muslims, Anglo settlers clashing with the Hausa, or disgruntled workers seemingly discriminated by exiled Prussians. In such an environment, all it would have taken was for a Reactionary firebrand or Collectivist ideologue to light a spark. Amidst this madness stood Ahmadu Bello from the Northern Niger (modern Hausaland), Benjamin Azikiwe of Iga-Curamo and Joseph Danquah of the German Gold Coast (modern Gold Coast-Guinea). Where many saw a region on the verge of chaos, they and their supporters beheld another path. Working with von Puttkamer and taking inspiration from the Americans, they presented a vision of a land that wasn't wracked by barbarism. Nor would it be beholden to whims of foreign powers or benefit those with power. Only together, regardless of one's lineage or color, they reasoned, could Africans take their rightful place in a brave new world.

So it was that, with popular acclaim, the Unification Accords were signed in 1948, marking the true dawn of the U.A.S., with Azikiwe elected its President. Its initial years, however, seemed anything but promising. Riots and instability were commonplace, from members of the Neudeutschespartei seeking a separate, "pure" German state, to constant squabbles between Anglo and Igbo farmers. Political parties functioned more like proxies for either the remaining colonial elites or tribal affiliations. Even the reorganization of the old colonial borders and creation of new states were fraught with controversy, often leading to delays and frantic brinksmanship. More than once, scattered groups tried to spin the words of the "Fathers of Unification" to justify causes as varied as military coups, the expulsion of the settlers and a reversion to the "old ways," whatever that may be. Those same influential figures, though, were not naive. Seeing that the dream of United Africa would not manifest as quickly as was hoped, they instead chose to intentionally appoint people purely on their merit, yet also reflective of the overall population. This move, pushed by Bello, inevitably meant that many of these were from among the old establishment, as they had the most competence or experience. By the early 1960s, however, those ranks included members of Yoruba royalty, Hausa clerics, Akan academics and Fon businessmen, among others. As prosperity gradually spread throughout the union, so did the idea that the humblest villager and laborer had the same opportunities as any son of royalty or exiled aristocrat.

Internationally, it had not been idle, either. Even before unification, the soldiers and militia that would make up the U.A.D.F. had been mired in constant skirmishes. At the same time, the so-called "Twin Republics," though more than happy to welcome a new republican player to the Free World, were increasingly perceived as encroaching onto lands that ought to be handled by Africans rather than people across the Atlantic, especially as Gran Patagonia began fostering revolutions in Camerún and Gabon-Kongo against the local dictatorships. Unwilling to let their seeming inaction welcome more threats to the country, nor eager to have their erstwhile allies carve up the dwindling pieces of non-Collectivist soil in a mirror of the Great Game, a series of bold campaigns were launched. Initially aimed at the warlords raiding the frontiers, which helped secure and even expand the union's borders by 1962, these soon extended to supporting resistance movements against neighboring Reactionary regimes. Its battles with the Islamic-Reactionary Sultanate of Ouaddai thoughout the decade (which not only led to clashes with Equatoria and the Sahel but even expeditionary troops from Southern Africa), overthrowing the Ténéré Confederation's Tuareg-run dictatorship in 1969, and later involvement in the Senegal-Lazarie Civil War in the 1970s became showcases of just how far the fractured peoples who make up United Africa had come. Yet more than upholding the virtues of liberty and justice, these also helped in fostering a sense of solidarity transcending blood and culture. These would prove instrumental in the years that followed.

Money, infrastructure and the image of social harmony did little to mask simmering tensions that had persisted over generations. The sense that certain peoples or groups were still being given preferential treatment over others, and that their own cultures were being sidelined continued to fuel dissent from all corners. Some, like the still-extant Neudeutschespartei, saw separatism and mimicking the Afrikaners' Toekomshoop policies as the solution to ensure their survival. Others, however, including the more radical members of the "Children of Africa" (a political coalition ostensibly representing Black interests across traditional lines), believed that purging all traces of their colonial past was the only way for the nation to move forward, even if it meant treating the descendants of settlers and refugees as complicit themselves. An aging, retired Azikiwe found himself facing a similar situation to Clifford. Then came the closing stages of the conflict in Senegal-Lazarie. While it was the royalists backed by New Austria that ultimately won, United African involvement was instrumental in that victory. More than what was reported on vidscreens and newsreels, however, were the accounts from those who were present there, be they diplomats, advisors or soldiers. Their testimonies of what was witnessed shocked their countrymen out from what would have been a self-destructive path.

This led to a series of events in 1977 known as the Acts of Amity. Epitomized by a speech from Azikiwe and an intervention by Oba Franklin Akitoye at a heated protest, it was decided almost unanimously that no longer would Africans be divided over the past, nor would they allow themselves to ruin all that had been accomplished. Black or White, they were all standing together as a light shining in the darkness. For all their diverse origins, no one would be left behind. While this development didn't immediately bring about an end to domestic animosities, it nonetheless led to further reforms. While traditions and cultural autonomy remained celebrated and respected, all vestigial quotas were brushed aside. Segregated communities were discouraged, with those of mixed descent no longer being frowned upon for not belonging to any of the established groups. Further encouragement of meritocracy also had the effect of diluting any lingering perception of discrimination based on class, gender or ethnic lines. Eventually, the only ones who were being sidelined from public affairs were the very organizations and political parties that seemed on the brink of success.

The ensuing peace would not only lead to an era of genuine economic prosperity but also embolden the U.A.S. further in the eyes of the Free World. Whether it's the final defeat of Ouaddai (with a democratic government established in 1986), or United Africa's role in stifling Collectivist attempts to sow uprisings across the continent, few would deny that it's a rising republican power. Neither a puppet of foreign interests nor a primitive backwater, its people strive forward into an uncertain future with stern resolve. For the alternative is too dire to consider.

- "The World Almanac of Nations." American Federation. 2023 Edition.

----​

For added trivia, Leopold Shagari is a sly nod to Shehu Shagari, Turaki of the Sokoto Sultanate and the first democratically elected President of Nigeria after a period of military rule.

The background of the U.A.S. founding and early years is based on a combination of various African countries, though primarily revolving around Nigeria, Benin, Cameroon, Ghana and Niger, with some elements of Botswana. Its flag and coat of arms are similarly a blend of an earlier design of Nigeria's flag, Togo's shield and Niger's insignia, coupled with Prussian black.

In real life, the Danish owned a colonial castle called Fort Christianborg, which is now part of the Osu district of Accra, Ghana. In the RDNA-verse, however, the Prussian takeover of the fort results in Accra being overshadowed by Osu, or rather "Osu-Christianburg."

For certain placenames in what would be Nigeria in OTL, Port Victoria is situated where Port Harcourt would be. Iga-Curamo, meanwhile, is a combination of Lagos' archaic form, and the Yoruba name for the region around the city. Coincidentally, the traditional Oba of Lagos around the 1920s was the historical Ibikunle Alfred Akitoye.

Sir Hugh Clifford is based on the historical British nobleman of the same name, who in reality served as a colonial administrator for British Nigeria, the Gold Coast, Ceylon and the Straits Settlements (modern Singapore). While Karl-Jesko von Puttkamer was a Kriegsmarine admiral in OTL, though he was related to Jesko von Puttkamer, who served as the German colonial governor of Cameroon from 1887 to 1906. Coincidentally, Cameroon went to Spain rather than the Germans in the setting.

Siaburg in the Upper Volta is a Germanized form of Bobo-Dioulasso, the second largest city in Burkina Faso. The name itself being based on how the local Bobo-speaking population refer to the city as Sia.

In addition to the State of Djerma being a reference to the Zarma people of Niger, Fort Kalley is situationed where Niamey would be in OTL (Kalley being one of the original precolonial villages that would later form the city).

The "Fathers of Unification" are all based on the national heroes of Nigeria and Ghana. Ahmadu Bello and Benjamin Nnambi "Zik" Azikiwe were instrument in the independence of the former, being known as symbols of unity and freedom. While Joseph "J. B." Danquah was one of the "Big Six" of postcolonial Ghana, who was also know for being a scholar and author.

In real life, the Ouaddai/Wadai region of Chad was the site of a Sultanate with ties with the Islamic Senussi brotherhood and had held onto power until 1911-12, when the French finally defeated it. In this version of events, the Sultanate managed to survive the loss of French colonial rule but adopted an Islamic take on Reactionarism until the U.A.S. eventually defeated it.

On top of Equatoria being a grim mirror of the Central African Republic, Belgian Congo and Rhodesia, the capital of Louisville is situated where Bambiri, a major market town, would be.

The Liberian Repubic/West African Federation was inspired by the idea of what would have happened had the US been much more active in shaping Liberia compared to OTL.

Saint-Hillaire is situated where the city of Franceville, Gabon exists in reality. Coincidentally, it has an old colonial-era church called Saint-Hillaire.

Saint Andrew and Bolama are a nod to how Portuguese Guinea (modern Guinea-Bissau) could have wound up in British hands in the 18th Century. In the version of events, that happened, with the colony subsequently being Anglicized not unlike Sierra Leone.

It's not entirely a new idea, as this had previously existed even back in 2010-11 as the more generic and bland "United States of Liberal Africa." For the longest time, I wanted to properly do this part of the setting justice, and not as a placeholder either. As such, much of the lore and background was built from the ground up, taking inspiration from how decolonization played out in West Africa, combined with elements from Nigeria, Ghana and Niger's postcolonial history, among others. At the same time, however, it's also deliberately presented as a counterpoint to Reactionary Southern Africa, yet not an pure opposite. The aim isn't to push a "Wakanda" knockoff, but rather to see how a democratic African power could emerge despite tumultuous circumstances, and how it could also all too easily go wrong due to one extreme or another.

----


the_united_african_states__rdna_verse_by_mdc01957_ddzk8zd-fullview.jpg
 
Last edited:
The Long Cold War - The New Great Game (c.1974)
The New Great Game: The Struggle for Free Africa

For Africa, the years following the Terror have seen a dramatic upheaval across societal, economic, political and ideological lines, such that those who were alive in 1920 would barely recognize it. One constant, however, has been the struggle for control and supremacy over the continent, especially the remaining regions not under the thumb of the Collectivist Internationale. Though this has been called by various names, with similarly myriad forms and degrees of intensity, it's most commonly known as the "New Great Game."

The term invokes the so-called "Great Game" of the 19th and early 20th Centuries, when the great powers sought to expand their influence over the landmass. There's debate among scholars as to when this began, pointing to events as varied as the seizure of the Cape by the United Kingdom in 1796 and the founding of New Providence by former slaves from the American Federation in 1825, the latter setting the stage for the current West African Federation. Whatever the case, the reach of the European nations up until the 1860s had mostly been limited to coastal colonies, outposts, and whatever native chiefs or kingdoms were aligned with them. By the time a German expedition led by Theodor Nachtigal conquered Dahomey, however, the tides were changing. Advances in industrial technologies, medicine and communications meant that the formerly uncharted interior could be accessed by more than just a handful of missionaries, teachers, or foolhardy explorers. Whether through peaceful means or by force, the vast lands were carved up until only Abyssinia and Morocco remained as truly independent states by 1900, with the Liberians under American protection. The Antwerp Conference of 1874, hosted by the then-recently unified Belgian-Dutch Co-Dominium, had only therefore formalized what was already taking place.

Few would argue that conditions and standards in German colonies, for example, were indistinguishable from those under French, British, Portuguese or Belgian-Dutch rule. For all the differences, it's generally understood that the rush for control in those times were driven by a combination of national prestige, the need for bountiful resources, personal glory, competing interests, and for some, a quest for personal glory. At any rate, the onset of the 20th Century saw growing clamor among both settlers and native Black Africans for more rights, be it in education or representation. Gradually yet increasingly, the changes and influences brought by the Europeans came to benefit the locals, with even the prospect of self-rule, however distant it may have seemed, being entertained. It's hard to speculate how these developments would have played out to their fullest, however. The Terror would reveal just how fragile this status quo was, especially as many of the Continental powers crumbled. Within the span of a few years, much of the landmass was plunged into chaos. More often than not, the severed territories degenerated into patchworks of warlords, tribal kingdoms, rival settler communities and "White Chieftains," many of which would eventually be subsumed in later decades by the nascent Collectivist Internationale. It would be from those that avoided this chaotic fate that the seeds of the New Great Game emerged.

The Liberian Republic, with support from the American Federation, succeeded in maintaining a semblance of cohesion even as several surrounding colonies crumbled. Under President Edwin King, the nation embarked on a campaign to restore order, only to find that the neighboring peoples being freed in the process were seeing Republican Democracy as preferable to what had come before, eventually leading to the formal establishment of the West African Federation in 1944 and later toppling of the Republic of Bolama's dictatorship in 1960. Around the same time, the Gran Patagonians kept a close eye on the former Spanish colony of Camerún, the fractured pieces of which being overrun by the Reactionary Frente Popular ("Popular Front"). Their support for legitimist factions, particularly the Latin Republicans holding out at the Santa Isabel and San Tome Islands, played a key role in the regime's collapse in 1969, followed by the similar revolt against its counterparts in the Gabon-Kongo Compact three years later. In the span of a few decades, the Twin Republics of the New World had helped establish beacons of liberty in their image, where once were the embers of the Old World.

Meanwhile, the former colonies of British Nigeria and the German Gold Coast banded together in 1948, establishing the United African States, with Benjamin Azikiwe as its first elected President. Instead of simply following the lead of its American and Gran Patagonian allies, however, its "Fathers of Unification" presented an African Republicanism, forged in the years following the Terror that transcended blood and celebrated merit, even while embracing its constituent peoples' heritage. Thus, despite its troubled beginnings, the fledgling union soon rose as a regional power, challenging Reactionaries and Collectivists alike. This has led to its campaigns against the Ténéré Confederation, which became a protectorate in 1969 after the Tuareg-dominated dictatorship was deposed. Which is not to ignore its on-and-off skirmishing with the Sultanate of Ouaddai, which not only spurred the involvement nearby Reactionary regimes, but also sparked a tense rivalry with the "Afrikaner-Mosleyite" Volksfront ("People's Front") of Southern Africa that would persist to this day. Against the odds, even the simmering tensions that threatened to tear the dream of United Africa apart, its stalwart defenders confronted their foes on their own terms.

As for the Union of Southern Africa, which had declared independence from the United Kingdom in 1924, Johannes Gerhardus Hertzog and his successors had not been idle. Seeing the turmoil to the north, as well as the threat posed by both the Internationale and those deemed "degenerate," the Reactionary nation saw an opportunity to prop up compliant warlords and influence (if not set up) any regime that was similar enough to its own. Though these were initially haphazard, with the less stable fiefs either collapsing outright or falling to Collectivists as time went on, after 1942 such efforts not only grew more organized, but had begun bearing fruit. Through the League of Neutral Defiance, the Afrikaners became so successful in swaying the various Reactionaries within their reach that these not only joined the organization as full-fledged members. Whether it be it the secular, militaristic African Salvationists (Union of the Sahel), the Islamic-Reactionaries with pretensions of purely upholding their Prophet's words (Sultanate of Ouaddai), or the clerical, settler-dominant Franco-Mosleyites and their slaves (Free State of Equatoria), they all became near-mirror images of the regime in Bloemfontein.

Then, there are the enduring legacies of the royalists, however much they may have changed over the generations. Portuguese Angola, in particular, was formally handed over to Brazilian suzerainty in 1925, being the only other one of the Lost Nation's colonies that remained loyal to the monarch known to history as King Afonso VII. While much of its surrounding lands succumbed to barbarism and the lure of either Reactionarism or Collectivism over the next few decades, settler and native Angolans alike held the line against the encroaching darkness. The sporadic yet persistent skirmishing between the Forças Armadas Brasileiras ("Brazilian Armed Forces") and Volkstaat Weermeg ("National Defense Forces") along the southern border alone, along with the thwarted attempts by the Volksfront to ferment secessionist sentiment over the years, pale only to the stern vigil kept against the Internationale. More than the strategic value of the territory's resources, it came to represent the Pluricontinental ideals espoused by the Lusitanian Brigandine Throne. Thus, even after the Junta assumed power following the Belem Incident of 1992, and the ever-encroaching influence of Gran Patagonians in local affairs, its loyalty and dedication remain unquestioned, given the alternatives.

This is not to ignore the Free State of Senegal-Lazarie, a New Austrian protectorate comparatively smaller than all others on the African continent. Yet the role this nation's history has played on the region's fate, specifically how its civil war turned out, could not be understated.

The Senegal-Lazarie Civil War: A Pivotal Turning Point in the New Great Game

To understand this significance requires going back to 1944. Vicomte Martin de Lambertye was deposed in a coup after nearly two decades of rule as sovereign of Lazarie (formerly French Senegal), so-called due to deliberate symbolism for one day resurrecting the old homeland. This overthrow, which resulted in the sovereign's death and those of his immediate family, was orchestrated by Marshal Christien de Montfort's Action Europa, a radical movement that opposed attempts to placate both the Black African majority and colonial populace, in the name of preserving the "true" France. With discreet Afrikaner backing, they assumed power and established a Franco-Mosleyite regime, wherein those of "pure" European descent alone were considered citizens, and most others treated as subservient, if not little better than slaves. This Reactionary order, however, did not enjoy a similar degree of success as in Equatoria, whether due to the growing corruption and infighting lurking beneath a superficial facade of unity, or simmering discontent that became worse with ever more excessive force.

By the time of the Marshal's death in 1968, Action Europa had no clear provisions for continuity, paralyzing the government. In the southern reaches of the country, a writer-turned-activist named Léopold Senghor openly declared that the Union National pour Indépendance et Liberté ("National Union for Independence and Freedom"; U.N.I.L.) would oppose the Reactionaries and free what was by then called Senegal-Lazarie as a nation patterned after African Republicanism. Around the same time, a group of colonial-descended reformers and aristocrats led by the aging yet charismatic Antoine de Saint-Exupéry led an armed uprising in the city of Saint-Louis, calling for the fulfillment of what the murdered Vicomte had sought to achieve, eventually calling themselves the Alliance Pour La Justice en Senegal-Lazarie ("Alliance for Justice in Senegal-Lazarie"; A.J.S.L.). Meanwhile, the Gambia River basin became the gathering point for various disgruntled serfs and workers, who had flocked around the young, militant Ibrahim Roche to wage a revolution under the banners of the Mouvement Populaire Pour Le Travailleurs D'Afrique ("Popular Movement for the Workers of Africa"; M.P.T.A.). All the while, the dictator's son, Gen. Albert de Montfort, rallied much of the fractured loyalists under his command, while warning the League of Neutral Defiance of the growing severity of the threat.

The ensuing civil war would mark the most heated phase of the New Great Game. That the increasingly grueling bloodshed coincided with mounting social unrest within the U.A.S. (spurred by extremists believed to be backed by both Reactionaries and Collectivists), as well as heightened regional tensions, including the insurrection in Angola, further underscored this point. While there was no sense of certainty early on, many observers looked to either the U.N.I.L. (aided by American arms and United African reinforcements), or even the Reactionary loyalists (with Southern Africa sending weapons and volunteers through neighboring League members). The prospects of an M.P.T.A. victory, meanwhile, was seen as even more dire. Regardless of whether the Supreme Politburo truly trusted Roche or intended to replace him, it would have would have given a crucial opening for the Collectivist Internationale, by then having all but consolidated much of its possessions on the continent all the way to the remains of the Belgian-Dutch Congo, to exploit. An unforeseen development, though, would not only change the fortunes of those on the battlefield, but also the fate of various Free Nations across the region.

The Royal Dominion of New Austria had discreetly sent advisors to aid Saint-Exupéry in the initial stages, whether due to the latter's claim to the throne or the murdered de Lambertyes' ties with the Habsburgs themselves. Whatever the reasons Archduke Rudolf VII or his officials had, however, it was seen by many within the realm that the escalating conflict could not be ignored. Thus, in 1972 it openly declared its support for the A.J.S.L. Before long, New Austrian supplies and regiments (including soldiers from the Duchy of Kuba) were arriving in droves. These proved instrumental in the capture of Dakar itself the following year and the royalists' expansion further inland, hard-earned as it may have been for the locals. Meanwhile, the old nobleman's efforts in brokering an alliance with the U.N.I.L. also succeeded, providing greater legitimacy to both his and Senghor's mutual cause against their foes, their joint offensives forcing both the M.P.T.A. and Action Europa (along with contingents from the Volkstaat Weermeg) to retreat. It wouldn't be until 1977, following further hardly fought struggles (with the Battle of Fort Basse claiming Roche's life), before the civil war finally came to an end, with the capture of Gen. de Montfort.

After much debate, it was decided that the two victorious parties would form a coalition government under New Austrian protection (formalized in 1978), with Saint-Exupéry being crowned Vicomte not long after. While the aging yet beloved monarch died a few years later, this arrangement proved lasting, as Senghor's democratic reforms proceeded to give an otherwise colonial remnant a distinctly African flavor that benefited all, regardless of blood. The effects of this victory would have wider consequences for the entire region, however. The experiences of the United African soldiers returning from the conflict would play a crucial role in helping an aging Benjamin Azikiwe secure the Acts of Amity, discrediting the extremist voices fostered a rejuvenated U.A.S. Meanwhile, the loss of Action Europa's grip dealt a blow to Volksfront influence, weakening Southern Africa's dominance within the League and contributing to the fall of Ouaddai to African Republicanism in 1986, as well as the final collapse of the Angolan secessonists in 1995. Though remnants of the M.P.T.A. would continue to remain a thorn in the Gambian jungles for years after, the Internationale's advance through Africa was effectively halted.

Thus, while the New Great Game continues on, in many respects a microcosm of the global standoff between the Free World and Collectivism, the peace won at Senegal-Lazarie has helped ensure that the light of liberty and civilization in that corner of the globe remains as bright as ever, against the encroaching madness. Had the conflict played out with any other outcome, be it under the thrall of Reds or power-craving dictators, the present and future would look very different, indeed.

- “The New Haven Review of Foreign Affairs.” American Federation. 2023.

----
For added trivia, the Senegal-Lazarie Civil War's heavily inspired by the Angolan Civil War and Rhodesian Bush War, complete with the involvement of Afrikaners. The seemingly out-of-context intervention by New Austria, meanwhile, is based on how the Cubans got involved in Angola in real life, albeit for political and ideological reasons ironically opposite of Fidel Castro.

Antoine de Saint-Exupéry is, well, very much based on the famed novelist himself, though his aristocratic heritage is highlighted more. While he never wrote something like The Little Prince in the RDNA-verse, he nonetheless avoided his untimely fate in reality, while led to his death in 1944. Léopold Senghor, meanwhile is based largely on his historical counterpart, who's considered a hero, poet, and the "founding father" of Senegal. His willingness to cooperate with Saint-Exupéry is similarly inspired by his real penchant for cooperating with former colonizers rather than antagonizing them.

The de Montforts are based on various French collaborationists and fascists from World War 2, namely Pierre Costantini and Jean Boissel. While the Franco-Mosleyite Reactionarism practiced by Action Europa and their counterparts in Equatoria is similarly patterned after Vichy France, on top of the worse excesses of Congo Free State/Belgian Congo and Rhodesia being amplified. The capital of Louisville is situated where Bambiri, a major market town, would be.

Ibrahim Roche is an amalgamation of Kwame Nkrumah (who in real life was a socialist who became the first president of Ghana), Thomas Sankara of Burkina Faso and Agostinho Neto (Angola's first president and leader of the MPLA), with some elements of Che Guevara.

The photos used for Rudolf VII and Afonso VII are the same people seen in The Throne-in-Exile (AD 2019): RDNA-verse Wikibox and The Braganzas (AD 2019): RDNA-verse Wikibox, but much later in life, reflecting the time period. Meanwhile, Gran Patagonia's president is based on Arturo Frondizi, who's known for instituting "developmentalism" in Argentina and maintaining good ties with the US in spite of Peron during the Cold War.

Pluricontinentalism, though usually associated with Portugal's Estado Novo regime, is an old concept going as far back as the 14th Century, in which the country itself was not confined to the Iberian Peninsula, but encompassing various parts of the world. In the RDNA-verse, it evolved along somewhat different lines, by the "present" coming to mean the unity of the various Free Lusophone peoples under the Lustanian Brigandine Throne.

Jean Lefebvre, the leader of Equatoria is partially based on Rene and Marcel Lefebvre (both of whom were known for their ultratraditionalist views on politics and Catholicism), as well as various figures from the Belgian Congo. Coincidentally, his name is a Frenchified form of the late Ian Smith, Prime Minister of Rhodesia.

In real life, the Ouaddai/Wadai region of Chad was the site of a Sultanate with ties with the Islamic Senussi brotherhood and had held onto power until 1911-12, when the French finally defeated it. In this version of events, the Sultanate managed to survive the loss of French colonial rule but adopted an Islamic take on Reactionarism until the U.A.S. eventually defeated it. While the Union of the Sahel would be more comparable to both the military dictatorships of Cold War-era Mauritania and Algeria.

The Volksfront itself, and Afrikaner-Mosleyite Reactionarism, is an amalgamation of Apartheid South Africa (especially the Ossewabrandwag and more radical elements of the then-ruling National Party) and North Korea's Juche, among others. While Oswald Mosley himself might seem like an unlikely figure to pop up in this alternate TL (though as among the founders of Reactionarism rather than British Fascism as in real life), he wasn't the only one to bear that name. His background as a disgraced baron is also based on his background as part of the nobility.

The Santa Isabel and San Tome Islands are the setting's equivalent to Bioko, Equatorial Guinea and the island nation of São Tomé and Príncipe. As an aside, if you look closely at the flags, they incorporate various elements, such as the Cross of Lorraine (Action Europa), the stars of the Belgian Congo (Equatoria) and in the case of Brazilian Angola, the colonial coat of arms.

Saint-Hillaire is situated where the city of Franceville, Gabon exists in reality. Coincidentally, it has an old colonial-era church called Saint-Hillaire.

Saint Andrew and Bolama are a nod to how Portuguese Guinea (modern Guinea-Bissau) could have wound up in British hands in the 18th Century. In the version of events, that happened, with the colony subsequently being Anglicized not unlike Sierra Leone.

While the Angolan secessionists mentioned echo UNITA (complete with Southern African support), ironically the family that would have spawned Jonas Savimbi is opposed to it.
While this is more of an "historical" snapshot set in 1974, it's an opportunity to really expound on the situation in Africa, not too unlike the entry on The United African States. With much of the material being either wholly new or thoroughly retconned from the barebones 2010-11 rendition of the same region, I try to not only make the universe even more believable. I also make a point to highlight both the Orwellian "perpetual struggle" of the wider Cold War is being replicated in unique ways, and how various political/ideological/social scenarios could emerge with the same broad circumstances. That there are parallels with various events in postcolonial history, including the Angolan Civil War and Rhodesian Bush War, isn't just a coincidence, in which one change of events could make all the difference.

While much larger and a bit more ambitious, as with the previous "Long Cold War"-themed maps, I also incorporated some of the sleek interfaces and customized stylings of the Thousand Week Reich and The New Order mods for Hearts of Iron IV to give that in-universe "vidscreen" aesthetic. Whether it's the product of whoever runs An Examination of Extra-Universal Systems of Government or the Agency, to say nothing of the "N-P Identity" notes mentioned, which may or may not be shorthand for "Nation-Personification"...I'll leave that up for the viewer to decide.

Just to be on the safe side, this is a work of fiction. This is not a political or ideological screed. The politically incorrect details in the map and text as deliberately meant to be in-universe. In addition, depiction is not endorsement.
EDIT: Adjusted image size

----


de0ko20-edb9ed04-268f-4bb3-b9e4-dab2bf58d84a.png


Unfiltered version:
file
 
Last edited:
As a bit of a head's up, I'm currently working on a few extra surprises for the setting. The first being a Wikibox version of the Senegal-Lazarie Civil War. That being said, what would you like to see covered next?
  1. The People's Equatorial Union (South America)
  2. The Colonization and Expansion of New Austria
  3. The Fort Gibraltar skirmishes
  4. Anything involving the [REDACTED] "N-Ps."
 
As a bit of a head's up, I'm currently working on a few extra surprises for the setting. The first being a Wikibox version of the Senegal-Lazarie Civil War. That being said, what would you like to see covered next?
  1. The People's Equatorial Union (South America)
  2. The Colonization and Expansion of New Austria
  3. The Fort Gibraltar skirmishes
  4. Anything involving the [REDACTED] "N-Ps."
I'd like to see "The Colonization and Expansion of New Austria".
 
As a bit of a head's up, I'm currently working on a few extra surprises for the setting. The first being a Wikibox version of the Senegal-Lazarie Civil War. That being said, what would you like to see covered next?
  1. The People's Equatorial Union (South America)
  2. The Colonization and Expansion of New Austria
  3. The Fort Gibraltar skirmishes
  4. Anything involving the [REDACTED] "N-Ps."

The Hetalia fan in me says 4. But I think overall 1 wins for me, more information about the Internationale is always nice.
 
I'm a fan of seeing more information on the Internationale, since it's the boogie man of the RDNA-verse. And looking at one of the states of the Internationale in the middle of the Free World would be really interesting to see how its neighbors treat it and how its culture has been formed by being surrounded.
 
You know, whenever you post for this TL I spontaneously gain new ideas for the cursed tl I was working on a while ago.


You need to be placed into quarantine or something, I'm worried the weird will start spreading.
 
Top