So Rome will get the western parts of the Mediterranean sea while Macedon gets the eastern parts later on? Because Macedon helps rebuild Rome itself and Roman pride will not allow themselves to become enemies with someone like that for a long time.
The Legacy of the Three Alexanders
- Thread starter DominusNovus
- Start date
The Roman Republic was never exactly good at *not* getting itself involved in wars against the other great powers. Rome and Macedon will eventually come to blows, rest assured. Remember, historically Rome and Carthage were pretty good allies. Until they weren't. Granted, Rome will have to deal with Super-Epirus for a few generations anyway.
The Second Pyrrhic War
At the end of the war between Rome and Epirus in 281 BC, both sides were keenly aware that a second conflict was likely. As they licked their wounds and rebuilt their militaries, the Republic and Pyrrhus looked about for various potential allies in the rematch.
Rome looked to the Alexandrian Empire (as the realm ruled by Philip III from Alexandria, was increasingly known, both for its capital and its founder) for assistance, which came only insofar as Philip was eager to help them rebuild their capital. Though Philip was vigilant against the threat of his cousin in Epirus, he was keenly aware that the Roman Republic could prove to be a threat to his Empire in the not too distant future, and he felt it was best to limit his support somewhat.
The other source of potential allies for Rome lay within Pyrrhus' own kingdom. The Carthaginians had long had friendly relations with the Romans and Latins, and were not entirely pleased with their recent conquest by the Hellenic states to the east. Meanwhile, though the Greek city states of Magna Graecia in the south of the Italian peninsula were culturally kin to the Epirotes, few felt any great loyalty to Pyrrhus and his dynasty, other than his chosen capital of Syracuse, which flourished under his rule - another sore point for the Carthaginians, who felt their control of the trade routes were threatened by Syracuse.
Though the Romans were eager to pursue their opportunities with the various dissidents in Pyrrhus' kingdom, he was no less aware of the danger than they were of the opportunity, and maneuvered conservatively, so as not to instigate any troubles within his territory. He waited for several years to find an opportunity, until one finally arose across the Adriatic, when his own kingdom was under attack.
In 277 BC, one of the Gallic tribes in Pannonia, the Tolistobogii, were restless enough that raiding the Greeks looked to be an excellent opportunity. Among their leaders was a young warlord named Brennus who held sway over the largest body of warriors. Initially, they were inclined to invade Alexandrian Macedonia and Thrace, as Philip was beset by one of the various revolts that plagued his reign. However, Philip had a large enough force at his disposal to defeat Brennus' force outside of the Macedonian capital of Pella in a relatively minor skirmish. He then suggested that the Gallic army might find an easier target in the much smaller kingdom of Epirus to his west, and Philip just happened to have some spare coin available as a further incentive to leave his Empire.
Upon hearing of the invasion of his own lands at this point, Pyrrhus sailed across the Adriatic to meet the threat and decided that his cousin was on to something. Arraying his army against the invaders near Apollonia, he pointed out that Italy would be an even better target for the Gauls. After all, Rome was weaker than Epirus (or so he claimed), and they had just attacked their Gallic brethren in the Padus (Po) valley, which rightfully belonged in Gallic hands. As an added bonus, Pyrrhus happened to have some extra ships in which he was happy to ferry the army across the sea.
So, for the second time in less than a year, the Gallic army was redirected from their original target and landed in recently Roman-occupied Cisalpine Gaul. The Romans, for their part, had only really held the coastal territories, and were on relatively good terms with the various Gallic settlements that hadn't tried to attack them during the wars with the Samnites. Of course, those Gauls that had sided against Rome weren't so well treated, and it was among them that Brennus' army found the most eager allies. To say that the Romans were uneasy with the prospects of an invading Gallic army under a man named Brennus would be a vast understatement.
Panic gripped many in Rome, though the Senate and Consuls, Lucius Julius Libo (Patrician), Gaius Attilius Calatinus (Plebeian), and Gaius Arpineius Capito (Latin) held firm. Libo and Capito formed two consular armies and marched north to meet the Gallic threat, while Calatinus remained in the city to guard against any attacks by Pyrrhus.
North of Ancona, Capito's army was briefly separated from Libo's, at which point it encountered the Gauls. Suffering a sizable defeat, the Romans were barely able to disengage from the battle in good order when the weather turned to their favor. However, their good fortune turned out to be the bad fortune of Libo's army, caught in the same storm. As the first Roman army regrouped, the Gauls were able to locate the second Roman army in the area and attack it, rather than press on against Capito. By the time Capito's army was able to relieve its brethren, heavy losses had been sustained, and Libo was gravely wounded.
The two Roman armies decided to engage on defensive terms, while reinforcements were sought back in the capital. Calatinus was uneasy with the prospect of pulling away his sole, understrength legion to send to the north, but sent the bulk to reinforce the front. It seemed that the moment they were away, Pyrrhus invaded Roman Campania, and the Republic was now fighting on two fronts. The weakened northern armies could do nothing as Ancona fell to the Gallic army and was sacked, despite the fact that the city was technically independent and neutral. Meanwhile, Neapolis fell to Pyrrhus' army before Calatinus could even muster up enough soldiers to march south.
For the second time in a generation, the Republic was under siege.
At the end of the war between Rome and Epirus in 281 BC, both sides were keenly aware that a second conflict was likely. As they licked their wounds and rebuilt their militaries, the Republic and Pyrrhus looked about for various potential allies in the rematch.
Rome looked to the Alexandrian Empire (as the realm ruled by Philip III from Alexandria, was increasingly known, both for its capital and its founder) for assistance, which came only insofar as Philip was eager to help them rebuild their capital. Though Philip was vigilant against the threat of his cousin in Epirus, he was keenly aware that the Roman Republic could prove to be a threat to his Empire in the not too distant future, and he felt it was best to limit his support somewhat.
The other source of potential allies for Rome lay within Pyrrhus' own kingdom. The Carthaginians had long had friendly relations with the Romans and Latins, and were not entirely pleased with their recent conquest by the Hellenic states to the east. Meanwhile, though the Greek city states of Magna Graecia in the south of the Italian peninsula were culturally kin to the Epirotes, few felt any great loyalty to Pyrrhus and his dynasty, other than his chosen capital of Syracuse, which flourished under his rule - another sore point for the Carthaginians, who felt their control of the trade routes were threatened by Syracuse.
Though the Romans were eager to pursue their opportunities with the various dissidents in Pyrrhus' kingdom, he was no less aware of the danger than they were of the opportunity, and maneuvered conservatively, so as not to instigate any troubles within his territory. He waited for several years to find an opportunity, until one finally arose across the Adriatic, when his own kingdom was under attack.
In 277 BC, one of the Gallic tribes in Pannonia, the Tolistobogii, were restless enough that raiding the Greeks looked to be an excellent opportunity. Among their leaders was a young warlord named Brennus who held sway over the largest body of warriors. Initially, they were inclined to invade Alexandrian Macedonia and Thrace, as Philip was beset by one of the various revolts that plagued his reign. However, Philip had a large enough force at his disposal to defeat Brennus' force outside of the Macedonian capital of Pella in a relatively minor skirmish. He then suggested that the Gallic army might find an easier target in the much smaller kingdom of Epirus to his west, and Philip just happened to have some spare coin available as a further incentive to leave his Empire.
Upon hearing of the invasion of his own lands at this point, Pyrrhus sailed across the Adriatic to meet the threat and decided that his cousin was on to something. Arraying his army against the invaders near Apollonia, he pointed out that Italy would be an even better target for the Gauls. After all, Rome was weaker than Epirus (or so he claimed), and they had just attacked their Gallic brethren in the Padus (Po) valley, which rightfully belonged in Gallic hands. As an added bonus, Pyrrhus happened to have some extra ships in which he was happy to ferry the army across the sea.
So, for the second time in less than a year, the Gallic army was redirected from their original target and landed in recently Roman-occupied Cisalpine Gaul. The Romans, for their part, had only really held the coastal territories, and were on relatively good terms with the various Gallic settlements that hadn't tried to attack them during the wars with the Samnites. Of course, those Gauls that had sided against Rome weren't so well treated, and it was among them that Brennus' army found the most eager allies. To say that the Romans were uneasy with the prospects of an invading Gallic army under a man named Brennus would be a vast understatement.
Panic gripped many in Rome, though the Senate and Consuls, Lucius Julius Libo (Patrician), Gaius Attilius Calatinus (Plebeian), and Gaius Arpineius Capito (Latin) held firm. Libo and Capito formed two consular armies and marched north to meet the Gallic threat, while Calatinus remained in the city to guard against any attacks by Pyrrhus.
North of Ancona, Capito's army was briefly separated from Libo's, at which point it encountered the Gauls. Suffering a sizable defeat, the Romans were barely able to disengage from the battle in good order when the weather turned to their favor. However, their good fortune turned out to be the bad fortune of Libo's army, caught in the same storm. As the first Roman army regrouped, the Gauls were able to locate the second Roman army in the area and attack it, rather than press on against Capito. By the time Capito's army was able to relieve its brethren, heavy losses had been sustained, and Libo was gravely wounded.
The two Roman armies decided to engage on defensive terms, while reinforcements were sought back in the capital. Calatinus was uneasy with the prospect of pulling away his sole, understrength legion to send to the north, but sent the bulk to reinforce the front. It seemed that the moment they were away, Pyrrhus invaded Roman Campania, and the Republic was now fighting on two fronts. The weakened northern armies could do nothing as Ancona fell to the Gallic army and was sacked, despite the fact that the city was technically independent and neutral. Meanwhile, Neapolis fell to Pyrrhus' army before Calatinus could even muster up enough soldiers to march south.
For the second time in a generation, the Republic was under siege.
I've been reviewing my work on this consistently, and I've never been entirely happy with my 'three consuls' idea. Its nice, its simple, and it seems to cut to the heart of the problem. However, it sets an awkward precedent for expanding the number of the Chief Executives of the state, plus it just seems like something that the Romans wouldn't do as a compromise.
Its been bugging me ever since I jotted the idea down, and I think I have solution. The Romans, after all, never did expand the number of Consuls elected in a year. They did, however, expand the number of Praetors significantly. In fact, the office of Praetor was relatively new at the time, and was created as part of the compromise that split the consulship between patricians and plebeians (so that the patricians would still have 2 high offices to pursue).
The second praetorship wasn't created until the First Punic War, the 3rd & 4th until between the First and Second Punic Wars, and the 5th & 6th after the end of the Second. Sulla and Julius Caesar both expanded the number of Praetors, eventually totally 16, but the number of 6 is generally satisfactory for discussions of the Roman Republic.
So, it occurs to me that a more realistic compromise would be the addition of a Latin Praetor, rather than a Latin Consul. What do others think?
Its been bugging me ever since I jotted the idea down, and I think I have solution. The Romans, after all, never did expand the number of Consuls elected in a year. They did, however, expand the number of Praetors significantly. In fact, the office of Praetor was relatively new at the time, and was created as part of the compromise that split the consulship between patricians and plebeians (so that the patricians would still have 2 high offices to pursue).
The second praetorship wasn't created until the First Punic War, the 3rd & 4th until between the First and Second Punic Wars, and the 5th & 6th after the end of the Second. Sulla and Julius Caesar both expanded the number of Praetors, eventually totally 16, but the number of 6 is generally satisfactory for discussions of the Roman Republic.
So, it occurs to me that a more realistic compromise would be the addition of a Latin Praetor, rather than a Latin Consul. What do others think?
I'm amending the timeline to the new idea that the Latins were awarded the right to a Praetorship, rather than a third Consulship.
And now, we bring you back to the action:
The Second Pyrrhic War, Revival and Rebellion
As the Roman territory in Italy was under attack from all sides, a dictator was once again appointed to command the Republic in 276 BC, Marcus Valerius Falto. Falto had to salvage the situation quickly, as the advancing armies could not be allowed to coordinate closely and join up.
This initial fear was alleviated when it became obvious that the Gallic army to the north was content to stay in the north and the Romans were able to keep Pyrrhus' army in the south. Falto's focus was on Pyrrhus, in order to protect Campania. Pyrrhus had learned the limitations of his phalanx army and avoided unfavorable ground, making sure to avoid areas where his less flexible formation would be vulnerable. Falto, meanwhile, focused skirmishes and harassing the Epirote army, with the aim of coercing the enemy force back into Magna Graecia.
A contingent of the Roman force did exceed orders a few months into this campaign and found itself engaged with Pyrrhus' army, in which is suffered very heavy losses. Falto's strategy of maneuvering Pyrrhus out of Roman territory gained additional respect after that blunder, and his campaign proceeded cautiously, according to his design. With Pyrrhus clearly not able to choose battle on his own terms, he gradually withdrew to the southern end of the peninsula that was under his control. Falto, meanwhile, liberated Neapolis after a siege against the Epirote garrison, while guarding against renewed incursions by Pyrrhus.
The nothern front against the Gauls was a much more lively affair, with running battles as Calatinus renewed the offensive after the disorder of the Battle of Ancona. The next engagement was much more favorable for the Romans, near Sentium, and the Gallic army beat a hasty retreat to the north, into Cisalpine Gaul. Now, it was a game of cat and mouse as the Romans chased their opponent around the river valley. Finally, at Mutina, Calatinus' army was able to force Brennus to battle, and and the Romans were able to decisively defeat the Gauls.
Pyrrhus, meanwhile, not content to march along the border between Epirote Magna Graecia and Roman Italia, began to hire large numbers of mercenaries to bolster his forces. Higher taxes were levied across his realm, and Pyrrhus soon had the force he wanted, heavy with Numidian cavalry, North African elephants, and additional Greek hoplites from the east.
By the time the expanded army was ready to march, it was the next year, and he was facing a Consular army under Appius Claudius Nero. Nero didn't have nearly a large enough force to withstand the renewed attack, and was defeated, though the Romans exacted considerable losses on Pyrrhus' army before they could extract themselves. Additional legions were raised to combat this force, and they soon met the enemy again outside of Capua. This battle was a bloody victory for the Romans, but they were not able to slow Pyrrhus' advance by much at all.
While blows were being traded in Campania, the Romans were sending out additional forces to raid the outlying territories under Epirote control. The islands of Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily were soon visited by the fledgling Roman navy and its marines. However, that fleet was wrecked while off the cost of Sicily, near Lilybaeum. As the survivors repaired their fleet while ashore, they did their best to disrupt Epirote control over Sicily. The eastern Greek side of the island was firmly in Pyrrhus' camp, but the western side, with a greater Punic demographic, was not as loyal.
It was here that the Romans were able to open up a new front, as they began to support discontent elements in the Carthaginian population who were chafing under Pyrrhus' rule. They'd been under Greek political domination since Alexander the Great conquered their city and its empire, but had come to accept the loss of political independence as they were not burdened with the costs of national defense. They continued to establish trading colonies across the western Mediterranean, even out along the Atlantic. However, when Pyrrhus began levying additional taxes upon them and eating into their profits, their contentment with Greek rule over the Punic populations began to wear thin quickly. Especially when many suspected that the war was nowhere near its end and that it would continue to cost more and more treasure.
And now, we bring you back to the action:
The Second Pyrrhic War, Revival and Rebellion
As the Roman territory in Italy was under attack from all sides, a dictator was once again appointed to command the Republic in 276 BC, Marcus Valerius Falto. Falto had to salvage the situation quickly, as the advancing armies could not be allowed to coordinate closely and join up.
This initial fear was alleviated when it became obvious that the Gallic army to the north was content to stay in the north and the Romans were able to keep Pyrrhus' army in the south. Falto's focus was on Pyrrhus, in order to protect Campania. Pyrrhus had learned the limitations of his phalanx army and avoided unfavorable ground, making sure to avoid areas where his less flexible formation would be vulnerable. Falto, meanwhile, focused skirmishes and harassing the Epirote army, with the aim of coercing the enemy force back into Magna Graecia.
A contingent of the Roman force did exceed orders a few months into this campaign and found itself engaged with Pyrrhus' army, in which is suffered very heavy losses. Falto's strategy of maneuvering Pyrrhus out of Roman territory gained additional respect after that blunder, and his campaign proceeded cautiously, according to his design. With Pyrrhus clearly not able to choose battle on his own terms, he gradually withdrew to the southern end of the peninsula that was under his control. Falto, meanwhile, liberated Neapolis after a siege against the Epirote garrison, while guarding against renewed incursions by Pyrrhus.
The nothern front against the Gauls was a much more lively affair, with running battles as Calatinus renewed the offensive after the disorder of the Battle of Ancona. The next engagement was much more favorable for the Romans, near Sentium, and the Gallic army beat a hasty retreat to the north, into Cisalpine Gaul. Now, it was a game of cat and mouse as the Romans chased their opponent around the river valley. Finally, at Mutina, Calatinus' army was able to force Brennus to battle, and and the Romans were able to decisively defeat the Gauls.
Pyrrhus, meanwhile, not content to march along the border between Epirote Magna Graecia and Roman Italia, began to hire large numbers of mercenaries to bolster his forces. Higher taxes were levied across his realm, and Pyrrhus soon had the force he wanted, heavy with Numidian cavalry, North African elephants, and additional Greek hoplites from the east.
By the time the expanded army was ready to march, it was the next year, and he was facing a Consular army under Appius Claudius Nero. Nero didn't have nearly a large enough force to withstand the renewed attack, and was defeated, though the Romans exacted considerable losses on Pyrrhus' army before they could extract themselves. Additional legions were raised to combat this force, and they soon met the enemy again outside of Capua. This battle was a bloody victory for the Romans, but they were not able to slow Pyrrhus' advance by much at all.
While blows were being traded in Campania, the Romans were sending out additional forces to raid the outlying territories under Epirote control. The islands of Corsica, Sardinia, and Sicily were soon visited by the fledgling Roman navy and its marines. However, that fleet was wrecked while off the cost of Sicily, near Lilybaeum. As the survivors repaired their fleet while ashore, they did their best to disrupt Epirote control over Sicily. The eastern Greek side of the island was firmly in Pyrrhus' camp, but the western side, with a greater Punic demographic, was not as loyal.
It was here that the Romans were able to open up a new front, as they began to support discontent elements in the Carthaginian population who were chafing under Pyrrhus' rule. They'd been under Greek political domination since Alexander the Great conquered their city and its empire, but had come to accept the loss of political independence as they were not burdened with the costs of national defense. They continued to establish trading colonies across the western Mediterranean, even out along the Atlantic. However, when Pyrrhus began levying additional taxes upon them and eating into their profits, their contentment with Greek rule over the Punic populations began to wear thin quickly. Especially when many suspected that the war was nowhere near its end and that it would continue to cost more and more treasure.
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Hmm this is very interesting. I'll agree that the expansion of the praetorship seems more likely than expanding the consuls. Anyways, subscribed.
The End of the Second Pyrrhic War
At the beginning of 274 BC, Pyrrhus's Italian campaign seemed to be going satisfactorily. He was continuing to make progress up the peninsula and consistently getting the better of the various Roman armies arrayed against him. The Romans, however, were not as concerned, as they could take pride in their ability to minimize their own casualties while maximizing those that Pyrrhus himself was suffering. This would be a more lethal blow to the Epirote army had it been composed more of citizen-soldiers than hire mercenaries, but, alas for Rome, the hired swords were the ones taking the brunt of the losses.
Their true successes came on the diplomatic front, as the Republic was finally able to coax the Carthaginians into rebelling against their Hellenic overlords. The Carthaginians were finally confident that they had more to gain by joining the Romans than they had to lose, and so their impressive fleet set sail from Africa, under the command of one of their best navigators, Bomilcar. They offered little in the way of land forces, other than a motley band of mercenaries of their own, but it was the fleet that Rome needed.
Pyrrhus had a sizable fleet of his own, not including his now-lost Carthaginian ships, and so Rome had been relatively cautious in their naval endeavors. Now that they had superiority on the waves, the focus of the war shifted. Deciding to strike quickly, the Romans and Carthaginians used their fleet not to attack Pyrrhus's, but to protect an Roman invasion of Sicily, under the command of the Consul, Gaius Julius Mento. Bomilcar blockaded Pyrrhus' capital at Syracuse while the Romans landed, before detaching part of his fleet to support ancillary attacks on the other cities in Sicily. The various Punic cities were fairly supportive, and a few were even able expel their Greek garrisons, further eroding Pyrrhus' control of the island.
Supposedly, Pyrrhus was outside the walls of Rome when word arrived that his own capital was under siege. This is most likely just dramatic license, but it is known that he quickly turned around and marched back south to relieve his city. While he likely had the necessary forces to take the city of Rome again, Pyrrhus knew that even if he did, if he lost Syracuse, he would not be able to pay his mercenaries for very long at all, and the war would be lost.
As Pyrrhus headed south, the other Roman Consul, Gaius Fabius Ambustus harried his army, doing everything possible to slow the enemy. Ambustus' force was smaller than Pyrrhus', but the Epirote knew that he could not afford whatever losses he would suffer in actually confronting the Roman army directly, nor could he take the time necessary to engage them in battle.
All of these concerns paled in comparison to the concern of how to actually reach Syracuse. Now that the Carthaginian fleet stood in his way, he had no way to guarantee that he'd be able to make the crossing. However, since most of Bomilcar's fleet was at Syracuse, it was possible for Pyrrhus to maintain localized superiority, and possibly ferry his army across the strait to Sicily. Bomilcar and Mento were aware of this, and it was decided to allocate part of the blockade of Syracuse in order contest Pyrrhus' crossing.
The first elements of the Carthaginian fleet met with the Epirote fleet and allowed Pyrrhus' ships to win the day, encouraging him to begin ferrying over his army. However, this was merely a trap, and when less than half of the army had crossed, the remainder of the Carthaginian fleet moved in to close off the strait. With a sizable portion of his ships captured or resting on the seafloor, Pyrrhus now had no superiority in numbers in any specific area. Mento was able to lead part of his besieging army up from Syracuse to attack the isolated force outside of Messana, forcing the army to bottle up in the city, taking them out of the war. Unfortunately, this reduced the effectiveness of the siege of Syracuse, and additional supplies were able to reach the city.
Of course, this was hardly any comfort to Pyrrhus, who found his army at Rhegium under attack by Ambustus' now comparatively larger army. At Rhegium, Pyrrhus was decisively defeated, and was barely able to flee with any appreciable remnant of his force. He fled to mainland Epirus to reorganize his forces, only to learn upon arrival that the army at Messana had surrendered and that Syracuse was now totally surrounded and would not last much longer.
Tragically for the Epirote king, he was able to raise both a fleet and army large enough to have a realistic chance at relieving Syracuse, only to receive word that Syracuse, too, had fallen. In the course of a year, the king had gone from ruling an Empire that stretched from the Greek hinterlands to the pillars of Hercules to just the core of Epirus proper, and a string of isolated holdouts scattered around the Mediterranean.
The next year, Pyrrhus sailed to Brundisium in order to try to salvage the situation. Facing off against a Consular army near Tarentum under the command of one Gaius Livius Andronicus. The Roman army emerged victorious, and the defeated Epirote king finally sued for peace as he knew that his homeland was all but defenseless now. It would be a humiliating loss for Pyrrhus and would catapult the Roman Republic into undisputed domination of the western Mediterranean.
At the beginning of 274 BC, Pyrrhus's Italian campaign seemed to be going satisfactorily. He was continuing to make progress up the peninsula and consistently getting the better of the various Roman armies arrayed against him. The Romans, however, were not as concerned, as they could take pride in their ability to minimize their own casualties while maximizing those that Pyrrhus himself was suffering. This would be a more lethal blow to the Epirote army had it been composed more of citizen-soldiers than hire mercenaries, but, alas for Rome, the hired swords were the ones taking the brunt of the losses.
Their true successes came on the diplomatic front, as the Republic was finally able to coax the Carthaginians into rebelling against their Hellenic overlords. The Carthaginians were finally confident that they had more to gain by joining the Romans than they had to lose, and so their impressive fleet set sail from Africa, under the command of one of their best navigators, Bomilcar. They offered little in the way of land forces, other than a motley band of mercenaries of their own, but it was the fleet that Rome needed.
Pyrrhus had a sizable fleet of his own, not including his now-lost Carthaginian ships, and so Rome had been relatively cautious in their naval endeavors. Now that they had superiority on the waves, the focus of the war shifted. Deciding to strike quickly, the Romans and Carthaginians used their fleet not to attack Pyrrhus's, but to protect an Roman invasion of Sicily, under the command of the Consul, Gaius Julius Mento. Bomilcar blockaded Pyrrhus' capital at Syracuse while the Romans landed, before detaching part of his fleet to support ancillary attacks on the other cities in Sicily. The various Punic cities were fairly supportive, and a few were even able expel their Greek garrisons, further eroding Pyrrhus' control of the island.
Supposedly, Pyrrhus was outside the walls of Rome when word arrived that his own capital was under siege. This is most likely just dramatic license, but it is known that he quickly turned around and marched back south to relieve his city. While he likely had the necessary forces to take the city of Rome again, Pyrrhus knew that even if he did, if he lost Syracuse, he would not be able to pay his mercenaries for very long at all, and the war would be lost.
As Pyrrhus headed south, the other Roman Consul, Gaius Fabius Ambustus harried his army, doing everything possible to slow the enemy. Ambustus' force was smaller than Pyrrhus', but the Epirote knew that he could not afford whatever losses he would suffer in actually confronting the Roman army directly, nor could he take the time necessary to engage them in battle.
All of these concerns paled in comparison to the concern of how to actually reach Syracuse. Now that the Carthaginian fleet stood in his way, he had no way to guarantee that he'd be able to make the crossing. However, since most of Bomilcar's fleet was at Syracuse, it was possible for Pyrrhus to maintain localized superiority, and possibly ferry his army across the strait to Sicily. Bomilcar and Mento were aware of this, and it was decided to allocate part of the blockade of Syracuse in order contest Pyrrhus' crossing.
The first elements of the Carthaginian fleet met with the Epirote fleet and allowed Pyrrhus' ships to win the day, encouraging him to begin ferrying over his army. However, this was merely a trap, and when less than half of the army had crossed, the remainder of the Carthaginian fleet moved in to close off the strait. With a sizable portion of his ships captured or resting on the seafloor, Pyrrhus now had no superiority in numbers in any specific area. Mento was able to lead part of his besieging army up from Syracuse to attack the isolated force outside of Messana, forcing the army to bottle up in the city, taking them out of the war. Unfortunately, this reduced the effectiveness of the siege of Syracuse, and additional supplies were able to reach the city.
Of course, this was hardly any comfort to Pyrrhus, who found his army at Rhegium under attack by Ambustus' now comparatively larger army. At Rhegium, Pyrrhus was decisively defeated, and was barely able to flee with any appreciable remnant of his force. He fled to mainland Epirus to reorganize his forces, only to learn upon arrival that the army at Messana had surrendered and that Syracuse was now totally surrounded and would not last much longer.
Tragically for the Epirote king, he was able to raise both a fleet and army large enough to have a realistic chance at relieving Syracuse, only to receive word that Syracuse, too, had fallen. In the course of a year, the king had gone from ruling an Empire that stretched from the Greek hinterlands to the pillars of Hercules to just the core of Epirus proper, and a string of isolated holdouts scattered around the Mediterranean.
The next year, Pyrrhus sailed to Brundisium in order to try to salvage the situation. Facing off against a Consular army near Tarentum under the command of one Gaius Livius Andronicus. The Roman army emerged victorious, and the defeated Epirote king finally sued for peace as he knew that his homeland was all but defenseless now. It would be a humiliating loss for Pyrrhus and would catapult the Roman Republic into undisputed domination of the western Mediterranean.
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Good update. Shame for Pyrrhus, like OTL he just pissed off too many people. Up until now though he's been quite a bit more successful though, obviously. I assume Rome and Carthage will soon come to blows - which is a shame, because both have a much stronger common experience of struggle under Greek warlords ITTL than IOTL. Based on your recent threads, I'm going to guess that - should this happen - it might mean Carthage will get their own praetor. But anyways I'll shut up and await your next post.
Harrumph. You get a cookie. Though Pyrrhus isn't totally down for the count.
The Aftermath of the Second Pyrrhic War
The Roman-Carthaginian final victory in 272 BC was resounding and indisputable. Pyrrhus lost all of his territories outside of Epirus proper: Magna Graecia, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Africa, and the various coastal holdings along the African and Southern Hispanian coasts. The victory was, of course, followed by intense debate on just what to do with all the conquered territory.
Some decisions were relatively easy. Owing to the fragmented nature of the cities in Magna Graecia, they were incorporated into the Roman's web of Italian cities on a varying terms, depending on how the Romans were predisposed to regard each city's conduct during the war. Sicily, with it vital grain supply, became a province of the Republic; the first, as it would turn out. That was a minor technicality, however, as within the coming days, Corsica and Sardinia would be designated a province as well.
It was the territories that had been under Carthaginian rule in Africa and Hispania prior to their defeat by Alexander the Great, 47 years prior, that were problematic for the victors. The Romans considered that they were due the spoils of war, for being the leaders of the alliance. Further, they feared that simply liberating Carthage as one whole entity would simply present Rome with a new threat in Epirus' place. Carthage, meanwhile, had held nominal authority over most of the areas in question, even under Hellenistic domination. Further, they felt that they had already acquiesced to Rome regarding Sicily, having abandoned any claim to the formerly Carthaginian cities on the island.
However, Carthage's opposition to Rome taking the territories was not universal among their leaders. Many of Carthage's leading citizens and senators had prospered greatly in the prior five decades, even with the loss of independence. In fact, with foreign kings taking the responsibility for Carthage's defense, the city had been relieved of that great cost. They were of the opinion that joining Rome outright was not necessarily an unacceptable course of action.
As this general concept was presented to the Roman Republic and the Carthaginian people themselves, a more refined solution was reached. Rome would indeed incorporate Hispania and Africa as provinces. However, Carthage and its environs, and the more important Punic colonies, such as Leptis Magna and Gades, remained under Carthaginian control, even as the countryside would be under Roman jurisdiction. Carthage would submit to Roman authority and provide their fleet to the Republic's needs, though they would remain relatively autonomous and they were awarded the right to elect a Praetor of their own, just as the Latins had been (these Punic Praetors were limited to those Carthaginians that had served as Suffet in Carthage).
Rome, meanwhile, expanded the number of Praetors to four, in order that there would be as many Romans as non-Romans in the office. Also, there was a need for more magistrates due to the vastly increased territory under Roman supervision. Those that had served as Praetor or Consul were called upon to govern the four new provinces, with the Punic Preators being given informal preference for being assigned to either Africa or Hispania.
While both Africa and Hispania were incorporated as provinces, it was only their coastal regions. Africa stretched from Tripolitania in the east all the way to Tingis, on the Atlantic coast (though Tingis itself was under Carthage's purview), but rarely reached far inland, where the various Muaretanian and Numidian tribes ruled. Meanwhile, Hispania stretched from Onoba (Huelva) to Mastia (Cartagena, though it would never be named Carthago Nova in this history) and hugged the coast even more tightly than Africa did.
While Roman prestige and power were greatly increased by all the new territory, the exhausted state was now presented with three unstable borders. While the Republic had formerly just had to deal with the tribes of Cisalpine Gaul, they now had to deal with similarly volatile relations in Africa and Hispania as well. The new provinces and the Padus (Po) valley would be marked by continual low-level warfare for the foreseeable future as the Romans were forced to divide their attentions on these multiple fronts.
To the East, Pyrrhus licked his wounds and stewed. The king's prestige had been greatly tarnished by the recent conflict. He had emerged onto the world stage as a leader that could go toe-to-toe with the son of Alexander the Great, and now had been defeated by a ragtag band of semi-barbarian cities, not once, but twice. Pyrrhus was all to aware that, just to his east, Philip's empire loomed ominously, a constant threat to his much-diminished realm.
Pyrrhus needed a way to restore his reputation and to expand his own holdings. There was only one direction that he could possibly go: north. His fleet was still formidable, and the army he had raised near the end of the war was restored to a semblance of its former size and discipline. There was no reason why he couldn't expand his influence deep into Illyria.
The initial efforts were lead by envoys of the Epirote king, seeking allies among the various Illyrian tribes. He knew that it would only be a matter of time before such alliances provided him with pretext for war with other tribes. The envoys had their most success with the Daorsi, one of the more Hellenized states in the region, as well as the Ardiaei. These two tribes would form the backbone of Pyrrhus' Illyrian alliance, though other smaller tribes would also join in of their own accord. However, Pyrrhus' desire to form a pretext for expansion proved unnecessary, as the Dardani tribe, which had proven worthy foes for both Alexander the Great and his father, Philip, began to raid Epirus in force in 270 BC. Pyrrhus' Illyrian war had begun.
The early battles of the war would be just the rehabilitation of his reputation that Pyrrhus had so desired. Two crushing defeats of the Dardani consolidated his hold on power within his realm, and enticed wavering Illyrian tribes to his side. The king then began to campaign along the coast, facing little serious resistance through the year.
In 269 BC, Pyrrhus met the first real opposition since dispatching the Dardani, when the Delmatae decided to check his progress. The Delmatae were a group of Celto-Illyrians, and maintained close ties to other Celtic tribes further inland, such as the powerful Pannonii. Resistance began to form around these two key opponents, and Pyrrhus now faced attacks all along his long border.
The threat of being overextended and surrounded was all too familiar, and Pyrrhus worked diligently to avoid another defeat. He strengthened his alliances with his supporting tribes, while expanding his reach out to the remaining neutral natives. Feeling that, with enough local support, he could crush the Delmatae and dissolve their coalition in one blow, Pyrrhus managed to secure the support of the Liburnians, a fading but still potent naval power just north of the Delmatae.
Now surrounded, the Delmatae were forced to focus on their homeland, rather than raid Pyrrhus. This fell directly into the king's hands, and so he was able to force a pitched battle with the Delmatae and Pannonii, and soundly defeat them both, scattering the alliance that had formed against him. Though Illyria would never be truly pacified during Pyrrhus' reign, he had largely secured the coast and the allegiance of the more important tribes. He could honestly say to have conquered the region, and so returned to Epirus, confident that his legacy was safe for the time being.
The Roman-Carthaginian final victory in 272 BC was resounding and indisputable. Pyrrhus lost all of his territories outside of Epirus proper: Magna Graecia, Sicily, Sardinia, Corsica, Africa, and the various coastal holdings along the African and Southern Hispanian coasts. The victory was, of course, followed by intense debate on just what to do with all the conquered territory.
Some decisions were relatively easy. Owing to the fragmented nature of the cities in Magna Graecia, they were incorporated into the Roman's web of Italian cities on a varying terms, depending on how the Romans were predisposed to regard each city's conduct during the war. Sicily, with it vital grain supply, became a province of the Republic; the first, as it would turn out. That was a minor technicality, however, as within the coming days, Corsica and Sardinia would be designated a province as well.
It was the territories that had been under Carthaginian rule in Africa and Hispania prior to their defeat by Alexander the Great, 47 years prior, that were problematic for the victors. The Romans considered that they were due the spoils of war, for being the leaders of the alliance. Further, they feared that simply liberating Carthage as one whole entity would simply present Rome with a new threat in Epirus' place. Carthage, meanwhile, had held nominal authority over most of the areas in question, even under Hellenistic domination. Further, they felt that they had already acquiesced to Rome regarding Sicily, having abandoned any claim to the formerly Carthaginian cities on the island.
However, Carthage's opposition to Rome taking the territories was not universal among their leaders. Many of Carthage's leading citizens and senators had prospered greatly in the prior five decades, even with the loss of independence. In fact, with foreign kings taking the responsibility for Carthage's defense, the city had been relieved of that great cost. They were of the opinion that joining Rome outright was not necessarily an unacceptable course of action.
As this general concept was presented to the Roman Republic and the Carthaginian people themselves, a more refined solution was reached. Rome would indeed incorporate Hispania and Africa as provinces. However, Carthage and its environs, and the more important Punic colonies, such as Leptis Magna and Gades, remained under Carthaginian control, even as the countryside would be under Roman jurisdiction. Carthage would submit to Roman authority and provide their fleet to the Republic's needs, though they would remain relatively autonomous and they were awarded the right to elect a Praetor of their own, just as the Latins had been (these Punic Praetors were limited to those Carthaginians that had served as Suffet in Carthage).
Rome, meanwhile, expanded the number of Praetors to four, in order that there would be as many Romans as non-Romans in the office. Also, there was a need for more magistrates due to the vastly increased territory under Roman supervision. Those that had served as Praetor or Consul were called upon to govern the four new provinces, with the Punic Preators being given informal preference for being assigned to either Africa or Hispania.
While both Africa and Hispania were incorporated as provinces, it was only their coastal regions. Africa stretched from Tripolitania in the east all the way to Tingis, on the Atlantic coast (though Tingis itself was under Carthage's purview), but rarely reached far inland, where the various Muaretanian and Numidian tribes ruled. Meanwhile, Hispania stretched from Onoba (Huelva) to Mastia (Cartagena, though it would never be named Carthago Nova in this history) and hugged the coast even more tightly than Africa did.
While Roman prestige and power were greatly increased by all the new territory, the exhausted state was now presented with three unstable borders. While the Republic had formerly just had to deal with the tribes of Cisalpine Gaul, they now had to deal with similarly volatile relations in Africa and Hispania as well. The new provinces and the Padus (Po) valley would be marked by continual low-level warfare for the foreseeable future as the Romans were forced to divide their attentions on these multiple fronts.
To the East, Pyrrhus licked his wounds and stewed. The king's prestige had been greatly tarnished by the recent conflict. He had emerged onto the world stage as a leader that could go toe-to-toe with the son of Alexander the Great, and now had been defeated by a ragtag band of semi-barbarian cities, not once, but twice. Pyrrhus was all to aware that, just to his east, Philip's empire loomed ominously, a constant threat to his much-diminished realm.
Pyrrhus needed a way to restore his reputation and to expand his own holdings. There was only one direction that he could possibly go: north. His fleet was still formidable, and the army he had raised near the end of the war was restored to a semblance of its former size and discipline. There was no reason why he couldn't expand his influence deep into Illyria.
The initial efforts were lead by envoys of the Epirote king, seeking allies among the various Illyrian tribes. He knew that it would only be a matter of time before such alliances provided him with pretext for war with other tribes. The envoys had their most success with the Daorsi, one of the more Hellenized states in the region, as well as the Ardiaei. These two tribes would form the backbone of Pyrrhus' Illyrian alliance, though other smaller tribes would also join in of their own accord. However, Pyrrhus' desire to form a pretext for expansion proved unnecessary, as the Dardani tribe, which had proven worthy foes for both Alexander the Great and his father, Philip, began to raid Epirus in force in 270 BC. Pyrrhus' Illyrian war had begun.
The early battles of the war would be just the rehabilitation of his reputation that Pyrrhus had so desired. Two crushing defeats of the Dardani consolidated his hold on power within his realm, and enticed wavering Illyrian tribes to his side. The king then began to campaign along the coast, facing little serious resistance through the year.
In 269 BC, Pyrrhus met the first real opposition since dispatching the Dardani, when the Delmatae decided to check his progress. The Delmatae were a group of Celto-Illyrians, and maintained close ties to other Celtic tribes further inland, such as the powerful Pannonii. Resistance began to form around these two key opponents, and Pyrrhus now faced attacks all along his long border.
The threat of being overextended and surrounded was all too familiar, and Pyrrhus worked diligently to avoid another defeat. He strengthened his alliances with his supporting tribes, while expanding his reach out to the remaining neutral natives. Feeling that, with enough local support, he could crush the Delmatae and dissolve their coalition in one blow, Pyrrhus managed to secure the support of the Liburnians, a fading but still potent naval power just north of the Delmatae.
Now surrounded, the Delmatae were forced to focus on their homeland, rather than raid Pyrrhus. This fell directly into the king's hands, and so he was able to force a pitched battle with the Delmatae and Pannonii, and soundly defeat them both, scattering the alliance that had formed against him. Though Illyria would never be truly pacified during Pyrrhus' reign, he had largely secured the coast and the allegiance of the more important tribes. He could honestly say to have conquered the region, and so returned to Epirus, confident that his legacy was safe for the time being.
Glad you're enjoying it so far. I'm almost caught up to the goings on in the eastern Mediterranean, so I'm not entirely sure where I'll go next. Persia and India could probably use some attention, as could far-off China...
From the Atlantic Ocean to the Gulf of Ganges
Philip III, son of Alexander the Great, may have lost much of his father's empire, but that did not mean that the family's fortunes had diminished in the slightest. The Argead dynasty that had emerged from Macedon had proven in little more than a generation to be the most esteemed of all royal houses yet seen in the world. Before his death, Philip could claim that much of the known world was ruled by his immediate family, despite the less than cordial relations that many had for each other.
The kingdom of Epirus was ruled by Pyrrhus, the husband of Philip's sister, Olympias. Though he would go on to lose much of his territory, his borders were washed by the Atlantic Ocean itself, and explorers would set out in search of fortune along the scorched coasts to the south and the frigid seas to the north.
Philip himself, of course, ruled over Greece, Anatolia, the Fertile Crescent, Arabia, and Egypt, and his empire was an economic, cultural, and military powerhouse of its day. The guardian of the Hellenic legacy of the Greek city-states, Philip's Alexandrian Empire, based, of course, in Alexandria, Egypt, was the cradle of the emerging Hellenistic civilization.
To the east, the Argead dynasty was in total control of the vast Persian territory, as Philip's half-siblings, Perseus and Medea ruled together. Half-Persian themselves, the royal couple was beloved by the people as they embraced their Iranian roots and sought to take only what they deemed most useful of their Greek heritage.
Even further east, Bactria was ruled, at first, by Philip's grandfather, Oxyartes, the father of Roxana. After his death, his son, Ariamnes, took over Bactria, during Philip's war with Persia. Ariamnes used his alliance with his nephew to great advantage for Bactria, expanding the territory for which he was responsible and establishing his own significant state.
To the south of Bactria, even India was ruled by a relative of Philip's. Bindusara Maurya, the son of the great Chandragupta, was married to Cleopatra, Philip's eldest sister. The Mauryans also expanded at the expense of Persia, incorporating all of Alexander's conquests along the Indus valley, as Bindusara continued to increase the size of his empire, conquering most of the Indian subcontinent.
The Blossoming States of Central Asia
The greatest expansion in the central Asian regions was that of Bactria, as Ariamnes expanded his realm to include Sogdiana and Fergana in the north, Margiana in the west, and Arachosia in the south. Further to the northwest, the state of Chorasmia stood as a stable ally for the time being, and relations with the Mauryans of India were cordial.
Even as the Bactrian borders were pushing outward, the interior was experiencing a great population boom, as Ariamnes proved himself to be a staunch Philhellene. Many of the Greek settlers throughout the Persian territories of Alexander's conquests found themselves less than welcome in the new emerging order, and fled to surrounding regions, with Bactria being the preferred destination in the east. The mountainous kingdom would be a beacon of Hellenistic civilization within the coming generations.
Ariamnes' ambitions were still greater, and the ease of his early conquests in the disintegrating fringes of the Alexandrian Empire emboldened him. In 276 BC, he decided to expand along the trade routes that cross the Tian Shan mountain range and into the Tarim basin. There, many city-states stood, populated by the Tocharian peoples, also known as the Yuezhi to the Huaxia (the pre-Imperial Warring States of China) states further to the east, and Ariamnes hoped to control even more of the trade routes to the distant east.
The first of the cities, Kasia (Kashi), fell after a siege by Ariamnes' army. Though the Bactrian king wanted to be magnanimous, the city was greatly damaged by fire during as the invaders sacked the town. As word spread among the other Tocharian cities of the basin, Ariamnes found his forward progress facing stiffer and stiffer resistance. Like most city-states of a common culture, they were relatively independent rivals, but in the face of foreign aggression, their old feuds were buried, as a local leader, Maios, forged a confederacy of the cities.
As Ariamnes laid siege to the next city on his march, Yarkand, a combined Tocharian army began to attack the besiegers, driving them off before the Bactrian army regrouped and returned. The Tocharians were again successful, and Ariamnes fell back to Kasia, and now it was Maios' army that was laying siege. This siege would last much longer than the first siege of Kasia, due to Bactrian superiority in siege warfare, but the city eventually fell, and Ariamnes was captured.
Maios treated with Ariamnes respectfully, as the Tocharian general knew that the Bactrian king was useful to him as an outside threat. If the enemy were executed and his kingdom fell into civil war, then there would be nothing to bind the cities of the Tarim basin together anymore, and they would resume their squabbling. So, a relatively generous status-quo ante bellum peace was achieved in 273 BC. Ariamnes would pay an indemnity in order to pay for the restoration of Kasia, but, in tern the Tocharians and Bactrians would agree to respect each other's caravans and merchants, providing Ariamnes with his nominal goal of securing the trade routes to the east. Indeed, the revenue from the increased trade eventually allowed Ariamnes to recover the cost of his indemnity in short order.
For his part, Maios presented the treaty to the Tocharians as the only way to ensure some security against Bactrian revenge. So long as they had treated the foreign king respectfully, his heir would not seek to renew his father's war. So long as the Tocharians were united, the Bactrians would see that it was more profitable to be peaceful neighbors than conquerors.
Source Maps
http://thehistoryofchina.files.wordpress.com/2014/06/silk-road-map1.jpg
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/40/MacedonEmpire.jpg
Philip III, son of Alexander the Great, may have lost much of his father's empire, but that did not mean that the family's fortunes had diminished in the slightest. The Argead dynasty that had emerged from Macedon had proven in little more than a generation to be the most esteemed of all royal houses yet seen in the world. Before his death, Philip could claim that much of the known world was ruled by his immediate family, despite the less than cordial relations that many had for each other.
The kingdom of Epirus was ruled by Pyrrhus, the husband of Philip's sister, Olympias. Though he would go on to lose much of his territory, his borders were washed by the Atlantic Ocean itself, and explorers would set out in search of fortune along the scorched coasts to the south and the frigid seas to the north.
Philip himself, of course, ruled over Greece, Anatolia, the Fertile Crescent, Arabia, and Egypt, and his empire was an economic, cultural, and military powerhouse of its day. The guardian of the Hellenic legacy of the Greek city-states, Philip's Alexandrian Empire, based, of course, in Alexandria, Egypt, was the cradle of the emerging Hellenistic civilization.
To the east, the Argead dynasty was in total control of the vast Persian territory, as Philip's half-siblings, Perseus and Medea ruled together. Half-Persian themselves, the royal couple was beloved by the people as they embraced their Iranian roots and sought to take only what they deemed most useful of their Greek heritage.
Even further east, Bactria was ruled, at first, by Philip's grandfather, Oxyartes, the father of Roxana. After his death, his son, Ariamnes, took over Bactria, during Philip's war with Persia. Ariamnes used his alliance with his nephew to great advantage for Bactria, expanding the territory for which he was responsible and establishing his own significant state.
To the south of Bactria, even India was ruled by a relative of Philip's. Bindusara Maurya, the son of the great Chandragupta, was married to Cleopatra, Philip's eldest sister. The Mauryans also expanded at the expense of Persia, incorporating all of Alexander's conquests along the Indus valley, as Bindusara continued to increase the size of his empire, conquering most of the Indian subcontinent.
The Blossoming States of Central Asia
The greatest expansion in the central Asian regions was that of Bactria, as Ariamnes expanded his realm to include Sogdiana and Fergana in the north, Margiana in the west, and Arachosia in the south. Further to the northwest, the state of Chorasmia stood as a stable ally for the time being, and relations with the Mauryans of India were cordial.
Even as the Bactrian borders were pushing outward, the interior was experiencing a great population boom, as Ariamnes proved himself to be a staunch Philhellene. Many of the Greek settlers throughout the Persian territories of Alexander's conquests found themselves less than welcome in the new emerging order, and fled to surrounding regions, with Bactria being the preferred destination in the east. The mountainous kingdom would be a beacon of Hellenistic civilization within the coming generations.
Ariamnes' ambitions were still greater, and the ease of his early conquests in the disintegrating fringes of the Alexandrian Empire emboldened him. In 276 BC, he decided to expand along the trade routes that cross the Tian Shan mountain range and into the Tarim basin. There, many city-states stood, populated by the Tocharian peoples, also known as the Yuezhi to the Huaxia (the pre-Imperial Warring States of China) states further to the east, and Ariamnes hoped to control even more of the trade routes to the distant east.
The first of the cities, Kasia (Kashi), fell after a siege by Ariamnes' army. Though the Bactrian king wanted to be magnanimous, the city was greatly damaged by fire during as the invaders sacked the town. As word spread among the other Tocharian cities of the basin, Ariamnes found his forward progress facing stiffer and stiffer resistance. Like most city-states of a common culture, they were relatively independent rivals, but in the face of foreign aggression, their old feuds were buried, as a local leader, Maios, forged a confederacy of the cities.
As Ariamnes laid siege to the next city on his march, Yarkand, a combined Tocharian army began to attack the besiegers, driving them off before the Bactrian army regrouped and returned. The Tocharians were again successful, and Ariamnes fell back to Kasia, and now it was Maios' army that was laying siege. This siege would last much longer than the first siege of Kasia, due to Bactrian superiority in siege warfare, but the city eventually fell, and Ariamnes was captured.
Maios treated with Ariamnes respectfully, as the Tocharian general knew that the Bactrian king was useful to him as an outside threat. If the enemy were executed and his kingdom fell into civil war, then there would be nothing to bind the cities of the Tarim basin together anymore, and they would resume their squabbling. So, a relatively generous status-quo ante bellum peace was achieved in 273 BC. Ariamnes would pay an indemnity in order to pay for the restoration of Kasia, but, in tern the Tocharians and Bactrians would agree to respect each other's caravans and merchants, providing Ariamnes with his nominal goal of securing the trade routes to the east. Indeed, the revenue from the increased trade eventually allowed Ariamnes to recover the cost of his indemnity in short order.
For his part, Maios presented the treaty to the Tocharians as the only way to ensure some security against Bactrian revenge. So long as they had treated the foreign king respectfully, his heir would not seek to renew his father's war. So long as the Tocharians were united, the Bactrians would see that it was more profitable to be peaceful neighbors than conquerors.
Source Maps
http://thehistoryofchina.files.wordpress.com/2014/06/silk-road-map1.jpg
http://upload.wikimedia.org/wikipedia/commons/4/40/MacedonEmpire.jpg
Nobody would happen to have any good resources on Yuezhi, Tocharian, or Xiong-Nu names, would they? I've been able to find a glossary of Tocharian terms, which is somewhat useful, but a) its not names and b)Tocharian was spoken for a long time, so it might not even be accurate for the period.
Ascent of the Chu
Far to the east of the various conquests of the Hellenistic Argeads, the ancient Zhou state had virtually ceased to exist. Its various vassal territories had been independent in all but name since the 5th century BC, and they vied with each other relentlessly for control of the Huaxia territories in what is historically known as the Warring States period. There were many such kingdoms, but the largest, territorially, was Chu, the southernmost of the states.
Chu controlled the majority of the great rivers Yangtze and Huai and, in 334 BC, had conquered the coastal state of Yue. It was a great and mighty state, and was run on a generally legalistic philosophy, though not strictly so. Legalism was the harshest of all the major Chinese philosophies concerning statecraft, but it also tended to be quite popular for the militarily-oriented states of the time. The most ardently Legalist of all the states was Qin, a comparatively small region that had been honed by constant warfare with the border tribes to the west of the Zhou states.
Qin was expansionist to its core, and, at the end of the 4th century, saw the best avenue for expansion in the non-Zhou states of Ba and Shu, in the fertile Sichuan basin, directly to Chu's west. This strategy was directly chosen in order to outmaneuver Chu itself, so that the Qin state would be able to defeat Chu and unify the Warring states under its rule as the pre-eminent state in the region. This strategy would have likely resulted in Qin dominance for the foreseeable future, had the ruler of Chu, King Huai, not taken proactive measures against the Qin.
As the Qin armies began to march south into Sichuan in order to conquer Ba and Shu, the Chu armies marched against them, striking at both the invading army and the Qin territory itself. This counter-invasion proved to be quite successful for Chu, as the Qin armies were ground down, bit by bit, as they abandoned their invasion to force out the Chu from their homeland. Though the Chu did succeed in capturing any Qin territory, they were able to secure Ba and Shu for their own state, against Qin expansion, which was the ultimate goal of the war in the first place.
Huai's gamble had paid off, though it had been costly in men and material. Further, it was costly to maintain Chu hold over Ba and Shu, especially so soon after the state had conquered the Yue in the east. It was only lenient indirect rule, combined with the fuming threat of Qin to the north that maintained Chu in the region. However, despite the extreme cost, the agricultural bounty that the Sichuan basin provided was now available to Chu, and would greatly benefit the state in its endeavors.
Whereas the ruler of Qin, Huiwen, had viewed the basin as a springboard to rapid expansion, King Huai of Chu's philosophy was much more passive. Chu now controlled the entirety of the southern river valleys, leaving the northern states to fight over the Yellow river. King Huai, and his son, King Qingxiang, made no serious moves to expand to the north, preferring to strike only at targets of opportunity, when the smaller states were at war. Though the Chu was by far the most powerful single state at this point, it could not afford for any alliances to be formed against it by the other Zhou states. This resulted in an uneasy stalemate among the various states throughout the two king's reigns, as the Chu could not expand north without inciting unified opposition, and the northern states could not attack each other without giving Chu an avenue to expand against them. Though that dynamic could not last, it would require an outside force to disrupt the status quo.
Far to the east of the various conquests of the Hellenistic Argeads, the ancient Zhou state had virtually ceased to exist. Its various vassal territories had been independent in all but name since the 5th century BC, and they vied with each other relentlessly for control of the Huaxia territories in what is historically known as the Warring States period. There were many such kingdoms, but the largest, territorially, was Chu, the southernmost of the states.
Chu controlled the majority of the great rivers Yangtze and Huai and, in 334 BC, had conquered the coastal state of Yue. It was a great and mighty state, and was run on a generally legalistic philosophy, though not strictly so. Legalism was the harshest of all the major Chinese philosophies concerning statecraft, but it also tended to be quite popular for the militarily-oriented states of the time. The most ardently Legalist of all the states was Qin, a comparatively small region that had been honed by constant warfare with the border tribes to the west of the Zhou states.
Qin was expansionist to its core, and, at the end of the 4th century, saw the best avenue for expansion in the non-Zhou states of Ba and Shu, in the fertile Sichuan basin, directly to Chu's west. This strategy was directly chosen in order to outmaneuver Chu itself, so that the Qin state would be able to defeat Chu and unify the Warring states under its rule as the pre-eminent state in the region. This strategy would have likely resulted in Qin dominance for the foreseeable future, had the ruler of Chu, King Huai, not taken proactive measures against the Qin.
As the Qin armies began to march south into Sichuan in order to conquer Ba and Shu, the Chu armies marched against them, striking at both the invading army and the Qin territory itself. This counter-invasion proved to be quite successful for Chu, as the Qin armies were ground down, bit by bit, as they abandoned their invasion to force out the Chu from their homeland. Though the Chu did succeed in capturing any Qin territory, they were able to secure Ba and Shu for their own state, against Qin expansion, which was the ultimate goal of the war in the first place.
Huai's gamble had paid off, though it had been costly in men and material. Further, it was costly to maintain Chu hold over Ba and Shu, especially so soon after the state had conquered the Yue in the east. It was only lenient indirect rule, combined with the fuming threat of Qin to the north that maintained Chu in the region. However, despite the extreme cost, the agricultural bounty that the Sichuan basin provided was now available to Chu, and would greatly benefit the state in its endeavors.
Whereas the ruler of Qin, Huiwen, had viewed the basin as a springboard to rapid expansion, King Huai of Chu's philosophy was much more passive. Chu now controlled the entirety of the southern river valleys, leaving the northern states to fight over the Yellow river. King Huai, and his son, King Qingxiang, made no serious moves to expand to the north, preferring to strike only at targets of opportunity, when the smaller states were at war. Though the Chu was by far the most powerful single state at this point, it could not afford for any alliances to be formed against it by the other Zhou states. This resulted in an uneasy stalemate among the various states throughout the two king's reigns, as the Chu could not expand north without inciting unified opposition, and the northern states could not attack each other without giving Chu an avenue to expand against them. Though that dynamic could not last, it would require an outside force to disrupt the status quo.
The Hawk of Atreus
The great conqueror of the north was known by the people of East Asia as Yalishanda. Ethnically, he was nominally Greek, though that only comprised a scant fraction of his ancestry, with the majority being a mix of Indian, Persian, and Bactrian. However, he claimed a direct patrilineal descent going all the way back to the legendary Atreus, the father of Agamemnon and Menelaus. Like many young men born in the 3rd century BC, he was named Alexander.
Alexander of the Atreidai was born in 283 BC, to Menander, a mercenary captain serving under the King of Bactria, Ariamnes. The boy showed remarkable aptitude for any lesson put before him. He learned the many languages spoken in Central Asia, and developed a keen military mind early on. Accompanying his father through many expeditions and contracts, the young Alexander also proved quite popular with the rank and file soldiers in the company. However, this life was not to last, and Menander was implicated in a conspiracy against Ariamnes in 267 BC, resulting in his death and the death of many of the other mercenaries in the company.
Alexander, his mother Thais, and a few of the survivors of the purge escaped Bactria, fleeing east into Tocharia. The entourage was unwelcome there, as well, and soon the teenager was fleeing even further east, ultimately reaching the lawless borderlands between the Tocharian settlements and the savage Xiongnu to their east. It was here that Alexander would truly come of age, as he thrived on the adversity, learning the ways of the people of the steppe, striving to be their equal in their style of warfare.
As the boy became a man, he began to earn the respect of the people around him as a military leader, and it was not long before a small retinue of warriors formed around him. This band grew quickly, and before he was 30, he was a powerful warlord in his own right. At this time, the Xiongnu were disunited and squabbling amongst themselves, and this charismatic leader sought to change that. Having grown up amongst many of them, and with his strategic mind and flexibility for adapting new tactics on the fly, Alexander proved to be worthy of the loyalty of many of the Xiongnu fighters, and his prestige and influence grew.
It was not an easy road, however, and many opposed him. Some opponents had to be defeated on the field of battle, and others had to be co-opted. In 250 BC, however, the last credible resistance to Alexander among the Xiongnu was eliminated, and he was recognized as the Chanyu of the Xiongnu. With an army of nomads behind him, and an elite corps of heavy infantry built along the Hellenistic model supporting the cavalry, Alexander was seeking to combine the best of two very divergent forms of warfare.
The Tocharian states to his west would prove the testing ground of the new force, and it proved to be a fruitful arena in which to train. The far eastern, disunited, cities fell the most easily. It was the unified confederation of Tocharian cities in the Tarim basin that proved a more difficult target. It would take until 246 BC for Alexander to conquer the entirety of the confederation and bend it to his will, but he was successful, and he now had a battle-hardened army, eager for the next conquest: The Warring States of the increasingly feeble Zhou Dynasty to his south.
The great conqueror of the north was known by the people of East Asia as Yalishanda. Ethnically, he was nominally Greek, though that only comprised a scant fraction of his ancestry, with the majority being a mix of Indian, Persian, and Bactrian. However, he claimed a direct patrilineal descent going all the way back to the legendary Atreus, the father of Agamemnon and Menelaus. Like many young men born in the 3rd century BC, he was named Alexander.
Alexander of the Atreidai was born in 283 BC, to Menander, a mercenary captain serving under the King of Bactria, Ariamnes. The boy showed remarkable aptitude for any lesson put before him. He learned the many languages spoken in Central Asia, and developed a keen military mind early on. Accompanying his father through many expeditions and contracts, the young Alexander also proved quite popular with the rank and file soldiers in the company. However, this life was not to last, and Menander was implicated in a conspiracy against Ariamnes in 267 BC, resulting in his death and the death of many of the other mercenaries in the company.
Alexander, his mother Thais, and a few of the survivors of the purge escaped Bactria, fleeing east into Tocharia. The entourage was unwelcome there, as well, and soon the teenager was fleeing even further east, ultimately reaching the lawless borderlands between the Tocharian settlements and the savage Xiongnu to their east. It was here that Alexander would truly come of age, as he thrived on the adversity, learning the ways of the people of the steppe, striving to be their equal in their style of warfare.
As the boy became a man, he began to earn the respect of the people around him as a military leader, and it was not long before a small retinue of warriors formed around him. This band grew quickly, and before he was 30, he was a powerful warlord in his own right. At this time, the Xiongnu were disunited and squabbling amongst themselves, and this charismatic leader sought to change that. Having grown up amongst many of them, and with his strategic mind and flexibility for adapting new tactics on the fly, Alexander proved to be worthy of the loyalty of many of the Xiongnu fighters, and his prestige and influence grew.
It was not an easy road, however, and many opposed him. Some opponents had to be defeated on the field of battle, and others had to be co-opted. In 250 BC, however, the last credible resistance to Alexander among the Xiongnu was eliminated, and he was recognized as the Chanyu of the Xiongnu. With an army of nomads behind him, and an elite corps of heavy infantry built along the Hellenistic model supporting the cavalry, Alexander was seeking to combine the best of two very divergent forms of warfare.
The Tocharian states to his west would prove the testing ground of the new force, and it proved to be a fruitful arena in which to train. The far eastern, disunited, cities fell the most easily. It was the unified confederation of Tocharian cities in the Tarim basin that proved a more difficult target. It would take until 246 BC for Alexander to conquer the entirety of the confederation and bend it to his will, but he was successful, and he now had a battle-hardened army, eager for the next conquest: The Warring States of the increasingly feeble Zhou Dynasty to his south.
The Empire of Yalishanda
Alexander, better known as Yalishanda by the people over whom he ruled, invaded the warring states of fading great kingdom of Zhou in 244 BC. The various Huaxia populations of the eastern edge of Asia were his ultimate goal, and he hoped to re-unite their land under his growing empire. In his ambition, he was not all too dissimilar to Alexander the Great, for whom he had been named, though he was half-nomad in his outlook on life; whereas Alexander the Great justified his conquests through some vague notion of spreading Hellenistic culture to the ends of the Earth, Yalishanda simply sought to conquer as much as possible.
The situation among the Warring States had changed little since the incorporation of Ba and Shu by the state of Chu. Chu, the southernmost of all the Zhou states, still was the dominant power in the region, but squandered its advantage over its squabbling neighbors to the north, too timid to risk unifying them. That is not to say that the Chu were entirely passive, engaging in a diplomatic offensive to the north to ensure that their rivals would focus most of their animosity against each other rather than Chu. Militarily, Chu found itself almost constantly in conflict with the Baiyue peoples to its south that had formally ruled the state of Yue until that kingdom's conquest by Chu. Chu usually had the upper hand in these wars, and its borders were moving inexorably southward and incorporating more and more of the Baiyue peoples into its realm.
Among the northern Zhou states, there was little development since the last great Qin-Chu war over the western regions. Wei and Zhao had brief moments of ascendency in the intervening periods, but their attempts at hegemony in the north were crushed by alliances among their neighbors, often with the backing of Chu. The only state to truly expand at this time was Yan, which had campaigned against the Gojoseon confederation (northern Korea) and conquered much of their territory in the mid 3rd century.
The strain of that war left Yan vulnerable to outside interference, and it just so happened to coincide with Yalishanda's commencement of his invasion. The invading warlord had a firm grasp of the advantages of both nomadic cavalry armies and the slower heavy infantry armies typical of more sedentary populations, such as his current victims. Employing his forces in a two pronged invasion, he began to lay siege to the cities of Yan, while his cavalry ravaged the countryside and harried any armies that attempted to lift the sieges. The first city to fall was the metropolis and secondary capital of Xiadu, which was ruthlessly sacked and razed. When the capital of Yanjing fell two months later, and the royal family surrendered, the city was spared, as an example to any other resistance that surrendering to Yalishanda's army was the safest course of action. Yan ceased to exist by the end of 244 BC, and Yalishanda was only getting started.
His next target was Qi, a rival to Chu itself and one of the few states that could consistently count itself as a major power among the Zhou states. By the time his armies were marching into Qi territory, the rest of the states were rousing themselves to the existential threat that Yalishanda's invasion represented. Envoys began to race amongst the capitals as their leaders attempted to patch over their differences and cobble together an alliance against Yalishanda. Han Wang, the nominal Zhou sovereign, lent what little moral authority his office still had left to the defense of the realm, though it provided little except formal cover for setting aside old grudges amongst his nominal subjects.
The two major holdouts among the Warring States that contributed little to this alliance were Qin and Chu. The ruler of Qin, Xiaowen, was confident that his army could capitalize on the instability and strike against the weakened forces of whichever side happened to emerge victorious. As for Chu, its ruler, Ai, was waiting to see which way the winds blew, partially to counter whatever Qin might be up to, and partially due to a confidence in the defensiveness of its own realm along the River Yangtze.
As Qi was invaded, the defenders did their best to simply slow down Yalishanda's invasion, but it was almost more than could be asked of them. Casualties were high and city after city fell, many merely at the sight of the invading army, but the Qi state continued on as its neighbors mustered their own armies to come to the defense of their civilization. Those armies converged on Yalishanda's as he lay siege to the Qi capital of Yingqiu, and the greatest battle of the war to that point took place.
The allied forces acquitted themselves quite well, especially given the haphazard nature of their organization, and they were able to force Yalishanda's army to break of its siege and fall back to a more defensible position. However, countless lives were lost on both sides, and Yalishanda was able to maintain the cohesion of his army effectively, even in retreat. This skill would prove vital, as the allied force continued to force him further and further north, but they never were able to gain an opportunity to engage in a pitched battle again.
Whether or not Yalishanda had been in communication with Xiaowen of Qin is debated, but whether by design or luck, the Qin forces took this opportunity to invade their distracted neighbors. The bold invasion caught the allied army off guard, and, in 242 BC, the alliance began to fall apart, as various leaders raced back west to save their own kingdoms from invasion. Yalishanda, of course, allowed them to leave, one by one, until on the remnants of the Qi army, along with token contingents from a few of the other allies, stood in his way. The invading army resumed its southward push, and bypassing some of the original targets, marched along the Yellow River, toward the nominal capital of the equally nominal Zhou kingdom, Chengzhou. There, Han Wang, sovereign of the entire Huaxia civilization, was surrounded by the invading army and was captured.
Now, Yalishanda began to return his attention to the east, moping up the remainder of the resistance in Qi while the western states foolishly fought amongst themselves. He claimed to be fighting on behalf of Han Wang, to restore the Zhou to their former glory, and the obvious lie was enough to simply give many cities that had no desire to suffer a siege and sack excuse to surrender readily. The earlier rapidity with which Yalishanda had marched was now slowed, as he methodically secured the eastern reaches and prepared to do exactly what Xiaowen of Qin had wanted to do in the first place: conquer the weakened victor of the ongoing war.
It was not until 240 BC that Yalishanda began his march west to attack Qin, but the outcome was already a foregone conclusion. Qin had been able to conquer much of the remaining territory between itself and Yalishanda's realm, but, overextended and exhausted from the exertion, even the highly militarized state stood no chance. It would be a grinding affair, but, despite heavy losses as the terrain favored the Qin, Yalishanda's armies marched relentlessly west, until, in 237 BC, the Qin fell and Xiaowen committed suicide. After 7 years of hard fighting, Yalishanda had conquered the entire north of the realm. All that remained was Chu.
Alexander, better known as Yalishanda by the people over whom he ruled, invaded the warring states of fading great kingdom of Zhou in 244 BC. The various Huaxia populations of the eastern edge of Asia were his ultimate goal, and he hoped to re-unite their land under his growing empire. In his ambition, he was not all too dissimilar to Alexander the Great, for whom he had been named, though he was half-nomad in his outlook on life; whereas Alexander the Great justified his conquests through some vague notion of spreading Hellenistic culture to the ends of the Earth, Yalishanda simply sought to conquer as much as possible.
The situation among the Warring States had changed little since the incorporation of Ba and Shu by the state of Chu. Chu, the southernmost of all the Zhou states, still was the dominant power in the region, but squandered its advantage over its squabbling neighbors to the north, too timid to risk unifying them. That is not to say that the Chu were entirely passive, engaging in a diplomatic offensive to the north to ensure that their rivals would focus most of their animosity against each other rather than Chu. Militarily, Chu found itself almost constantly in conflict with the Baiyue peoples to its south that had formally ruled the state of Yue until that kingdom's conquest by Chu. Chu usually had the upper hand in these wars, and its borders were moving inexorably southward and incorporating more and more of the Baiyue peoples into its realm.
Among the northern Zhou states, there was little development since the last great Qin-Chu war over the western regions. Wei and Zhao had brief moments of ascendency in the intervening periods, but their attempts at hegemony in the north were crushed by alliances among their neighbors, often with the backing of Chu. The only state to truly expand at this time was Yan, which had campaigned against the Gojoseon confederation (northern Korea) and conquered much of their territory in the mid 3rd century.
The strain of that war left Yan vulnerable to outside interference, and it just so happened to coincide with Yalishanda's commencement of his invasion. The invading warlord had a firm grasp of the advantages of both nomadic cavalry armies and the slower heavy infantry armies typical of more sedentary populations, such as his current victims. Employing his forces in a two pronged invasion, he began to lay siege to the cities of Yan, while his cavalry ravaged the countryside and harried any armies that attempted to lift the sieges. The first city to fall was the metropolis and secondary capital of Xiadu, which was ruthlessly sacked and razed. When the capital of Yanjing fell two months later, and the royal family surrendered, the city was spared, as an example to any other resistance that surrendering to Yalishanda's army was the safest course of action. Yan ceased to exist by the end of 244 BC, and Yalishanda was only getting started.
His next target was Qi, a rival to Chu itself and one of the few states that could consistently count itself as a major power among the Zhou states. By the time his armies were marching into Qi territory, the rest of the states were rousing themselves to the existential threat that Yalishanda's invasion represented. Envoys began to race amongst the capitals as their leaders attempted to patch over their differences and cobble together an alliance against Yalishanda. Han Wang, the nominal Zhou sovereign, lent what little moral authority his office still had left to the defense of the realm, though it provided little except formal cover for setting aside old grudges amongst his nominal subjects.
The two major holdouts among the Warring States that contributed little to this alliance were Qin and Chu. The ruler of Qin, Xiaowen, was confident that his army could capitalize on the instability and strike against the weakened forces of whichever side happened to emerge victorious. As for Chu, its ruler, Ai, was waiting to see which way the winds blew, partially to counter whatever Qin might be up to, and partially due to a confidence in the defensiveness of its own realm along the River Yangtze.
As Qi was invaded, the defenders did their best to simply slow down Yalishanda's invasion, but it was almost more than could be asked of them. Casualties were high and city after city fell, many merely at the sight of the invading army, but the Qi state continued on as its neighbors mustered their own armies to come to the defense of their civilization. Those armies converged on Yalishanda's as he lay siege to the Qi capital of Yingqiu, and the greatest battle of the war to that point took place.
The allied forces acquitted themselves quite well, especially given the haphazard nature of their organization, and they were able to force Yalishanda's army to break of its siege and fall back to a more defensible position. However, countless lives were lost on both sides, and Yalishanda was able to maintain the cohesion of his army effectively, even in retreat. This skill would prove vital, as the allied force continued to force him further and further north, but they never were able to gain an opportunity to engage in a pitched battle again.
Whether or not Yalishanda had been in communication with Xiaowen of Qin is debated, but whether by design or luck, the Qin forces took this opportunity to invade their distracted neighbors. The bold invasion caught the allied army off guard, and, in 242 BC, the alliance began to fall apart, as various leaders raced back west to save their own kingdoms from invasion. Yalishanda, of course, allowed them to leave, one by one, until on the remnants of the Qi army, along with token contingents from a few of the other allies, stood in his way. The invading army resumed its southward push, and bypassing some of the original targets, marched along the Yellow River, toward the nominal capital of the equally nominal Zhou kingdom, Chengzhou. There, Han Wang, sovereign of the entire Huaxia civilization, was surrounded by the invading army and was captured.
Now, Yalishanda began to return his attention to the east, moping up the remainder of the resistance in Qi while the western states foolishly fought amongst themselves. He claimed to be fighting on behalf of Han Wang, to restore the Zhou to their former glory, and the obvious lie was enough to simply give many cities that had no desire to suffer a siege and sack excuse to surrender readily. The earlier rapidity with which Yalishanda had marched was now slowed, as he methodically secured the eastern reaches and prepared to do exactly what Xiaowen of Qin had wanted to do in the first place: conquer the weakened victor of the ongoing war.
It was not until 240 BC that Yalishanda began his march west to attack Qin, but the outcome was already a foregone conclusion. Qin had been able to conquer much of the remaining territory between itself and Yalishanda's realm, but, overextended and exhausted from the exertion, even the highly militarized state stood no chance. It would be a grinding affair, but, despite heavy losses as the terrain favored the Qin, Yalishanda's armies marched relentlessly west, until, in 237 BC, the Qin fell and Xiaowen committed suicide. After 7 years of hard fighting, Yalishanda had conquered the entire north of the realm. All that remained was Chu.