Oh, I really thought of the whole Gabon as Spanish territory, which is impossible.
The Legacy of the Glorious (Milarqui's Cut)
- Thread starter Milarqui
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That's a gross exaggeration. The Aranese's is clearly a reaction to modern Catalan nationalist rethoric, not an example of some "nationalist awakening" of their own. In the past elections the most voted party in the Aran was the PP, and their whole premise "but we're not Catalans we have a language of our own" is not unlike what the Valencians (also avid PP voters) do when they insist that their language is not a Catalan dialect but a separate language.
Besides, this is the 19th century. These days, the Aranese can easily make their voice heard in the media, and most of them live quite well because of revenues from eco-tourism, skiing and subsidies (like say, "bails" so they "allow" bears that could "threaten" their flocks to be reintroduced in the region). More money = More power. But a century and a half ago, they'd be just a bunch of extremely poor shepherds in a God-forsaken, isolated mountain valley. If the government says they go with Catalonia, they will. Or better said, news will reach the Aran that they are part of a Catalan foral region well after it has been established, and they'll just go "oh, well".
I know it was late 1800's. But the Aranese speak a Gascon/Occitan dialect, right?
OK, I am getting near to finishing Chapter VI of the rewriting, so a few things for you to know:
- After Chapter VII, which should more or less finish the entire 19th century, I will be writing an update that will deal with culture in Spain. This includes literature (prose and poetry), other arts, inventions, science and, yes, sports.
- I have nominated myself for the 2013 Turtledove Awards (shame on you for not doing it for me!). I know it will be hard to get an award, given the competition, but it would be nice to know several people thought it was the (or one of the) best 19th century stories. Please, vote from 18th January, and if you like my story, vote for it!
- If anyone likes TV Tropes, please suggest possible Tropes that could be applied to this story, just like it happened in Dr Strangelove's No Spanish Civil War.
- After Chapter VII, which should more or less finish the entire 19th century, I will be writing an update that will deal with culture in Spain. This includes literature (prose and poetry), other arts, inventions, science and, yes, sports.
- I have nominated myself for the 2013 Turtledove Awards (shame on you for not doing it for me!). I know it will be hard to get an award, given the competition, but it would be nice to know several people thought it was the (or one of the) best 19th century stories. Please, vote from 18th January, and if you like my story, vote for it!
- If anyone likes TV Tropes, please suggest possible Tropes that could be applied to this story, just like it happened in Dr Strangelove's No Spanish Civil War.
Chapter VI, Part I (revised)
Chapter VI – The Second Colonization Starts...
Part I – The European Politics
A decade had passed since Leopoldo I was crowned, and Europe had changed much since then. Ten years before, the United Kingdom reigned supreme but aloof of European matters, France was the continent's great power, Prussia looked forward to unifying all German people under the same flag, Italy desired to take Rome, the Ottoman Empire controlled most of the Balkans and Spain was in search of a king.
Now, the United Kingdom paid more attention to the continental affairs, France had gone from Empire to Republic to Monarchy after the loss of part of its national territory, Germany had replaced France as the great Continental power, Rome was the capital of Italy, the Balkans were fighting and trying to gain independence from the Ottomans and Spain had once more become a powerful nation on its own right.
A deeper look at how the world had evolved would be interesting, given how things had changed.
The United Kingdom, which still was the greatest power in the world, was currently in the middle of the successful reign of Victoria I, who had become Empress of India in 1876 and had lost her second daughter, Alice, to diphtheria. In 1880, Lord Gladstone, who had been Prime Minister during the Hohenzollerns' War, took the reigns of government from Benjamin Disraeli, whose expansionist policy was deemed “disgraceful”.
Mohamed Tewfik Pasha, Khedive of Egypt and Sudan
However, events soon allowed the British Empire to expand even further: in spring 1881, Egyptian Colonel Ahmed Urabi, angry at the foreign control over his nation both economically (France and Britain) and politically (Albanians and Turco-Circassians) and threatened by Khedive Pasha's plans to shrink the army, decided to initiate a revolt and took control of the government. British and French overt support for the Khedive sparked many threats against European interests in the region, as well as riots, one of which took place in Alexandria on January 8th 1882 and took 350 lives, most of them Egyptians.
The failure of the political option made the decision important, and the British House of Commons decided to send the British Army to invade Egypt and bring the revolts to a stop. Landings in the Canal Zone and Alexandria were met with success, but further advances were more difficult due to local opposition. It wasn't until July 1882 that the revolt was put down, and only then did the British realize that they were controlling all of Egypt even though they only wanted to stop the rebellion and keep the Suez Canal under their control. While attempting to restore Egypt for the future, some within the United Kingdom were ready to accept that Egypt had become part of the Empire, de facto if not de iure.
In France, the economic expansion that had started shortly after the Second Restoration was finished. The slightly extreme measures the French government had followed to pay the war debts as fast as possible had paid off, and France had surged after the payments finished, but everything had an end, and the French development was not an exception. However, the improved situation was still a boon for the French, many of which regarded King Philippe VII as the savior of the nation.
Premier Albert de Broglie of France
Premier [1] Albert de Broglie's [2] government put forward several measures to ensure that the slowing of the French economy did not have any bad consequences. In foreign affairs, they planned to reestablish the image of France as a great power that had been shattered after the Hohenzollerns' War, and they also looked for potential allies for the expected future war against Germany and Spain, which had started to be planned for practically since the end of the war.
The restoration of France's image in the world was mainly achieved by pushing through their new colonial policies, especially in Central and West Africa, although the events that took place in Indochina were the ones that helped the most in that part (see Part III).
The latter was easy to initiate, although not as much to fulfill. The United Kingdom was one of the few nations with the power to oppose Germany and Spain, so France started to attempt to sway them to their side. Initially, these attempts were unsuccessful, but, slowly, as Germany's power increased, especially after the Berlin Conference (see Part III), so did British concerns about them, and they started to appreciate French collaboration in Europe. The only point of contention between them was Corsica, which France wanted to reclaim and which Britain preferred to be kept independent, but in the end France acquiesced, knowing that they would still have time in the future to bring them back into the fold.
Even though it was ruled by a kin of the German Kaiser, Russia was also a good potential candidate for an alliance with France. Given that Germany's and Russia's interests in Europe ran opposite to each other, the French politicians believed that it would be easy to gain the Russians as allies. It was not so easy, though, although, like with the United Kingdom, it became easier with the passage of time. For Czar Alexander II, better relationships with France meant the chance to improve the economical situation in his nation, important since he was also working to modernize Russia and bring it nearer to the ideal of the Western nation, bringing democracy and abolishing once for all the brutal feudal regime that still survived despite his efforts.
The object of France's greatest hatred, Germany, was living in a golden age, within what some people called Pax Germanica, a peace brokered by Bismarck's skills in diffusing conflict among European powers. The victory in the Hohenzollern Krieg (as the Germans called the Hohenzollerns' War) still permeated German society, with militarism remaining one important feature of society, although relaxed after years of peace. The German politicians, however, knew that a war with France was completely unavoidable due to the latter's revanchism over the loss in the war, and thus the Germans remained alert.
The economy had also improved thanks to the growth of the industrial base, although this brought several problems of their own: many factories fell under control of the cartels that dominated Germany's industrial power, and many times the workers were denied their rights, suffering much under the control of the industrial owners. Bismarck, to prevent the German Social Democratic Party (SPD, Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands) from gaining power, used two assassination attempts against Emperor Wilhelm I to pass the Anti-Socialist Laws, outlawing socialist organizations and literature.
August Bebel, one of the founders of the SPD
To compensate this, Bismarck used several welfare programs initiated in Prussia and Saxony as the basis for the Sozialstaat, introducing old age pensions, accident insurance and medical care, with the aim of not only reducing socialist influence, but also to reduce the outflow of skilled workers to the United States.
Despite his efforts, Bismarck was unable to prevent socialism's entrance into politics. The German Constitution allowed candidates to run as independents, a loophole the Social Democrats exploited, encouraged by the growing success of the PSOE in Spain. Once installed in their seats in the recently built Reichstag, the unofficial members of the SPD, the National Liberal Party (NLP, Nationalliberale Partei) and the German Progress Party (DFP, Deutsche Fortschrittspartei) started to use their power to speak in favor of a reform of the system, using Spain as an example that Germany could (and, perhaps, should) imitate, where linguistic and political minorities were given voice and political power to achieve self-government.
Where the example of the Kingdom of Spain was further looked up to was in the Balkans, especially those parts where the Austro-Hungarian Empire ruled. The Dual Monarchy had, since 1867, struggled to avoid revolts among the Balkan minorities. However, as knowledge of Spain and its minorities filtered into the Balkans, the people started to make demands for more rights and for local and regional autonomy. The protests were supported by the young nation of Serbia, which hoped to be for the Slavs what Prussia had been for the Germans, a task that would, for them, be much harder than it had been for Prussia due to the many differences between them.
Meanwhile, Czar Alexander II was continuing his efforts to modernize Russia. The freedom of the serfs (which had given him the title of “The Liberator”), achieved in 1861, had not managed to change much, so he desired to continue advancing in that issue to free the people. He also supported the expansion of the industry and the railway network, expecting to be able to connect Saint Petersburg with the young city of Vladivostok before the end of the century. Also, with the support of several of his ministers, he had initiated plans to democratize Russia, which was regarded as the best way to prevent a revolt from the lower classes.
These plans nearly went awry, though. In 13th March 1881, several members of the pro-democracy, socialist Russian organization Narodnaya Volya – Наро́дная во́ля, The People's Will – attempted to kill Aleksandr II as he went to the Mikhailovsky Manège for the weekly military roll call. Three bombers prepared their bombs. The first bomb, thrown by Nikolai Rysakov, killed one of the Czar's Cossack bodyguards and injured several spectators; the second one was thrown by Ivan Emelyanov when the Emperor came out of the carriage to survey the situation, but Aleksandr Levitsky [2] managed to catch the bomb, dying when it exploded. The third bomber, Ignacy Hryniewiecki, was soon tackled to the floor when people around him realized that he was also carrying a bomb.
Sophia Perovskaya and Andrei Zhelyabov, the organizers of the attack on Aleksandr II
The Cossack bodyguards managed to get the Czar to safety while the police (led by the Chief of Police, who had been riding a carriage right behind the Czar's) arrested the three bombers and led the evacuation of the injured towards the nearest hospitals.
Aleksandr II wept bitterly when he realized how near he had been to dying, and ordered a thorough interrogation of the three men that had tried to kill him, in order to determine who else could be planning to do the same and who might have collaborated with them. He stressed that they were not to be killed, lest they become martyrs for other would-be assassins.
During the following week, most Narodnaya Volya members were arrested and later freed when they showed they were not aligned with the extremist members of the organization and that they only wanted for Russia to become a constitutional monarchy. The remaining, those who had decided to work to kill the Czar, were condemned to hard labor for life. It was during this week that Aleksandr Levitsky was ennobled posthumously and his distraught family was brought to meet the Czar in the palace.
One week after the attack, Aleksandr II made his plans public. To the surprise of many, his first act, which he had drafted plans for the day before the attack [3] was to call for the election of a Duma, an elected parliament like that of the United Kingdom, that would develop a Constitution for Russia. He knew it would be a hard and difficult task, as he would have to go against years of tradition and against most of the nation's nobles, but with he also knew that, if he persevered, none of the nobles would be able to stop him.
[1] Those that have enough knowledge of physics will recognize the surname.
[2] Invented name. The man's children may have an important role in the future, though...
[3] 100% true. He had planned to release his plan for the creation of the elected Duma 2 days after that fateful Sunday, but, obviously, his death put a stop to said plans. In fact, Alexander III's –Alexander II's son and successor– first act after being crowned was to take those plans and tear them up. In RL, there was not an elected Duma until 1905, and even then it was only treated as a consultative body by Nicholas II.
Chapter VI, Part II (revised)
Part II: ¡Cánovas, Presidente!
The 1880 elections were significant for many reason: for starters, they were the first elections won by the Liberal-Conservative Party; also, 81.09% of the people had cast their vote, the highest percentage in the young democracy; also, it would be the first test now President Cánovas would have to face in order to prove his commitment to Leopoldine Spain, as many regarded him with suspicion over his previous support of the Bourbons and his position over the legislation of rights.
However, the fears soon proved unfounded: in his first speech to Congress, President Cánovas swore to uphold the Constitution and to not push for its reforms unless it was clearly necessary. The liberal opposition was pleased, seeing that, even if they had lost the elections, at least their opponent was a reasonable man.
Surprisingly for a man convinced of the civil authority's superiority over the military, his first policies were concentrated on improving the Armed Forces. The army was expanded, as well as the Tercios Especiales (increased to 15 platoons, 900 soldiers). The newest technological developments, among them smokeless gunpowder, improved the army's ability to fight.
The Navy also received increased funding. The Monturiol-García Sáez team had been churning out designs for new submarines, and, in fact, the Navy was already the proud owner of a small submarine fleet which, although primitive, was a powerful weapon, of which Spain planned to maintain the lead in submarine production and design. In 1884, the team also gained a new member in the person of Lieutenant Isaac Peral, a veteran of the Cuban Revolutionary War that had developed a submarine with an electric motor that could dive whenever its captain wanted, a project that attracted the attention of Minister of the Navy Admiral Pascual Cervera y Topete. The first prototype of Peral's submarine, christened Gloriosa, were done near the coastal city of Cartagena, where the submarine proved its worth, even if there was still room for improvement.
The Gloriosa, decommissioned in 1910 and given as a present to Cartagena
He also sent explorers to Guinea, with orders of exploring and claiming more land before others arrived. It was a race against time and space and illness, as explorers mapped the interior of Africa and made deals with local native tribes in order to ensure they would regard Spain as their sovereign nation. Not that they would be required to do too much: the main reason behind the explorations was not to bring civilization to the uncivilized, but to bring glory to the Kingdom of Spain by making it look like it was doing its utmost to do so.
The transference of administrative powers to the Foral Regions was also finished during Cánovas' government, giving them a leeway to control their own monetary resources. There were also many other economic achievements Cánovas managed to get through, such as the Ley de arrendamientos públicos, which established the idea of the government owning many blocks of flats and houses in the main cities to allow people to live for rent at lower prices than those in the market, a move applauded due to its potential to aid the people that needed this help the most.
This, and other things, were more than enough to give Cánovas the popularity to be reelected in the April 1883 elections, with the Liberal-Conservative Party holding the majority, although smaller than the one achieved in the previous elections.
It was soon that Cánovas started to blow his political capital, though. One of his attempts to pass a law was the Ley de recursos monetarios of November 1883, which was an attempt to increase indirect taxes and was bitterly opposed by the opposition: only the Liberal-Conservative Party and the minor right-wing parties voted in favor. Although he managed to get it through, Cánovas saw that the line between support and opposition had divided Congress in two.
For the rest of the legislature, this would set the theme: many laws Cánovas got passed, or tried to, were met with complete opposition from the Democrat-Radical Party and its allies while accepted by his party companions and allies, an attitude that deepened as time passed. One such a law was the Ley de educación religiosa, which provided for the teaching of religion in public schools. Surprisingly for Cánovas, this law was defeated in Congress: the opposition parties voted against it en masse, and many members of the Liberal-Conservative Party joined them, stating that the President's proposal was against the tenets of the times Spain lived in. Not even the successes of the Berlin Conference (see Part III) helped Cánovas to increase support from the population.
As the next elections, which would take place in April 1886, approached, Cánovas was trying to find some way to ensure his victory in the urns, but most of his proposals were being shot down by an increasingly hostile Congress, the population had made its discontent with the president known through manifestations, and, on May 1885, the first General Strike took place under the aegis of the trade unions, particularly UGT.
Summer 1885 was the lowest point of Cánovas' presidency, and many knew that, if elections were to happen now, the Liberal-Conservative Party would lose handily. One of the President's advisors, a Integrist Party supporter, suggested to use the still present, but now unimportant, caciques, which would help to control the electoral process, falsify the results and give the right-wing a clear victory in the elections. A day later, said advisor was laid off and arrested for conspiracy to commit electoral fraud, an event that helped repair somewhat Cánovas' image.
The incident that would mark the Cánovas' presidency forever was yet to come, though.
It all started thousands of kilometers away from Madrid: in the Dominican Republic, ruled by Alejandro Woss y Gil, a coup d'etat took place in November 1885. The coup soon expanded through the entire Republic, but in the end Woss managed to gain the loyalty of enough soldiers and officers to put down the revolt. Unluckily for him, the revolt had claimed the lives of many people, among them several Spanish traders that had arrived to sell industrial products and had then been assaulted, robbed and killed by rebel troops.
Alejandro Woss y Gil reviews some of the troops that helped stop the coup
Cánovas saw this as a way to distract the population from current affairs, and had his Minister of Foreign Affairs Carlos O'Donnell (Leopoldo O'Donnell's nephew) write a note demanding compensation from the Dominican Republic for the families of the deceased and for the lost merchandise, which had been looted by the soldiers. Woss sent a message of condolence for the deaths of the Spanish businessmen, but stated that he could not do anything about it, since the actions had been taken by the ones that had betrayed the nation.
The Spanish government, however, was not willing to accept that as an excuse. The Ministry of the Army sent orders for the units in Cuba and Puerto Rico to be ready for a potential attack, and the Minister of the Navy did the same with the Caribbean Fleet, while the Tercios Especiales took a ship to be deployed to Puerto Rico in case of war. Carlos O'Donnell then sent Woss an ultimatum: the Dominican Republic could either pay fair compensation for the deaths and the material losses, as well as give a sincere apology for their inability to protect foreigners, within a week, or the Kingdom of Spain would declare war on the Dominican Republic.
The next week passed slowly, with many people waiting for an answer. Several hoped that the Republic rejected the ultimatum. Several expected the Republic's acceptance of the terms. Most didn't care one way or the other. Cánovas did not know whether he should be within the first group (as the war could distract the people from the issues at home and give him enough votes to retain the highest office in the nation) or within the second (he personally disliked wars, preferring diplomacy to be the only way to deal with other nations, and a war could give some people in the military bad ideas about rebelling and placing themselves in power).
Seven days after the ultimatum was sent, the government awaited for an extra day, in case the answer had been sent to Habana or San Juan, but nothing came from there. On December 2nd 1885, Carlos O'Donnell sent the official declaration of war on the Dominican Republic, Minister of War Arsenio Martínez-Campos and Minister of the Navy Pascual Cervera sent codified orders by telegraph, and soon the Caribbean Fleet was sailing out of their ports, while transports loaded soldiers, horses and artillery within them.
The Dominican Army was in a very sorry state due to the turbulence of the recent coups. Thus, it was almost impossible for them to present any powerful resistance to the attack the Spaniards unleashed, not to mention that the almost surgical attacks the Tercios Especiales were launching, destroying munition depots and raising hell behind enemy lines. By the end of February 1886, the entire Republic's coast and the main cities were under Spanish control.
Controlling the interior proved to be not as easy done as said. As the Spanish soldiers had learned in the past, one thing was to invade another nation and win battles and another was to be effective when it came down to actually occupy and control the ground, especially when the defenders chose to fight the invader with guerrilla tactics. However, this time Spain was the invader, and it was certainly not good. Many soldiers died or were gravely injured at the hands of the Dominican guerrillas, and it took months of slow advance and hard fighting to take down the guerrillas, and it would have been much longer if it weren't for the Tercios, which had worked non-stop for those months in trying to find the guerrillas.
Dominican jungle in the north
The war itself ended in July, too late for Cánovas, who lost the April 1886 elections. The Democrat-Radical Party, with Cristino Martos as the new leader, was, however, not able to gain as big of a majority as they hoped, only 227 out of 420 deputies, but it was still more than enough, especially with their 150 out of 236 senators [1] being part of the same party.
Cristino Martos, new President of the Kingdom of Spain, felt well when he first sat down in the chair that had been vacated by Antonio Cánovas del Castillo a few days before. He had been part of the democratic forces for much of his life, working towards the goal of transforming Spain into a democracy, and, finally, not only had he been an instrumental part in the process, but he had also managed to become President, which he would have never expected when he joined the Democratic Party more than twenty years before. He did not plan to present himself for a second term, so he intended to make the most of the following three years and do as much as possible for Spain.
Among the first things done was to negotiate a peace treaty with the Dominican Republic, and to that end Martos sent now Minister of Foreign Affairs Segismundo Moret to Santo Domingo in order to begin negotiations with the Dominican government.
In August 1886, the two governments, through their representatives, signed the Treaty of Santiago, that put an end to the Traders' War. Several of the terms in the treaty were, surprisingly, quite favorable for the Dominicans, more than what they expected, but one of those terms had the potential to be quite disastrous for them:
- The Dominican Republic will become a protectorate of the Kingdom of Spain. All attributions related with relations with other nations will be controlled from Madrid.
- The Dominican Republic will pay 5,000,000 pesetas to the relatives of the deceased people, and 7,500,000 pesetas to the Kingdom of Spain.
- The Kingdom of Spain will help the Dominican Republic reconstruct its infrastructure and improve it.
- Spanish businesses will be allowed to set up factories in the Dominican Republic without any opposition from the local government, beyond what is already in its laws.
- If, at any point, the people of the Dominican Republic desire to become part of the Kingdom of Spain through a referendum, the Dominican Republic government will resign and allow Spanish proper authorities to establish control. The Dominican Republic will then become a Foral Region on the same level as Cuba or Puerto Rico, and will be able to send representatives to the Spanish Congress of Deputies.
The next three years were uneventful. Save for a few slips in the colonization of Africa that required the intervention of the army, the ship was hardly rocked by Martos' policies, as the old Granadino politician desired to reduce the tensions within the nation and prevent things from blowing up. Martos would be enshrined as a fair President, willing to work with everybody to fulfill his tasks, and yet strong enough to push the needed reforms and laws. This meant that, when he endorsed Minister of Foreign Affairs Segismundo Moret for the leadership of the Democrat-Radical Party and candidacy to the Presidency, Moret ended up replacing his old boss in the April 1889 elections. The elections also saw the election of the first deputy from PSOE: Pablo Iglesias, who had become a candidate for Madrid, joined his partners in the Congress.
Segismundo Moret, President of the Council of Ministers
The first year of Moret's presidency was as uneventful as Martos' had been. Discussions over the budget were fairly live, of course, due to Moret's opinions on where should the money be spent in. Arguments with other nations also existed, as did the problems inherent in establishing a colonial empire.
All of this would be forgotten due to the events in Portugal (see Part VI) which would radically change the entire world.
[1] The 1869 Constitution established that every province had 4 senators as representation. As of the 1886 elections, there are 59 provinces – the original 49 (the Canary Islands were still considered one province), plus Andorra, Rosellón, the four Cuban provinces and the four Puerto Rican provinces. Orán is still considered a colony (which may change soon) and the Philippines are not voting yet in the General Elections.
Chapter VI, Part III (revised)
Part III – Colonialism, The African Division And More
Things in the entire world were changing at too high a pace for many to catch up with the others. All European nations were looking at the rest of the non-civilized world (at least, those parts that were not civilized up to the European standards) as potential colonies or protectorates. Each colony or protectorate represented several million more people that could become buyers for their industrial products, more terrain in which agriculture could be developed and produce greater quantities of foodstuffs, more possible raw materials with which to work in their industries.
However, the eyes of the European nations were also on each other. They were all eager to take as much land as possible, but at the same time they knew that any attempt at excessive land-grabbing would trigger a war that few desired.
The first years of the 1880 decade were quite convulse in regards to that. Apart from the British “conquest” of Egypt, there were also many other incidents that involved European attempts to gain more colonial territories, such as the Indochina War of 1883.
The Indochina War was started when Chinese troops invaded the region of Tonkin as a response to a French expedition that took Hanoi in punishment for attacks against French merchants and missionaries. The Chinese Army and the bandit Black Flag Army, the latter of which controlled the Red River, had been asked to act by the Vietnamese Emperor to fight the French.
An ambush by the Black Flag Army
However, the French weren't about to back down from the threat. They very soon started sending troops to Cochinchina and the port of Tonkin, which they still held, and when they were ready, they declared war on Vietnam and China using the Chinese invasion of Tonkin as casus belli.
The troops entering Vietnam soon made mincemeat of the small and antiquated Vietnamese army, and soon occupied all of Vietnam, although they were far from actually controlling the entire territory, because the Black Flag Army was still up in arms and this prevented the French from taking control of any place outside of the cities. This resistance would last for many years, but the French believed it worthwhile.
As for the Chinese, the war was about numbers fighting technology. Like it had happened in the Hohenzollerns' War, the technology had been on the side of the French. Unlike it had happened in the Hohenzollerns' War, the more modern technology used by the French was able to fight and defeat the numbers of the Chinese several times. One of this times was the Battle of Nui Bop of February 7th 1883, when 2500 French troops faced a Chinese army six times bigger. By the end of the battle, the Chinese army had routed after losing 1000 troops, while on the French side there only were 34 deaths and 56 injured soldiers. The Chinese were, on occasions, able to win, using their knowledge of the terrain against the enemy, but they were of little influence when compared to the rest of the war and the humiliating defeats at the sea.
Son Tay is captured by French troops
The Chinese Empire was forced to ask for peace terms, and the French made sure to take as much as possible from them: Vietnam would become a French protectorate, the islands of Hainan and Taiwan would become French, and they would also gain concessions in Kwang-Chou-Wan and Hankou. The victory gave France great prestige in Europe for fighting and defeating the Asiatic giant on their own, and the people were happily celebrating the victory, dreaming with the day when the French motherland would be restored and the enemies of France defeated.
It was also in 1883 that Bismarck, previously opposed to the development of a German colonial empire due to the risks of unrest and the burden of maintaining the possessions, reverted his position, and gave orders to establish new colonies. The German part of New Guinea was taken over in less than a year, Kamerun was settled and began to be expanded, and a new colony appeared north of Moçambique. However, it was not enough for some, and due to every European nation doing the same, everyone was running out of potential land to expand into, which Bismarck knew could cause a war over a piece of probably worthless land.
He then hit on the idea of organizing a conference between nations, a conference where the colonizers could agree on how to divide Africa in different spheres of influence that would not conflict with each other. It would be almost impossible to manage for every nation to agree, and it was more than probable that no nation would be happy when the conference ended, but he hoped that, if enough of them were convinced, the others would accept the agreement, even reluctantly.
All European governments with designs in Africa, the United States and the Ottoman Empire were asked to send representatives to the city of Berlin, where, Bismarck explained, he hoped that an agreement could be hammered between the representatives and avoid war. On September 1884, the city of Berlin received many illustrious guests from Austria–Hungary, Belgium, Corsica, Denmark, France, the United Kingdom, Italy, the Netherlands, Portugal, Russia, Spain, Sweden-Norway, the Ottoman Empire and the United States, and after an encounter with Kaiser Wilhelm I, Bismarck officially inaugurated the Conference of Berlin.
Picture detailing the first meeting of the Conference of Berlin
The first problems happened sooner than what Bismarck hoped: even before the conference started, one of the French representatives demanded that the representatives from the Kingdom of Corsica were expelled, as the island of Corsica was part of the Kingdom of France and thus it was already represented in their person. Only the intervention of one of the Swedish representative, who grabbed the chief of the Corsican group as he tried to jump the Frenchman, prevented a fist fight, and Bismarck defused the situation by telling the French representative that they could either play by the rules they had agreed to, or that any claims the French made would be ignored by the other nations represented in the conference. They would accept through clenched teeth, but it became clear to everyone that the French would be blocking any attempts by the Corsicans to gain even one port in the Dark Continent.
The first days in the conference were allocated to discussing several points to provide the members of the conference with a common reference to work on:
- All current colonies were recognized by all members.
- The slave trade would be eliminated, and all members agreed to work together to prevent its continuation.
- The Congo Basin and Lake Niassa would be open to free trade.
- The Congo and Niger rivers would be free to navigate for all signatories.
- Taking possession of a portion of the African coast, whether directly or through a protectorate, would have to be notified to all other signatories.
- A claim would only be official if the claimant demonstrated possession through treaties with local leaders, the establishment of local administration to govern it and keep order, flying the flag and through economical use of said colony. This was known as the Principle of Effectivity, or Uti Possidetis [1].
- No nation would attempt to interfere in other nations' areas of influence in Africa.
The main contention points would take most of the time, and required the representatives of the competitors to make good use of their diplomatic and negotiating abilities to gain as much as possible for their nation:
- Morocco: both Spain and France pretended control over the Sultanate. France desired to protect Algeria's western flank and isolate the Oranesado from other Spanish-controlled lands, while Spain wished to ensure land communications between Ceuta, Melilla and Orán. Spain pointed that their history with Morocco and their current holdings in there gave them bigger rights to it, and France tried to use those same holdings and the border with Algeria to try to sway others to their side. The Spanish proposal soon was clearly more interesting for most nations, so France tried to get something out of it by proposing to divide Morocco in three, with the north and the south going to Spain and the rest to France, but this suggestion was shot down by the Spanish and German representatives. In the end, the only nations that did not agree were France, the United Kingdom (who voted against), the Ottoman Empire and the United States (who abstained).
- Tunisia: Corsica, France and Italy pretended this region. The French held their tongue over their opinion about Corsica and, naturally, stated that the region had to be under their control. The Italians, still imbued in some of the irredentism over Corsica, also disagreed on Corsica gaining land in Africa. Finally, Corsica wished to establish itself as a nation to hear in Europe, and saw in Tunisia an excellent chance to do so. The smaller nations (like Portugal or Belgium) supported Corsica to ensure that the conference would not be dominated by the great powers, Spain and Germany supported Italy, and the United Kingdom and Russia supported France. The Corsican representative then suggested dividing it in two, with the north going to Corsica and the south to France, and, in a secret reunion, the Corsicans promised to support Italy in gaining Libya in the future. The suggestion was only rejected by France and the Ottoman Empire, and carried out.
- Egypt: the Egyptian nation was accepted as a British protectorate due to the British troops' fundamental role in stopping the 1882 rebellion, as well as the fact that the current Mahdist rebellion that was taking place in Sudan kept the British distracted. The only problem was the Suez Canal and its strategical position, as it was important to those European nations that had territories in East Asia, for whom the Canal represented shaving off several thousands of kilometers when traveling from Europe to Asia. The United Kingdom agreed to keep the Suez Canal as a neutral zone, open to ships from every nation, although they reserved the rights to stop warships in times of war.
- Ethiopia: independent since 1137, the Ethiopians were very much against losing that independence. The United Kingdom stated that, as Christians and civilized people, they deserved independence and the right to deal with other nations as they desired. Opposed to this was Italy, which desired to control the ancient land and turn it into the pearl of the Italian Empire. Unfortunately for the Italians, most everyone supported the suggestion, and Ethiopia was recognized as independent.
- The Horn of Africa: France, Italy and the United Kingdom had claims on this region, based on previous treaties signed with many of the local tribes, and were now presenting the treaties as proof of their position. The United Kingdom and Italy had been the busiest in the region, but France had not been sleeping on the job and could claim protectorate status for many tribes. There was no problem in voting the new status of the region.
- West Africa: France was the one with the upper hand in here, thanks to what they already controlled. Not many were interested in claiming the Sahara, as it probably lacked any resources that made spending money to establish and maintain forts in the region worthwhile. The only place of interest in there was the coast and the regions near it, so other nations had no problem in allowing France to connect Algeria and their West African colonies.
- Liberia: this was the only item the United States was directly affected by. Saying that the American government had a vested interest in Liberia's independence was an understatement. The only problem others had with Liberia was the possibility of the United States using it as a platform to attack other colonies, but the United States representative stated that his nation had no designs on territories outside the Americas, so there was little problem in accepting this point.
- Gulf of Guinea: the Gulf was easily divided between France, Germany, Spain and the United Kingdom. France gained a land connection between Algeria and the Gulf through Dahomey, Germany took Kamerun, Spain laid claim to a large terrain in Guinea, and Nigeria and the Gold Coast fell into the British sphere of influence. French attempts to reduce Spanish claims over Guinea failed due to German and Portuguese support.
- Congo: this was, for most, the potential double-edged knife: on one side, it had a great number of resources, but, on the other side, it was such a large and mostly unexplored territory that it would be hell to claim. Every nation wanted a piece, but few dared to voice a claim. In the end, an acceptable solution was found: Belgium would be given the control over the region. King Leopold I of Belgium tried to turn the region over to the authority of the International Association of the Congo, a private company he presided, but British, Dutch and American pressure prevented this.
- East Africa: this part was a bit of a quagmire, as it was a strategic region. The United Kingdom claimed Kenya, land of the feared Masai natives, and the Germans, to British displeasure, laid a claim to the region of Tanganyka, as this prevented them from establishing a railway connection between Egypt and South Africa that did not cross any borders. A deal with the Belgian government rendered this moot, allowing the possibility of said connection going through the Congo.
- Madagascar: the island was subject to a long debate, mostly between France on one side and Spain on the other side. France argued in favor of the legality of the Lambert Charter, while Spain argued that, since neither Lambert nor Prince Rakoto had any legal support from their respective governments, the Charter was illegal. In the end, the British argued that, while the Charter may actually not have any legal standing, the Malagasy's isolation from the rest of the world made it clear that someone would have to bring the mission civilisatrice to them, and France had the better standing to do that. Only Spain, Germany, Corsica and Italy disagreed with them.
- South Africa: one of the gravest problems created by the conference came from the region. While the territory between Portuguese Angola and British South Africa was given to the Germans without much discussion, the interior land between South Africa, Moçambique, Angola and German East Africa was the subject of the longest debate in the conference. While Portugal desired to connect its two South African colonies, the British Empire planned to use that terrain to establish the Cape-to-Cairo Railway. After weeks of comments, arguments and proposals, the thing that won the day was British control over so much land already, presenting Portuguese control over the region as a way to preserve the balance of power and act as a buffer between German and British territories. Only France supported the British plan, the rest of the attendants went with Portugal's Mapa Cor-De-Rosa [2].
European spheres of influence in the African continent
As Bismarck predicted, no one left the meeting entirely happy, but at least the conference had helped to prevent potential conflicts in the future. Unfortunately, he had not completely foreseen the great interest the British Empire had in connecting the north and south of Africa, and that was the spark that would initiate one of the most influential conflicts of the later nineteenth century.
[1] This sentence, meaning “as you possess”, comes from uti possidetis, ita possideatis, “as you possess, you shall possess henceforth”.
[2] Literally, “Pink-colored Map”. The reason is because the Portuguese representatives presented a map where Portugal's claims in South Africa were painted in pink.
Chapter VI, Part IV (revised)
Part IV – Three More Regions
The arrival of President Cristino Martos also meant that a new thing now was going to happen: the concession of the autonomy to the Philippines. However, the actual events surrounding this took place during Cánovas' previous term.
Cánovas, then looking with apprehension to the elections, was personally opposed to the Philippines becoming a Foral Region, arguing that they were still not advanced enough to understand the democratic process, but on a political level he knew that trying to go back on the promise would turn the archipelago into something much worse than Cuba. Another thing to consider was that the huge size of the archipelago meant that it would be very difficult to control everything from one city, and that Manila was too far away to act as the seat of the regional government. Finally, a third issue was the organization of several pro-independence groups, which made some people nervous even though they were in the minority.
Francisco Silvela y de Le Vielleuze, Cánovas' Minister of Home Affairs
Thus, a month before the elections, Cánovas sent his Minister of Home Affairs, Francisco Silvela y de Le Vielleuze, to Manila on board of the liner Reina del Pacífico. When he arrived to Manila, Silvela met with still Governor-General Carlos María de la Torre, presenting him with the plans developed by the President and himself in regards to the Philippines. De la Torre argued that it was possible to control the archipelago from Manila, but Silvela countered that the differences between Manila and Davao, the unofficial capital of Mindanao, would make ruling the entire archipelago from Manila as hard as it would be to rule Cuba from Madrid. When a telegram from now President Cristino Martos arrived to Malacañang, expressing his (and the new government's) support for the plan, de la Torre relented.
The next week, the plans were released to the public, and appeared in every newspaper: in order to better organize the archipelago, the Philippines were to be divided in three Foral Regions: Hilaga, formed by Luzón and Palawan; Kabisayan, formed by the Visayas, and Habagatan, formed by Mindanao and the old Sultanate of Sulu [1]. The arrival of the news was received with great joy by the Filipino people, as they would finally be able to decide on their local matters without having to wait for Madrid or the governor to tell them so.
Naturally, one group that felt very content was the people of Mindanao, who had only expected that the promise given to them ten years before would just be fulfilled by giving some little things to pay lip service. Instead, they not only had full autonomy, but also the Sulu archipelago and Sabah were under their control.
Back in Spain, this idea served to partially restore Cánovas' image. People knew that the Philippines were much bigger than any other of the Foral Regions, so it made sense to divide it in three parts for their better governance. Several people believed that the reasoning behind this was that, as the Filipino were “inferior”, if they had any kind of self-governance, it was better if the territory was smaller, to fit their abilities (this was said ignoring that the three regions were similar in size to the Spanish Foral Regions
A month after the news were public, the old flag of the Philippines was taken down, and replaced with new flags that now flew alongside the Spanish Flag in front of the provisional Foral Parliaments in Manila (capital of Hilaga), Ciudad Cebú (capital of Kabisayan) and Davao (capital of Habagatan). These parliaments, currently formed by the main Ilustrados and the foremost town councilors, voted in the Foral Charters approved by the Spanish government, and started to debate the first regional laws.
It had been a long travel for many of them, but finally they had managed to earn a position as equals with the rest of Spain.
[1] Hilaga means North in Filipino, Kabisayan is a slightly modified version of the name for the Visayas in the Winaray language –spoken in the eastern Visayas– and Habagatan means South in Cebuano.
Chapter VI, Part V (revised)
Part V – What Happens In America Stays In America
As the decade of 1880 passed by, the once friendly relations between the United States and Spain slowly soured. The good feelings after Cuba and Puerto Rico gained autonomy had eroded away as Spanish influence in South America increased and as the Spanish hold over the two Caribbean islands tightened. The invasion of the Dominican Republic was seen as an insult to the United States and the Monroe Doctrine, and it was pretty much the coup de grace to Spanish-American relationships. Some politicians spoke about the possibility of declaring war on the Kingdom of Spain after the invasion, but few, if none, among the US population supported the idea of another war so shortly after the Civil War, and all talk about it became wet paper.
Instead, the government decided to send several protests to the Spanish government, and work on funding pro-independence parties in Cuba and Puerto Rico, with the aim of convincing Spain that abandoning the Caribbean was better for its interests than maintaining a presence in the Americas.
Porfirio Díaz, President (and pretty much Dictator) of the United States of Mexico
Further to the south, in Mexico, Porfirio Díaz had recently gained an unanimous victory in the 1884 elections (which, however you put, had been a complete sham) and now looked with interest towards Spain, and more specifically to their potential as allies against Anglo influence, which he wished to push back in order to gain more control. Not to mention that their common past could help to attract Spanish capital and perhaps even skilled workers.
The Mexican democrats, opposed to Díaz's near-dictatorial rule and desiring to develop true democracy within the Estados Unidos de México, also looked to Spain with the hope that, with the Madre Patria's help, they would be able to repeat the same hard task the Spanish people had achieved, to expel a tyrant and replace him with with an actual democratic system.
Central America was mostly uninterested in Spain, and what the Spaniards were doing: it was already hard enough to keep up with the day-to-day of their nations while British and American companies did and undid at their whim. The only nation with some interest in Spain was Nicaragua: being the only Central American nation with coasts in the Caribbean and the Pacific, they thought it might be possible to build some sort of water connection between both seas, which would bring great revenue to their nation. A previous attempt by Cornelius Vanderbilt had only given them a railway-and-coach line, and the expenses involved made them realize that it was something only within the reach of the richest nations: Spain and Germany offered a possible counterpart to the Anglo-Saxon nations.
Conception of the proposed Nicaragua Canal
Further to the south, stood the South American nations. Just like the previous decade, many tensions threatened to end the peace: Peru, Bolivia and Chile were always at each other throats, Brazil and Bolivia were disputing over the resource-rich Acre region, Argentina and Brazil tried to one-up each other in their attempts to become the main South American power, Britain and Venezuela exchanged angry words over the borders between Venezuela and Guyana... Anything could spark a great war between them, and it was only the delicate work of the best diplomats in the region and prevented such a powder keg from exploding.
In Colombia, Ferdinand de Lesseps tried to build a canal across the Isthmus of Panama, to communicate both sides through a water route, but the works started in 1884 [1] by the Societé International du Canal Interocéanique were suspended six years, 220 million dollars and 15,000 deceased workers later, leaving an unfinished canal and Colombia in search of other person or nation that could finance such enormous works. The cause was found in the complete lack, by part of the men in charge of the construction, of experience in that kind of construction and of knowledge of the region's geology and hydrology, as well as the many deaths owed to illnesses.
Excavator at work near Bas Obispo, Colombia
Peru and Bolivia were, thanks to many factors, able to protect themselves from Brazilian and Chilean threats. Trade with Spain and Germany had not only brought them great weaponry and ships to their armed forces, but also several instructors that were able to bring their armies up to better standards. Peruvian traders were also able to find their way to the Spanish territories in the Pacific and the Caribbean, while Spanish businessmen financed the construction of new factories in the two nations, exploiting the natural resources and bringing benefits to everyone involved.
It was also around this time that Socialism made its appearance in the South Cone: Spanish workers that had traveled to Peru to aid in the construction of those factories had decided to stay there after falling in love with local women, and they had become the nucleus of the Partido Socialista Peruano (Peruvian Socialist Party) and the Partido Socialista Boliviano (Bolivian Socialist Party), which soon entered politics.
At the east, Brazil was in the middle of one of the most turbulent periods in its history. In March 1888, Pedro II, Emperor of Brazil, proclaimed the end of slavery in his nation, becoming one of the last to put an official end to slavery. The five million black people that were slaves found themselves out of work, so they mostly chose to leave for the cities and find a job in the new industries. Thousands of farmers became broke as their crops (such as coffee or sugarcane) required intensive labor that was lost with the slaves. The economy suffered much due to this, and the army plotted a coup against Dom Pedro, which was initiated five months later. However, this ended up becoming a one month long civil war, with several generals casting their die for the Emperor and eventually winning the war.
Pedro II, some time before the coup
The rebel generals were arrested and put through trial, where they were found guilty of treason and sentenced to death, although the Emperor commuted the sentence to imprisonment for life and expulsion from the army, so that they became examples for others of what treason to Brazil and the Emperor could bring.
Meanwhile, Chile, unable to gain in the north the territories and resources they needed, decided to go towards the south to expand and find those resources. A frenzied claiming of territories started in an attempt to cut Argentina away from the Pacific Ocean, as well as claiming the Tierra del Fuego Archipelago. The existence of gold in the latter made it all the more important that they reached an took control of the region. Argentina threatened war if Chile did not stop, but eventually an agreement was reached between both nations, supported by neutral Ecuador, dividing it in two, with the western half (the largest) for Chile and the rest for Argentina. Peace was preserved, but enmity, sadly, remained.
[1] The different social-economical situation in France pushed back the initiation of the French works in Panama.
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Chapter VI, Part VI (revised)
Chapter VI, Part VI – Consequences Of An Ultimatum
The results of the Berlin Conference had caused great joy to the Portuguese government: having their right to the land between Angola and Moçambique confirmed by most European nations was more than enough to be happy, but there also was the fact that it would allow them to exploit the region's resources. They had already sent explorers and diplomats ahead, to meet with the tribes and affirm their allegiance to Portugal. The British complaints had been quite jarring, but, well, if they wanted a railway, they were more than willing to let them build it... for a fee, of course.
The British would not have any of that.
It had been bad enough that they had to compromise on building part of the Cape-to-Cairo Railway through the Belgian Congo. Now, they would also have to cross Portuguese territory, and to some it was already too much, for the Portuguese claims had almost derailed (if you would pardon the pun) the grand project. Disraeli's government, in power when the Conference took place, chose to set the matter aside, hoping that the Portuguese may solve the problem by themselves by selling the terrain to Britain. Future events would eventually give them a chance to do this.
After the Conference, four years of peace were given to Portugal. Portugal was still immersed in the period known as Rotativism, in which the main political parties (the left-wing Progressistas and the right-wing Regeneradores) “rotated” in the Portuguese Government at the King's petition. By 1889, the Regeneradores had been in power for more than six years, thanks to the support of Luís I, King of Portugal and the Algarves.
King Luís I of Portugal and the Algarves
On July 21st 1889, the peace ended: Luís I suffered a serious heart attack that left him partially disabled. Although his mind remained as sharp as before, his body did not, leaving him unable to act as a good leader for the nation. His son Carlos thus had to take charge of many of the tasks of the king. As the following months passed, Luís I's condition deteriorated, adding further weight to the heir's shoulders, up to the point that, before nine months passed, he had become de facto King of Portugal.
It was then when the British acted. Knowing Portugal's weakness, they realized this was the perfect moment to achieve their objectives. In January 1890, the British government gave Portugal an ultimatum: either Portugal renounced to the claims over the territory of the Makololo (the disputed region), with whom Cecil Rhodes had illegally negotiated to convince them to accept the protection of the British Empire, or they would have to abide by the consequences. What the “consequences” were, it was left to the Portuguese government's imagination, but the gathering of many of their ships in Gibraltar and the Cape pretty much said everything about it.
Conscious of the disaster they were unwillingly heading into, for four months Portugal tried to negotiate, offering anything that might be acceptable to both sides and allowed Portugal to keep the land connection between their two South-African colonies, as the loss of such an important territory would lead to grave consequences at home. However, the British were adamant in their position, and did not care for what could happen to their erstwhile allies if the hand-over did not take place. They didn't care either for the protests of the other signatories of the treaty that had put an end to the Conference, even though they rightfully claimed that Portugal, having established a military presence in the disputed region, was the only nation that could pursue any economical ventures there. Lord Salisbury's government brushed aside those protests and pressured Henrique de Barros' government even further. With no other choice to follow (as a war against Britain would be disastrous for them), Portugal ceded.
New map with African spheres of influence: note disputed region in lead blue, now claimed by the United Kingdom
On July 29th 1890, the Portuguese ambassador to the United Kingdom, as representative of Portugal, signed the Treaty of London, by which his nation renounced to the territory of the tribe of the Makololo, effectively ceding the disputed region to the United Kingdom, and defined the territorial limits between Portugal's colonies and the lost territory. In exchange, Portugal received 10,000,000 pounds, a paltry sum compared to the potential great wealth they had renounced to.
After the signing of the Treaty of London, the ambassador coldly said goodbye to Lord Salisbury and left for the Embassy, from where he only collected a few necessary things that were still there, before leaving for their nation, as the rest of the personnel that had not accompanied him to the signing of the treaty had already done.
A week later, Lord Salisbury was surprised to receive the British ambassador to Portugal in his office. The ambassador gave him a letter from the Portuguese Prime Minister, countersigned by King Luís I.
Wedding between João I of Portugal and Philippa of Lancaster, daughter of John of Gaunt, Duke of Lancaster, renewing the Anglo-Portuguese Alliance.
The Treaty of Windsor, the old alliance between Portugal and Britain that existed since 1386, was reduced to ashes due to the United Kingdom's greed and their inability to accept Portugal's right to the territory. Many decried Salisbury's blunder, alienating the United Kingdom's oldest ally, who had stuck with them for more than four centuries. The error would mar Lord Salisbury's career forever.
Back in Portugal, things got very hot, and it was not only the summer. Despite the immediate breaking of relations with the United Kingdom, many said the government had ashamed the nation for ceding to British demands, and even more people took to the streets to demonstrate their opinion. The manifestations were led and fed by the Portuguese Republican Party, which saw in these events the weakness of the monarchy and the chance to establish a Republic.
Without the people's knowledge, the King felt guilty for his inability to lead the nation, and the stress started to weigh on him. His weak heart and body suffered even more because of this, until it could not stand it anymore.
Luís I, King of Portugal and of the Algarves, died in the night of August 21st 1890 of a second heart attack. He would not be found until the morning after by his valet, who had arrived to start with the king's day.
The funeral for the King was held three days later. Representatives from most European nations, including the Queen of Spain and Kaiser Friedrich Wilhelm I (who had succeeded his father, Wilhelm I, two years before), arrived to Lisbon to say goodbye to the man that had led Portugal for twenty-nine years and had done his best to ensure his nation's preeminence as an European power. The only nation not represented in the funeral was the United Kingdom, as the government had barred the entrance to anyone from the country they considered the cause of Luís I's death.
The crowning of Carlos was to take place a month later. This was expected to be the return to normalcy (as much as possible, considering past events) for Portuguese society. The crowning ceremony had to go as smoothly as possible, to demonstrate that Portugal would go on, and perhaps improve, as Carlos was seen as an intelligent man that had matured much during the last year.
D. Carlos, his wife Amélie de Orléans, and their firstborn Luís Filipe
After the Mass, Carlos was crowned as King Carlos I of Portugal and the Algarves, and his wife Amélie de Orléans (daughter of King Philippe VII of France) was crowned Queen Consort of Portugal and the Algarves. Members of most European royal houses attended the ceremony: once again, the British were excluded.
Everything started to get worse on the ride back to the Palácio de Ajuda. It would be the start of one of Portugal's most tumultuous times, which shocked the entire nation and plunged it in destruction and death.
As the newly crowned King and Queen entered their carriage, a group of pro-Republican officers took control of several carefully chosen military units and ordered them to enter the city and imprison the King. All of the soldiers had allegiance to the Portuguese Republican Party, and obeyed without discussion. With this action, they expected to be able to control Lisbon in a quick move, and then force the King to renounce to the Crown in the name of his entire family, leaving the way open for the establishment of the Republic.
It was supposed to be a bloodless coup. The officers expected to use their superior numbers to force the surrender of the Royal Couple's bodyguards, to then “escort” the King and the Queen to the Royal Palace, where the renounce would take place. The few Republican Party members in the Parliament would then use this as the catalyst for the declaration of the Republic.
Of course, as famed German general Helmuth von Moltke the Elder said, “no plan survives contact with the enemy”.
When the small army appeared in the middle of the parade, having opened their way through the cheering crowd, they ordered the Royal Guard to stand down and lay their weapons on the floor. They instead chose to ready their weapons and aim at the soldiers, while the crowd started to disperse in order to avoid the shooting that seemed to be about to begin.
The higher ranking officer in the army, Lieutenant Manuel Maria Coelho [1], gave them a last chance to surrender before they began shooting. The Royal Guard's leader's last words were only known thanks to one of the fleeing civilians.
We have sworn an oath to protect the King and the Queen, and we intend to follow it till the last! Something you should remember!
Soon after these words, the soldiers opened fire, and the Guard answered in kind. However, the higher numbers made the army's victory unavoidable, although not without a cost. Twenty minutes later, all guards and seven soldiers were dead or dying, and twelve soldiers and six civilians were bleeding after the shooting.
Tragedy had struck, however. When the soldiers opened the carriage's doors, they found the King and Queen had died in the crossfire. Not knowing what to do, the officers decided to commandeer the carriage, leading the army to the palace as fast as possible to capture the couple's two children, heir Prince Luis Filipe and Prince Manuel. Troops in many other points in Portugal and its colonies rose up, led by their pro-Republican officers, and fought the Royalist troops that had chosen to remain loyal to the Monarchy.
Manuel Maria Coelho, the man that led the troops that killed the Portuguese Monarchs
The Portuguese Civil War had started.
[1] In RL 1891, there was a republican revolution in Porto, but it failed. Manuel Maria Coelho was one of its leaders, and eventually became a minister in one of the Republic's governments.
END OF CHAPTER SIX
A/N: well, here ends the re-writing of the entire timeline till now. I hope to be able to write chapter 7, relating the entire Portuguese Civil War and the last decade of the 19th century, including several important events that I have already detailed on paper, but have yet to write in my computer. I also hope that you liked this chapter, and please, do not forget to comment on both this chapter and my previous suggestion!
A/N2: Vote for me in the upcoming Turtledove Awards! I appear in categories New 19th Century, Flag (Spain's flag), Map (the map of Foral Spain) and Best POD (the telegram that says July 6th instead of July 26th).
A/N: well, here ends the re-writing of the entire timeline till now. I hope to be able to write chapter 7, relating the entire Portuguese Civil War and the last decade of the 19th century, including several important events that I have already detailed on paper, but have yet to write in my computer. I also hope that you liked this chapter, and please, do not forget to comment on both this chapter and my previous suggestion!
A/N2: Vote for me in the upcoming Turtledove Awards! I appear in categories New 19th Century, Flag (Spain's flag), Map (the map of Foral Spain) and Best POD (the telegram that says July 6th instead of July 26th).
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Excellent re-write, Milarqui.
Its really funny that some of the most incredibly unbelievable ( of course, unbelievable if you do not know "standard British modus operandi with its allies",
) things that happens in your TL, like the British Ultimatum, really happened ...
I can believe this outcome of the conference, and I like that you are giving more explanation of what´s happening in the rest of the world than in your first version ( just 20 years later and there are quite a lot of changes in the world, just because there isn´t a typo in a letter ).
I´m not an expert in South America at all, but I´m almost sure that the foundation of socialists parties there was quite later in OTL too ...
And I enjoyed too the butterflies in Central Europe and the Balkans, there are a lot of consequences of the Hohenzollern Spain, and not all of them are "good" for them and their allies.
I´m not sure, but I suspect that ITTL WWI is going to start sooner, and its going to be, from the beginning a "world" one ...
Its really funny that some of the most incredibly unbelievable ( of course, unbelievable if you do not know "standard British modus operandi with its allies",
) things that happens in your TL, like the British Ultimatum, really happened ...I can believe this outcome of the conference, and I like that you are giving more explanation of what´s happening in the rest of the world than in your first version ( just 20 years later and there are quite a lot of changes in the world, just because there isn´t a typo in a letter ).
I´m not an expert in South America at all, but I´m almost sure that the foundation of socialists parties there was quite later in OTL too ...
And I enjoyed too the butterflies in Central Europe and the Balkans, there are a lot of consequences of the Hohenzollern Spain, and not all of them are "good" for them and their allies.
I´m not sure, but I suspect that ITTL WWI is going to start sooner, and its going to be, from the beginning a "world" one ...
Good updates, Milarqui!
Russia and Brazil face better futures, but I'm worried about Portugal.
The Republicans (or rather the dominant current of them) were worse than the Monarchy, unless other currents prevail in TTL, in case the Republicans win.
The accidental shooting of the Queen would not be well seen by most people.
Russia and Brazil face better futures, but I'm worried about Portugal.
The Republicans (or rather the dominant current of them) were worse than the Monarchy, unless other currents prevail in TTL, in case the Republicans win.
The accidental shooting of the Queen would not be well seen by most people.
Great update as usual.
Some points in particular.
1. Pedro II remaining in power will likely help Brazil, but the venerable monarch is still in the twilight of his reign. The ascension of his daughter may well bring more troubles to Brazil, and she may not inspire the same loyalty as Pedro. Watching with interest.
2. Diaz's regime ending differently could save NMexico a lot of grief. But I wonder how much the common people would support Spanish involvement?
3. Socialism making things interesting for all involved.
4. France is strong enough to throw its weight around and it has a shiny new Orleanist regime to distance itself fro past failures. Has it been said how the Orleanist kingdom is organized?
5. Corsica is trying to play the game of nations by a secret pact with Italy. I doubt it will yield the desired results. I think Corsica means more to Italians on the street than Libya. If such a deal is made public it will be fodder for radicals.
6. If Corsica has to conquer its piece of Tunisia will we see Napoleon IV leading is forces on the ground? He was adventurous OTL, and with his father's example of heroism I could see him still keeping to that. Trying to prove himself to be a true 'Bonaparte'. And get a leg up on the King in Paris with in the press.
7. Why didn't the Americans object to the Dominican campaign? After the near miss with Cuba I would have thought Washington eager for an excuse to enforce the Monroe Doctrine.
Some points in particular.
1. Pedro II remaining in power will likely help Brazil, but the venerable monarch is still in the twilight of his reign. The ascension of his daughter may well bring more troubles to Brazil, and she may not inspire the same loyalty as Pedro. Watching with interest.
2. Diaz's regime ending differently could save NMexico a lot of grief. But I wonder how much the common people would support Spanish involvement?
3. Socialism making things interesting for all involved.
4. France is strong enough to throw its weight around and it has a shiny new Orleanist regime to distance itself fro past failures. Has it been said how the Orleanist kingdom is organized?
5. Corsica is trying to play the game of nations by a secret pact with Italy. I doubt it will yield the desired results. I think Corsica means more to Italians on the street than Libya. If such a deal is made public it will be fodder for radicals.
6. If Corsica has to conquer its piece of Tunisia will we see Napoleon IV leading is forces on the ground? He was adventurous OTL, and with his father's example of heroism I could see him still keeping to that. Trying to prove himself to be a true 'Bonaparte'. And get a leg up on the King in Paris with in the press.
7. Why didn't the Americans object to the Dominican campaign? After the near miss with Cuba I would have thought Washington eager for an excuse to enforce the Monroe Doctrine.
Another nice update!
Inquiries:
1. Because the Russian Empire became constitutional monarchy, what will happen to people like Lenin?
2. What will happen to Brazilian republicans after the failure of overthrowing the monarchy?
3. I smell an earlier Mexican Revolution here in this TL.
4. Regarding Central American countries, is there anyone who advocated the reunification of these republics into one federation, or this issue isolated?
5. Because in this TL, the Kingdom of France was restored. What is the use of the Louvre Palace? Will Versailles became the official residence of the French Royal Family once again? Will Élysée Palace will be used by the French Premier?
Inquiries:
1. Because the Russian Empire became constitutional monarchy, what will happen to people like Lenin?
2. What will happen to Brazilian republicans after the failure of overthrowing the monarchy?
3. I smell an earlier Mexican Revolution here in this TL.
4. Regarding Central American countries, is there anyone who advocated the reunification of these republics into one federation, or this issue isolated?
5. Because in this TL, the Kingdom of France was restored. What is the use of the Louvre Palace? Will Versailles became the official residence of the French Royal Family once again? Will Élysée Palace will be used by the French Premier?
About the British Ultimatum: I'd say that the weird thing was what happened in RL, that is, that Portugal didn't break their alliance with the UK. Sure, being allied with the UK is great protection and all of that, but not sure if it outweighs the bad parts.Excellent re-write, Milarqui.
Its really funny that some of the most incredibly unbelievable ( of course, unbelievable if you do not know "standard British modus operandi with its allies",
I can believe this outcome of the conference, and I like that you are giving more explanation of what´s happening in the rest of the world than in your first version ( just 20 years later and there are quite a lot of changes in the world, just because there isn´t a typo in a letter ).
I´m not an expert in South America at all, but I´m almost sure that the foundation of socialists parties there was quite later in OTL too ...
And I enjoyed too the butterflies in Central Europe and the Balkans, there are a lot of consequences of the Hohenzollern Spain, and not all of them are "good" for them and their allies.
I´m not sure, but I suspect that ITTL WWI is going to start sooner, and its going to be, from the beginning a "world" one ...
As for the expansion of what happens in the rest of the world: well, it was needed, otherwise who knows what's happening?
About WWI: well, there's a freakin' butterfly being stepped on 44 years before its beginning. When (not if, when) the war happens, it won't be because of the same reasons, and neither will it be in the same moment in time. That would be really lazy on my part.
It's the Portuguese Royal Couple that has died, not the Brazilian Royal Family. Carlos I's sons are still alive, as well as Carlos' brother.
Indeed, Russia and Brazil do have it better. I read in Wikipedia that Pedro II was actually very popular, and that the Republicans were also would-be dictators that brought Brazil down.Good updates, Milarqui!
Russia and Brazil face better futures, but I'm worried about Portugal.
The Republicans (or rather the dominant current of them) were worse than the Monarchy, unless other currents prevail in TTL, in case the Republicans win.
The accidental shooting of the Queen would not be well seen by most people.
As for the dominant Republican current in Portugal, I am not sure about which it is.
And yes, the Queen being shot (even accidentally) is not going to look good for the Reps. In fact, there is a likely chance that the Spanish Republicans will lose many votes because of association.
I hope that you will be able to tell me the maneuvers made by the armies during the war actually make some sense, because everything there I made it through the use of Google Maps.
1. Isabel could use her father's legacy to establish herself on the throne, and then start making things that make her popular, too. She had acted as regent several times during her father's reign, so I can see that as a possibility.
2. It's not as if Spain is going to invade or send troops or something. Also, intervention will probably depend on whether Spain is actually interested in helping either side of the conflict.
3. Yes. It expands a bit faster, too.
4. No. I had an idea of making something similar to a Wikipedia article for Orléanist France and Corsica, but I have very little. France is a Constitutional Monarchy with a Bicameral Parliament, and it has a Constitution approved in 1875 with support from Henri V. In 1883, Henri V died and Philippe VII rose to the throne. Finding people to take the Premiership is very difficult for me, because it isn't easy for me to find French Royalist politicians post-1875. I'll have to start making up some names (although I already have one name that may show how much have things changed).
5. Hence the attempts to keep it secret. Besides, Corsica counts on the unlikely protection of Britain.
6. Had not thought of that idea! Thank you very much for that, I might write something about Napoleon IV riding a horse into Tunisia and leading an army to there.
7. They did complain about the Dominican campaign. Though, if someone were to suggest a war to protect the Dominican Republic when not all the injuries from the Civil War are healed, it would be rejected. It wasn't until the Maine exploded in the Habana port that the US got involved in the Cuba and Philippine Wars.
1. Lenin's brother was killed because of his involvement with a radical group that wanted to kill Aleksandr III. Since Aleksandr II is not only alive but also democratising Russia, Aleksandr Ulyanov will probably still be alive and could maybe even get involved in politics. Prime Minister Ulyanov, anyone?
2. They become even more unpopular, and those that collaborated in the coup are imprisoned.
3. The example of Spain will surely weigh in the people's minds (at least, those that know about it.
4. After the failure of the Federal Republic of Central America, there are not many people that want to do that again. Of course, there is the chance that they might find it interesting to unite again in order to protect themselves from the Anglo companies...
5. In Louvre vs Versailles, I think it will depend on whether the Kings of France prefer to be near to Paris or not. My opinion is that yes, they pick the Louvre and the Tuileries as the Royal Palace, because Versailles is still a symbol of the Ancien Régime and it would be a big no-no. As for the Élysée Palace, yes, because it's been the residence of the Head of Government since the 1850s.
I prefer Lenin exiled himself to Siberia than to be a Prime Minister of Imperial Russia.1. Lenin's brother was killed because of his involvement with a radical group that wanted to kill Aleksandr III. Since Aleksandr II is not only alive but also democratising Russia, Aleksandr Ulyanov will probably still be alive and could maybe even get involved in politics. Prime Minister Ulyanov, anyone?
In OTL, the Louvre served as a museum. In TTL, what palace will serve Louvre's function IOTL?
What if I meant his brother?I prefer Lenin exiled himself to Siberia than to be a Prime Minister of Imperial Russia.
Probably the part of the Louvre that is not used as the Royal Palace, like it happened during Napoleon III's reign.
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