The Horse and The Jaguar

[Orisha91]

What type of influence will Buddhist meditation have on Yatasi?I know enough about yoga and its asian sister practices to know that stuff (mindfulness,postures, visualization, mantras, and Ridiculous body control) is pretty deeeeep!

with that said, how much influence will the monks have now that they've convinced the surrounding peoples of their powerful "magic"?

Also, Zi yí seems to be basking in prosperity now. Good for him.
Is his administration propping up chinese language as the court language or is he as lenient with the language issue as he is with the architectural styles?

Nice updates as usual.

 

[phildup]

What type of influence will Buddhist meditation have on Yatasi?I know enough about yoga and its asian sister practices to know that stuff (mindfulness,postures, visualization, mantras, and Ridiculous body control) is pretty deeeeep!

The Buddhist influence will probably be minimal with some practices being adopted by Yatasi and Caddo shamans. My knowledge of Buddhism is abysmally shallow and I need to learn more before I flesh that out. Once I gain further insight...who knows.

with that said, how much influence will the monks have now that they've convinced the surrounding peoples of their powerful "magic"?

The primary impact of the Monk's "magic" will be literacy. The ability to convey information. In Peru they are adapting Chinese characters in Chan Chan and Qusqu, in America they are using the Mongol Alphabet, which is largely phonetic ( think that is the proper term in this usage) but complex in application and adapting it to the Caddoan languages.

The limitation on the monks is that they are few and far between. There is going to be some training of Chimu and Ngobe/Mongol children in the Khanate but that would take much time to bear fruit and the existing monks are getting older ever day. Also the belief structures of the Mongols (tngriism) the Ngobe and the Caddo are far closer in nature than Buddhism.

Would love some thoughts on Buddhist integration / assimilation.

Also, Zi yí seems to be basking in prosperity now. Good for him.
Is his administration propping up chinese language as the court language or is he as lenient with the language issue as he is with the architectural styles?

The Emperor, as I have indicated, is a pragmatic man and understands his minority status. He even recognizes the resonance between the domination of China by the Mongols and the domination of Chimor by his Chinese. Chinese is currently the "official" court language, but there is no linguistic chauvinism being practiced. Moche, spoken throughout Chimor, would be the lingua franca in the empire and Quechua, spoken by the Incas, would also play a significant role. Linguistic and cultural domination are themes that I plan on exploring as we progress.

Nice updates as usual.

Thanks, I really enjoy researching and writing these.

 

[Orisha91]

The Buddhist influence will probably be minimal with some practices being adopted by Yatasi and Caddo shamans. My knowledge of Buddhism is abysmally shallow and I need to learn more before I flesh that out. Once I gain further insight...who knows.

They seem to take power under rulers as balancing forces in a lot of kingdoms and empires, but when they get out of control, they can be a stranglehold on a nations development. But it depends. In this environment, they'll probably gain power pretty quickly, and I can definitely see them becoming a source of trouble for weak Khans.

The primary impact of the Monk's "magic" will be literacy. The ability to convey information. In Peru they are adapting Chinese characters in Chan Chan and Qusqu, in America they are using the Mongol Alphabet, which is largely phonetic ( think that is the proper term in this usage) but complex in application and adapting it to the Caddoan languages.

The limitation on the monks is that they are few and far between. There is going to be some training of Chimu and Ngobe/Mongol children in the Khanate but that would take much time to bear fruit and the existing monks are getting older ever day. Also the belief structures of the Mongols (tngriism) the Ngobe and the Caddo are far closer in nature than Buddhism.

Would love some thoughts on Buddhist integration / assimilation.

From what I've read, it seems that one of the strengths and weaknesses of Buddhism was its ability to assimilate to a cultures given needs, its skepticism, the paradoxical and fragmentary nature.

The reluctance to be classified into a given culture as a religion, but as more of a science or practice and the reluctance on part of its first adherents and Buddha himself on strict orthodoxy, led it to be vulnerable to splintering at the time, which hurt it in the face of Islam's rapid pushes.The benefit was that it loaned itself easier transmission through channels other than war.

I could see Buddhist being used as diplomats, like their Japanese counterparts. Kublai Khan used them as such in his administration.

Other benefits I see it giving are those provided for the silk road route: establishing of non-violent ethical and rational practices and places for to ward away war from trade routes.You could have monks train their the next generation in war mediation and the merchants are probably going to like their conflict resolution skills as well.

Also, because buddhist monks have had to be trained to be more tolerant of other religions and practices, they probably became vehicles of syncreticsm and assimilation. At the same time though, they have a tradition of using a vast amount of stories and poems to convey philosophical ideas across to ordinary people through examples, which is a recipe for lots of sectarianism.
This may change under Shifu's watch, and the necessity of the mongols to practice some exclusivity.

The only thing I can think of is the monks establishing diplomats and Gung Bey-e taking on the role of protector, while OrunErgül becomes a site known for mediation and peacekeeping, while they sink their tentacles in the other communities through their native shamans, religious leaders and merchants .

Basically the monks spread docility and good PR, become diplomats and negotiators while the future Khans use that to get leverage over trade, and "justified Peacekeeping" with the blessings of the surrounding local communities.

Sorry if that 's a bit too much, that's all the ideas I've got for now. I've been hunting for info all morning.

The Emperor, as I have indicated, is a pragmatic man and understands his minority status. He even recognizes the resonance between the domination of China by the Mongols and the domination of Chimor by his Chinese. Chinese is currently the "official" court language, but there is no linguistic chauvinism being practiced. Moche, spoken throughout Chimor, would be the lingua franca in the empire and Quechua, spoken by the Incas, would also play a significant role. Linguistic and cultural domination are themes that I plan on exploring as we progress.



Thanks, I really enjoy researching and writing these.

 

[phildup]

Thanks for the notes, I'll go over them more closely. I am using the monks in a diplomatic context, both in America and Peru. Some of your comments are really on target with the direction I am moving and others cause me to ask questions about the turns I am planning.

I appreciate this, thanks.

 

[phildup]

The Horse and The Jaguar...30 Contraband

[FONT=&quot]Chapter 30[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Contraband[/FONT]​

[FONT=&quot]
In early 1309 a consortium of Chimu traders, backed by several high ranking imperial officials and regional leaders, prevailed on Zi Yí to license a trade mission to the Mayan holdings in Alagh. The emperor allowed them to take two merchant junks under the escort of a single war junk to trade with the Mayans in the isthmus. The trade mission loaded goods from Chan Chan and the surrounding area and set off northward. Along their route they made several stops in order to add local goods from the coast and mountains to their holds, arriving in Alagh with a full cargo of desirable trade goods. [/FONT]

Their cargo included fabric made from alpaca wool and dyed in vibrant colors by the artisans of Paramonga. This cloth was extremely light and fine like cotton, but with a softer hand. The craftsmen in Chan Chan, combining Chimu, Incan and Asian expertise had achieved this while searching for a substitute for silk. This fabric would be a luxurious alternative to fine Mayan cottons and the somewhat heavy wools being produced from the flocks of sheep in the region. They also carried other goods, pottery, bronze castings and ornaments of copper, gold and silver, preserved foods, as well as a few llamas and other goods. The one thing that Ah Com Xiu desired most however was not in their holds; iron.

Shortly after the mission by Xiu’s representatives to Chan Chan the Emperor had formally made Iron ore, smelted iron and steel Imperial monopolies. The currently available supply of this strategic material was barely able to meet the growing demand in the Empire. All production from the mines was carefully monitored and the art of smelting iron and forging steel were the most closely held state secrets. Anyone who smuggled ore or finished goods out of the Empire, or revealed the means of processing the metal or its source (which was now an open secret anyway) would only be punished once for they would not be around to commit their crimes a second time.

There was a small allotment of iron which was sent to King of Qusqu and, by agreement, was to be used primarily for tools and utensils. Precious little of the metal had found its way to Mayta Capac’s troops. The metal was so precious to the King that his penalty for stealing of exporting it was even harsher than the Emperor’s

Ah Kom Xiu whose desire for the metal had grown since he had received Zi Yí’s gift a few years earlier needed to find some way to get his hand on a steady supply. His ambitions relied on it. Something of sufficient value must be found to wrest the treasured iron from the Emperor’s hands.

The traders provided him with an opportunity to accomplish his goal and he had a promising prize for them. Alagh was in a position to control the flow of some highly desirable items to Chimor. Emeralds from the mountain forests far to the south east of Alagh were currently carried across the western mountains on a long and dangerous journey to the sea and then south along the coast. In every market they were traded and their cost increased until they reached the empire at vastly higher prices. Some were already coming down from the mountains where they were mined by river and then along the coast to the cities of Mayapan and were traded at a much lower value. He could have the majority of the gems shipped to Alagh in this fashion. There he would trade them to the Chimu merchants who could take them directly to Chan Chan at great profit. Cacahuatl, from which the Mayan’s made a beverage called chokolatl, was not readily available south of Alagh. These beans were in high demand in the Empire and only very small amounts made the journey due to its near sacred position among the Mayans. Xiu had expanded cultivation in Alagh and could provide a substantial quantity to the merchants. Lastly were the pearls of the pearl Islands. He had succeeded in bring them under his thumb and controlled their entire harvest.

He could offer the merchants a veritable monopoly in these three precious commodities…if they could provide him with a steady flow of iron.

The traders were summoned to Xiu’s palace where they were presented with a very tempting offer. The control of the market for these goods in the Empire could make them exceedingly rich and with wealth came power. They only needed to re-direct a portion of Zi Yí’s iron from Chan Chan to Alagh. Xiu’s offer included the promise of sanctuary should they be discovered. Xiu would make the first show of good faith by providing an allotment of these goods at a very favorable price if the merchants would only agree to attempt to fulfill their part. If they succeeded, each shipment of iron would be paid for by a similar value in emeralds, pearls and Cacahuatl. If they failed, they would be introduced to the Gods of the Mayans if they ever returned to the shores of the Mayapan League.

The traders who dearly wanted to get control of these commodities and after a short exchange agreed to attempt to obtain the iron for Ah Com Xiu. A few weeks later, they returned to Chan Chan with their hold bulging with goods from the Mayas, including a substantial amount of emeralds, half a year’s worth of pearl production and many bags of Cacahuatl. Xiu had even sent a couple of women who were accomplished at converting the beans into the legendary beverage. They were also talented at cajoling information out of highly placed men.

-----​

The merchants had underestimated the value of their cargo and it sold for three times their own estimates. They were now very rich men. They were honored by the Emperor for the success of their mission and also for the amount of information about the Mayans and their assimilation of the lands of the isthmus. Xiu had completed the city and had retained and repaired what was best in the Mongol plans. The old palace was now the temple precinct, surrounded by a high wall of properly dressed and placed stone. The street grid and the quarters which had been part of the design were largely in place and the walls and towers of the city were strong. The fields were productive and the Mayan herds seemed to be prospering. They even had a growing herd of horses, although their skills as horsemen were somewhat lacking. Ah Com Xiu had a substantial force of men at his disposal, although most tended the fields or the flocks and herds when not in the Xiu’s service.

On the journey home they had spent much time planning the diversion of iron from the mines. Gaining access to the iron was a huge challenge for it was mined under guard, transported under guard, stockpiled and refined under guard, cast and forged under guard and distributed as needed under guard.

Zi Yi was stockpiling steel weaponry and armor as quickly as his smiths could manufacture it. As an Admiral he placed a high priority on his fleet and its maintenance, so that was a significant draw on the supply. His masons needed steel and iron tools to cut and dress stone and his engineers used it in the construction of stone and wood buildings. His artists wanted it to speed the production of sculptures and reliefs demanded by the priests throughout the Empire. Farmers wanted it for plows and scythes while there was a growing need for fittings for carts, wagons and carriages. Production from the mines grew, but not as fast as demand so there was a constant shortage.

Shortages tend to create a means of satisfying demand and the dearth of iron gave birth to a black market in ore, iron and steel. There were two centers of black market activity, one at Chiribaya where the ore was stored and loaded onto junks to be shipped north to Chan Chan, and the other at Chan Chan itself. Ship captains, who were receiving a cut of the proceeds, often found that small amounts of their cargo had been misplaced, usually into hidden compartments between the water tight holds. On arrival in Chan Chan the cargo would be offloaded and the shortage, always small, would be noted by port officials who would normally blame it on sloppy handling at the mine or in Chiribaya. There were some officials also on the smuggler's payroll that would simply not record the shortage or assign it to some other ship which was in port at the time.

On the return voyage to Chiribaya, carrying trade merchandise, food and other market goods, the participating captain would anchor in a remote spot on the coast for a few hours and offload the clandestine cargo to the smugglers who would stockpile it on shore. When a sufficient amount of contraband was accumulated, it would be loaded onto one of the smuggler’s own ships which had departed Chan Chan or one of the other cities such as Pachacamac or Paramonga with a legal cargo bound for Alagh and off the iron would go to Ah Kom Xiu. There, the merchants would collect their load of cacahuatl, emeralds and pearls as well as proceeds from their legal trade venture and return to the Empire. As far as the government knew, the merchants had established a monopoly on the luxury goods.

Ahau Cuat Cocom could not be kept entirely in the dark by Ah Kom Xiu. The King’s agents were present in every aspect of life in Alagh, but with careful planning and good intelligence Xiu was able to co-opt some of them with promises of wealth, power and status. An uncle of Xiu, Ah Huum Chaak, who had remained in Mayapan and had benefited greatly from his nephews success, proved to be invaluable in the Governors efforts. He was able, through his contacts within the hierarchy of Mayapan, to identify an important and susceptible target for Xiu’s goals; a senior official in the government whose family was heavily indebted and had been on the decline for several decades. The family had status and prestige but little remaining wealth and only a few of them retained any real power or influence.

Xiu enlisted this man in his cause and soon had a small cadre of men passing faulty information to the Capitol. He was careful to insure that Ahau Cuat Cocom received truthful, but incomplete intelligence. The result was that Xiu was able to divert the majority of the precious iron to his own purposes while giving the King enough to be useful and to whet his appetite. Accordingly, Mayapan began to develop a dependence on Alagh for this strategic resource and Alagh grew richer and more powerful within the league.

Xiu was also able to maintain a stranglehold on contact and trade between the Mayapan League and the Empire of Chimor. His network of agents increasingly infiltrated the court of Cocom while family members and close allies of the Xius grew in influence, status and power.

The King, in the mean time was beset by challenges from the more loosely controlled cities who recognized that change was in the air and believed that Cocom would not benefit from it. Xiu was so careful to hide his tracks that the leadership of these cities repeatedly misplaced their loyalties to one city or another, not thinking that the new colony of Alagh could possibly be the engine behind the coming changes they saw. This caused Cocom to be constantly on the move, diplomatically, politically and militarily to quell the growing unrest, thus taxing his resources.

Ah Kom Xiu, constantly shuffling his pawns on the board, was playing the cities masterfully. Every time one of them began to rise in challenge to Mayapan they and their followers were slapped down by the heavy hand of Ahau Cuat Cocom. Alagh, unceasingly loyal to the King saw it’s prosperity increase and the reliance of Cocom on the city grow.

[FONT=&quot]Ah Com Xiu saw what he most wanted to see, his star rising.



[/FONT]

 

[Orisha91]

Thanks for the notes, I'll go over them more closely. I am using the monks in a diplomatic context, both in America and Peru. Some of your comments are really on target with the direction I am moving and others cause me to ask questions about the turns I am planning.

I appreciate this, thanks.

No problem. I always wonder what the eastern world would have looked like if Islam had steamrolled Buddhism. The religion seemed to do had floundered because of a lack of state support in the coming invasions and access to trade routes.That's why think the "new world" looks ripe for the picking for them.

Anyway,Nice update as usual by the way and looooove the sweet irony that Ahau Cuat Cocom is making the same mistake Songhummal made with Zi Yi, appears to be somewhat less savy than Ah Kom Xiu.

Looks like he's a slightly better scheemer to.

Would I be right in assuming genius ambitious vassals will be one of running themes? If so, I love it.

 

[phildup]

The Horse and The Jaguar...31 Peace on the Planes / Intrigue in the Mountains

[FONT=&quot]Chapter 31[/FONT]​

[FONT=&quot]Peace on the Planes[/FONT][FONT=&quot] / [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Intrigue in the Mountains[/FONT]​

[FONT=&quot]
[/FONT][FONT=&quot]Gung-bey-e now ruled an increasingly prosperous and influential little state. The Mongols of Orun Ergül were prospering with productive herds and flocks, fertile fields and vibrant trade with the Yatasi and their Caddo brothers. Junks now plied the rivers regularly, transporting pottery, food, wood, metals (except iron), and all manner of trade goods from Great Cahokia and beyond to Natchitoches and south to the sea. Stone walls and tile pavers were increasingly seen in the cities, towns and villages from the great eastern forests to the endless western plains. Where ships could not go, paths were becoming roads for carts and wagons.

Culture traveled with merchandise as always and the influence of Orun Ergül was taking hold in far flung places. The Mongol / Yatasi trade language was spreading, and with it, knowledge. The Yatasi had already wholeheartedly adopted new agricultural techniques and crops from the Mongols, as well as cattle, hogs, sheep and horses. They were applying new technologies to their ceramics, metallurgy and textiles. At Natchitoches, construction had begun on new, stone faced platforms and it was progressing rapidly through the use of draft animals and carts to haul materials instead of people. Buddhist elements were entering the belief structure of the Caddo and Caddo beliefs were influencing the Buddhist monks. Meditation was increasingly a part of the Shaman’s art and being one with the spirits of the air, land and water a consideration in the meditations of the monks.

It was a time of growth, prosperity and peace for the most part. On several occasions the Mongols had encountered the Ni-U-Kon-Ska, never peacefully, and normally in the distant north of the lands the Mongols patrolled for the Caddo. This is where these people were struggling to survive, fleeing from their own lands as unknown tribes pushed them farther south and west from their homelands. They had become a refugee nation and developed a total distrust of all who were not them. They were poorly equipped as soldiers due to their condition but had become adept at tactics and strategy, since that was all they could rely on. They were, despite their poverty, formidable warriors and well led.

Orghui had been impressed by the archery skills of the Ni-U-Kon-Ska and by their bravery in a fight, but they were not an army. They were skirmishers and ambushers, and very good ones at that. Initial engagements were hard won by the Mongols, but Orghui soon was able to identify what and when confrontations would occur and be ready for them. In the end they proved to be an annoyance rather than a threat.

On the whole however, there was peace between the Mongols and the Ete-Arad, or native people, as the Mongols generally referred to the indigenous population.

Cakilceleger, Gung-bey-e’s son had grown into a rambunctious and energetic boy of six. Like his father before him he spent a great amount if time in the company of the Khan’s own horse soldiers and was showing all the signs of becoming a good horseman. He already had a small horse of his own to which he was greatly attached and would frequently sleep with the guards in the pastures at night to be close to his pride and joy. This gave great pleasure to the Khan, as his son became more and more a part of the soldier’s daily life. He learned from them and established a close bond, much as the Khan had done when he was a boy. Narantsetseg, the prince’s mother, wished her son would spend more time at home and less in the field and was able to prevail on the Khan to bring her with him when he camped with the troops. She had learned enough from her own mother not to coddle the boy and not to limit his exposure to the manly aspects of life. She too began to enjoy the loyalty of the army because she respected and valued the time they spent with the young prince.[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]-----

[/FONT]​

[FONT=&quot]Dehahuit was also not idle during this time of peace. Freed from the need to fend off the Ni-U-Kon-Ska and enriched by his exchanges with the Mongols, his status among the Caddo peoples had risen, as had that of the Yatasi. The True Caddi, not a young man, seemed to be increasingly tired, forgetful and unable to concentrate on important matters. This had generated discussion of succession.

The traditional succession of the leadership was father to son, but the True Caddi’s son was not a well liked man. He was vain, arrogant, disliked listening to others and had shown little interest in the welfare of the people, focusing on his own enrichment and pleasure. Among the other Caddi there was little enthusiasm for the prospect of his accession to the post of True Caddi. Alternatives were quietly discussed and Dehahuit’s name was increasingly mentioned. He was respected and admired for more than the success the Yatasi had recently enjoyed. He was considered to be an honest and concerned leader who carefully listened to the elders and considered the needs of his people before his own desires. This was indeed an accurate assessment, but it did not consider that he firmly felt his interests and success went hand in hand with that of the Yatasi.

Dehahuit had carefully cultivated the allegiance of several smaller towns and villages as well as some of the lesser Caddo groups. Over this period, the Yatasi had come to possess the largest herd of horses other than the Mongols. They use them for hunting, herding the cattle they had acquired from the Mongols and had become quite good horse archers. Dehahuit and Aashi were adapting the use of these wonderful animals to the Yatasi manner of fighting and found that “strike and retreat” was particularly effective. The horsemen would gallop towards a foe, and charge across their front (such as the front was in the native style of warfare) firing their bows into the enemy with great effect, then turn and ride swiftly away as another wave of horse archers repeated the maneuver. This was a direct correlation to the techniques they had developed for hunting tanaha’, or buffalo.

Yatasi warriors had practiced this technique when they responded to requests for help by less powerful Caddo tribes being harassed by their southern or western neighbors. They had been able to refine their tactics and grow a corps of veteran horsemen which had enhanced the standing of the Yatasi, and Dehahuit, at the same time. But Dehahuit knew that his advantage might not last forever, horses had found their way to most of the Caddo tribes and were spreading beyond as well. [/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]-----

[/FONT]​

[FONT=&quot]Zi Yí, despite the efficiency of the beaurocracy he had assembled to run the Empire, continued to be largely in the dark regarding the black market in Iron. His forces were increasingly well armed, ships had been repaired and his smiths were preparing to cast their first cannons. They had already produced a substantial number of hand cannon and fire lances which had proven highly effective in subduing restless tribes on the frontier. Mayta Cápac was anxious to get his hands on these weapons which he had seen demonstrated while visiting Cero Baul and Omo. [/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]
The Emperor was careful to keep his father in law on as short a leash as he could. Iron was carefully doled out to Qusqu as was the [/FONT][FONT=&quot]Cacahuatl[/FONT][FONT=&quot] shipped in from Alagh. Mayta Cápac was to remain a powerful friend and ally, buffering the Empire from any threats that might arise in the mountains or beyond, however he would not be allowed to surpass the power of Chimor.

With trade as his weapon, Zi Yí was able to guarantee his hegemony over Mayta Cápac to the extent that in 1312, the King of Qusqu accepted the stationing of Chimor troops in Tiwanaku on the shores of Lake Titicaca, the Sacred Lake. Ostensibly, this was to secure the newly conjured territory and allow Mayta Cápac to campaign further south and into the eastern valleys of the mountains, but the true purpose was to establish a Chimu presence within the nascent Incan Empire. The price was not cheap though; Z I Yí provided a substantial number of weapons; spears, swords etc, to the King and had to increase the allotment of iron exported to Tawantinsuyu.

In the campaign of 1312 mounted by Mayta Cápac, the Inca employed cavalry for the first time against the cities to the south. The King was successful despite his horsemen’s tendency to charge the enemy and then dismount to fight in the traditional manner. Mayta Cápac was greatly embarrassed when this happened while one of the Emperors generals was observing the battle. For Zi Yí, it was an opportunity however. He offered to train the King’s cavalry and the King accepted, gratefully.

The Incan generals had not had the opportunity to observe the manner in which the Chinese utilized cavalry, so their approach was to employ horses as a delivery system for infantry. Zi Yí’s generals trained them in basic cavalry tactics so they could appreciate the value of the shock a mounted attack on an enemy flank could produce, but the value of horse archers was never addressed. The Inca horsemen learned quickly with experienced guidance, not only how to fight effectively on horseback and properly care for their mounts, but also how skilled the Emperor’s forces were and how generous the Emperor was to his troops. A select group of Inca military leaders also learned how well loyalty to the Emperor paid.

The Emperor, with troops in the Kingdom of Qusqu and a following within the newly effective Incan cavalry, now began the long process of uniting the Empire with its most powerful neighbor.[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]-----

[/FONT]​

[FONT=&quot]Mayta Cápac greatly admired and envied Chimor on many levels and wished to be as advanced, prosperous and cultured as the empire. He was therefore exceedingly vulnerable to the hegemonic ambitions of Zi Yí. His son, Cápac Yupanqui was not so besotted with what he viewed as an interloping nation of foreigners. He had objected to the union of his step sister with the Emperor, feeling that it sullied the Kings bloodline. This distaste had not been lost on the Emperor and Zi Yí took what steps he could to isolate the son from the father.

Xin Du Xian, Zi Yí’s ambassador, kept a close eye on the hostile prince and Imperial agents insinuated themselves into the circles through which Cápac Yupanqui circulated. Sympathetic military leaders were subtly suggested for appointment to his forces. Ultimately there was little the Incan Prince could do without it reaching the ears of the Emperor in Chan Chan; and much that he did not do that reached the ears of the King. A gradual souring of the air between father and son, engineered by Zi Yí was in process, and the King was oblivious to it.

Cápac Yupanqui eventually become painfully aware of the isolation as he increasingly found himself on campaign and out of touch with events in his father’s court. It was becoming more difficult to stay on top of the intrigues, power brokering, influence peddling and personal promotion that was common in the court of Qusqu. His information was no longer current or reliable; who was in favor and who was not, who Mayta Cápac was listening to and who was he ignoring, who had his father’s ear and who was out of favor. He was less and less a part of court intrigue, less a counter to the influence of the Chimu Ambassador or the Empress, his step sister.

His anxiety increased as his troops ventured farther from the city and supplies became less reliable, news older and foes more savage. In late 1315, while on march through the forests east of the mountains in the upper reaches of the valley of the Eastern God River, Cápac Yupanqui and his men were set upon by the local natives. The skirmish was violent and he was severely wounded. His surviving men struggled to get the Prince back to the nearest town but Cápac Yupanqui died before they could return to Incan territory.

The fatal arrow which had struck down Cápac Yupanqui the heir to Mayta Cápac and the kingdom of Qusqu, had been made by Amazon tribesmen, dipped in poison and fired from the cover of the trees as was typical of Amazonian warfare. The bowman had not been seen or heard. There was no indication, other than the depth of the wound, that the arrow had been shot from a Mongol designed compound bow.[/FONT]

 

[phildup]

The Horse and The Jaguar...32 A Grand Vision On The Plains

Chapter 32

A Grand Vision On The Plains​

[FONT=&quot]
It was early spring on the plains and the flood season was upon the people of Orun Ergül. In the valley below the town the river had burst its banks and the fertile soil was being replenished for the next growing season. The cattle were about to be driven to spring pastures and there was excitement building in anticipation of the foals that would soon bless the herds of horses.

Gung-bey-e and his son, Cakilceleger, who was now ten, accompanied a troop of riders onto the plains in search of the migrating buffalo. They rode northward for several days towards the lands where Ni-U-Kon-Ska sometimes wandered and camped. They had no intention of confronting these nomadic folk and it was early in the season for them to be making forays into Caddo lands, but even so the Mongols were on guard.

They camped near a stream for a few days while scouts rode out to search for the roaming herds of buffalo. When the riders returned, they had news that the great herds had been sighted to the west slowly moving towards their lands. This was good news but the riders also reported that a large band of Ni-U-Kon-Ska was camped not far to the east of the Khan.

Gung-bey-e sent riders back to Orun Ergül to bring additional cavalry to re-enforce his hunting party. He intended to send his son back home with the messengers but the young boy was loathe to leave his father and was allowed to stay in the camp. The Khan decided to go out and see the nomad’s encampment and reconnoiter the land for himself and he gathered a troop of riders to accompany him. Cakilceleger wanted to go with his father on this great adventure and against the Khan’s better judgment, was allowed to accompany them. This would turn out to be his first military experience and, unexpectedly, his first diplomatic one as well.

When, a day later, the Khan reached the area where the invaders had been reported, he discovered that they had broken camp and were no longer there. They had begun to march slowly west-south-west, deeper into Caddo lands and between the Mongol hunting camp and Orun Ergül. They were not aware of the presence of the Khan and his small band of Mongols camped nearby and were unknowingly moving between them and their home. Late in the afternoon, as they prepared to make camp for the night, Ni-U-Kon-Ska scouts saw horsemen on top of a small rise to the north of their people.

As used to oppression as these homeless wanderers were, there was no panic in their camp. The warriors quickly armed themselves and the women and children made what preparations they could to defend themselves if needed. Gung-bey-e had seen the scouts as some had turned and run back to the camp to warn their folk and had followed them at a distance, until he topped a ridge and was able to survey the partially formed camp near the stream below. What he saw concerned him for this was not the typical Ni-U-Kon-Ska band of invaders they typically encountered. This group was many hundreds strong, far larger than had been seen before. It appeared to be an entire town on the march. While many warriors were evident, there appeared to be even more women, elderly and children among them. This struck the Khan as a different kind of threat. It wasn’t an opportunistic raid on Caddo lands, it was a migration.

He set pickets to keep an eye on the camp and retreated to a defensible place to spend the night. He had but thirty men with him and, while they were well armed, the sheer numbers of Ni-u-Kon-Ska could certainly overwhelm his men in a fight. The horses stayed saddled and his men ready to ride at a moment’s notice. Cakilceleger could not sleep that night because of the excitement he felt; young as he was he knew something momentous was happening. The Khan regretted his decision not to send the prince home.

In the Ni-u-Kon-Ska camp, there was much discussion among their leaders as to how to act. Their scouts had been unable to keep up with the riders and had quickly lost track of them. Although their trail was easy enough to follow, the horses carried the Mongols so fast and far that they would be far away and unreachable. Some of the elders wanted to flee by night, leaving the camp to the Mongols. Other, younger men wanted to find and attack0 the Mongol camp during the night, although they did not know the size of the Khan’s force, where they were or how far away they had camped. There was a faction that wished to stay put and on guard so they could march on in good order and in strength in the morning and yet another that proposed that they send a representative to the Khan to plead for safe passage through his lands. This last group, part of the Tsishu gente, was able to gather just enough support to carry the day.[/FONT]

The scouts were immediately sent out again to locate the Mongol camp. In the night they were able to evade Gung-bey-e’s pickets and by searching for campfires in the dark and following the trail of the horses through the tall grass in the day they soon found the Khans camp. Returning to their own encampment with the news they walked boldly by the Mongols assigned to watch them and returned to their elders. After hearing how small the Mongol party was, there was again discussion about mounting an attack but the chief reminded the hotheads in his council of the Mongol’s history of appearing in force out of nowhere. This may be a small party, but there was probably an army nearby. Heralds were dispatched with instructions to approach the Mongol pickets and ask for an audience with their leader.

The Mongol pickets easily heard then saw the approaching heralds as they made no attempt at stealth. The Khan’s men were startled when they saw several naked Ni-U-Kon-Ska men walking brazenly towards their position in the dusk. Since they were without any clothing they were obviously unarmed, although they were still formidable looking men. These were a very tall people in general, even taller than the Caddo or Yatasi, and these four were not only tall, but strongly built. Had they weapons they would be very dangerous in hand to hand combat.

When the nude heralds saw the Mongols approaching on horseback, they all stopped and one, in a clear voice and very respectable Yatasi, announced their peaceful intent and request to meet the Mongol chief for a parley. The captain asked a few questions, in much poorer Yatasi and was satisfied enough to send a rider to the camp to inform Gung-bey-e. He brought the heralds to the top of the rise where they had positioned themselves so he could continue to watch the camp below. The four Ni-u-Kon-Ska were chilled by the cool night air and were given blankets to wrap themselves in for warmth until word came from the Khan.

The rider arrived at the Khan’s camp late in the evening and Gung-bey-e was awakened to hear the news of the heralds request for an audience. He sent orders back that three of them should be brought to his camp and the fourth sent back to his people to tell them to stay in their camp until the remaining three heralds returned. If they broke camp or attempted to move or made anything that looked like a hostile move, the Khan’s troops would be upon them.

The three heralds were uneasily seated on the backs of horses and led slowly off to the Khan’s camp. They had never been on horses before, or even close to them and were concerned for their safety, both physical and spiritual, for the horses could be magic animals or be evil spirits. The fourth and youngest of the heralds was sent back to their camp with the Khan’s orders and threat. The Ni-U-Kon-Ska, seeing that he had returned wrapped in a Mongol blanket and hearing that he had been fed and well treated by the horsemen took their chances and stayed in camp the next day.

Gung-bey-e heard the herald’s request as the sun rose over the plains and agreed to the parley with the leaders of the Ni-U-Kon-Ska. The site would be the rise above their camp and none of their people would be allowed to bring weapons. When the Khan said that only three of their leaders would be allowed, the heralds asked for four to be present, since they viewed that as a fortunate number, and the Khan agreed. He knew his re-enforcements from Orun Ergül were only two days away so the parley was set for noon on the third day after the audience. The heralds were escorted back to their people, fully, though poorly clothed due to the difference in stature between the two groups.

When the day of the parlay dawned, the Ni-u-Kon-Ska saw several hundred Mongol cavalry take positions at the top of the ridge overlooking their encampment. Several Mongols descended half way down the ridge and prepared a space for the meeting to take place. The grass was trampled flat, carpets from the Mongol’s tents laid out, and a fire lit. A cloth was mounted on tall poles to provide shade and stools brought out for the men to sit on. Two of these men remained behind, standing some distance away.

Shortly before noon, four Ni-u-Kon-Ska men walked unarmed from the camp toward the designated place. They represented the three gentes of the tribe. Two were from the Tsishu gente and one each from the Wazhazhe and Hangka gentes. As they climbed toward pavilion that the Khan had erected, Gung-bey-e rode down from the crest accompanied by two of his captains and his son, Cakilceleger. The two Mongols who had remained behind after preparing the site were conspicuously unarmed and one tended to the Mongol’s horses while the other made certain the four Ni-u-Kon-Ska were properly greeted and offered refreshment.

The Mongol party made a show of giving their weapons to one of the attendants in full view of the four men, who stood as the Khan approached. One of the men greeted the Khan’s party in Yatasi and introduced the others and then himself. All four were put somewhat off guard by the presence of a ten year old boy in the Mongol delegation. They were even more surprised when the boy spoke first, politely greeting them in perfect Yatasi and introducing the two captains. He then identified himself only as Cakilceleger and then turned, bowed in respect toward his father and introduced Gung-Bey-E Khan, Khagan of all the Mongols in this land.

The four ambassadors had not realized that the Khan himself was with the Mongol hunting party for the heralds had not known who they spoke with at the Mongol camp. They expected to meet a war chief at the most, not the Khan.

Gung-bey-e sat, smiled, and invited them all to sit around the fire. Refreshments to suit both Mongol and native palates had been prepared and were offered to the ambassadors. As one of the attendants poured beverages for them, the Khan spoke.

Turning toward Cakilceleger he explained that the boy was his son and was learning the skills that he would one day be expected to use as leader of his people. His presence was intended not as a slight to the ambassadors or their mission, but as an honor, for this was an important meeting and his son would learn well.

The Khan treated the Ni-u-Kon-Ska with respect, for the parley had been honorably requested and their heralds had shown dignity and grace, even in their nakedness. The people in the camp below had done just as he had wished, staying in their camp and making no hostile moves. He made it clear that he considered them to be honest representatives of their people. The Khan also recognized the skill and bravery of their warriors and that even though his newly arrived forces would carry the day in any battle with these people; it would be hard fought and costly. But, while respectful and hospitable, he did not hide his strength nor did he allow them to think they were equals. He was Khan, they were not.

The leader of the embassy, one of the most influential of the tribal elders, put forth their case. He explained that his people, who called themselves Wazhazhe, had been driven from the lands they had called home since the beginning of time by a powerful tribe from the east who were called Haudenosaunee. They had fled their river valleys seeking a new place to live and had lost nearly everything that had once made them great. The Wazhazhe did not wish to take the land of others as their land had been taken, but only to find a place where they could live in peace and hopefully prosper.

All they asked of the Khan was safe passage to cross his land and that of the Caddo without harm.

Gung-bey-e listened intently to the Tsishu speak, interrupting on occasion to politely ask a question or two. He was struck by the related histories of his people and these. Both had been forced to leave the lands they called home and both had come as refugees to this land. The Mongols had much to offer the Caddo and Yatasi and perhaps that is why they had been welcomed. These people had nothing and perhaps that is why they were not.

Once the request had been made, the Khan expressed sympathy.

Gung-bey-e now chose his words carefully;

“I am Khan of the Mongols, but the Mongols do not possess this land. It is the land of the Yatasi.
​

It is known that we Mongols came to this country from the great sea in this generation. When we came to the Yatasi they welcomed us and asked us to be stewards of this land and enjoy it and prosper on it. So we built our homes and pastured our herds and flocks as we had been asked.
​

As we hold this place in stewardship for the people of Natchitoches, we must guard it against dangers, and in the past your people have tried to take the land by force of arms. In crossing this land it will be marked by your passage and the ill of that marking must be balanced against the ill of forcing you to return to your own lands, which you say are no longer yours.
​

Return to your people now and come here tomorrow. I will tell you your fate then.”
​

One of the ambassadors now spoke, asking how they could be certain of the good faith of the Mongols, that they would not be attacked in the night by his horsemen.

Before the Khan could respond Cakilceleger spoke up, saying that he would go with them to their camp and return with them the next day.

There was momentary silence. The captains were horrified and the four ambassadors stunned by the boys offer. Gung-bey-e looked his son in the eyes sternly and saw the boy had not made the offer lightly. His look of confidence said “I know what I am doing”. He saw himself looking back at Songghumal Khan, his own father.

He slowly turned from the prince to the ambassadors, a calm look on his face.

“My son wisely suggests that he be my ambassador to your people, and so he shall be. These two captains will be his aids and his guards.”
​

So Cakilceleger departed on his first diplomatic mission. He, the unarmed captains and the four Wazhazhe ambassadors walked down the slope to the camp. As agreed, a single horseman delivered the captain’s weapons to them on the edge of the camp so their role as guards could be fulfilled.

The Khan sat on his horse and watched as the small procession disappeared into the camp, then turned and rode back to his troops at the crest of the ridge. He was concerned as any father would be sending his son into an unknown situation, but he needed to show confidence in the wisdom of the young prince. He was also balancing the issues presented by the Wazhazhe as any leader would and pondering his next step, but he could not help but chuckle at the brazenness of his son and he was proud to be his father.

-----​

Gung-bey-e did not sleep much that night and as it wore on he began to formulate a potential solution that could be beneficial to his own people and end the regular incursions of the Ne-U-Kon-Ska, or Wazhazhe as they called themselves. Shīfù and Orghui were both at Natchitoches at that time and he sent a rider to summon them to his camp. It would take the rider five days to reach them and at least that long for them to reach the Mongols on the ridge. He knew that was too long to wait for Shīfù’s council so he had to make a decision without his old friend’s guidance, but that was why he was Khan after all.

The next day, the Wazhazhe ambassadors returned as planned with Cakilceleger and the two guards. With them came a boy of about the same age as the prince. Each boy wore the other’s cloak. The Wazhazhe boy was Onaly, the son of one of the ambassadors. He and Cakilceleger had spent much of the prince’s time in the camp in each other’s company.

The Khan noted that the boys sat together and exchanged comments through a few shared words, signs and drawings in the dirt as the adults conversed. There was no boyish play, they were both paying close attention but their exchanges were full of energy and enthusiasm, though quietly expressed under the circumstances.

When the Khan began to speak the Wazhazhe men were expectant. His offer to them was not at all what they expected.

“The plight of your people has spoken to my soul as I did not expect it to. Like you I mourn the loss of your homeland and the wandering you have been reduced to. I wish to show you and your people the grace and generosity of the Mongols.
​

I cannot offer the Wazhazhe passage through the land of the Yatasi for it is not mine to grant. But The Mongol people can offer your people hospitality and shelter.
​

For this season your people may pause their journey and make their camp near us at Orun Ergül, there to learn about us as we learn about you. There the Yatasi will come to know you as they have come to know us.
​

Your men will search for a new place while you stay with us and once they have found a new home beyond Yatasi lands, you will go there with the Mongols as friends behind you.”
​

When an amazed ambassador asked how the Khan could welcome the Wazhazhe without fear that they would rise up against him and take his place, the Khan responded that there were more Mongols than Wazhazhe and more Yatasi than Mongols and more Caddo than Yatasi. He said this as a matter of fact and without a threat in his voice. He also said that the ambassador’s people would not be guests, prisoners or slaves. They would work alongside the Mongols and they would partake in the fruits of that work. The two peoples would celebrate their successes together and learn from each other. The Mongols would help the Wazhazhe find a new homeland.

The Wazhazhe had experienced little kindness from the peoples they had encountered over the past years and the ambassadors were stunned by the generosity of the Khan’s offer. There was much for the council to deliberate. Gung-bey-e told them his offer would stand for five days as long as the Wazhazhe did not break camp. If they decided to accept his hospitality they could begin the move to Orun Ergül in fourteen days. If they chose to reject his offer they would not be allowed to proceed further across Yatasi lands and would be forced to return whence they came.

Cakilceleger wished to return with the ambassadors to their camp while they made their decision but the Khan said he could not. If he wished, he could visit in the daytime with his guards and, if he wished, Onaly could come to the Mongol camp to visit.

The Khan and the Mongol party then mounted their horses and returned to their camp on the ridge while the ambassadors returned to their camp below, the boys still wearing each other’s cloaks.

-----

​

Four days later, the Khan’s offer was accepted. Gung-bey-e set off with Cakilceleger towards Orun Ergül in order to intercept Shīfù and Orghui en route to the hunting camp.

The four of them, the Khan, the young prince, the general and the monk sat around the fire that night and Gung-bey-e explained his actions to his old friends.

The Mongols acted as stewards for the Yatasi in these lands so the Khan could not grant safe passage without angering the Yatasi. He could, however, bring the Wazhazhe under Mongol protection while they searched for a suitable home. They would be under control and not a threat to anyone.

Orghui suggested that the presence of so many of these people on Yatasi lands, even at Orun Ergül, would still anger their friends. The Khan agreed that bit could, but stressed that he had taken responsibility for them and would protect Yatasi interests. Dehahuit would not challenge the Mongols in their own city because he still had much to gain from their presence in his land. It could be a bitter pill, but Dehahuit would swallow it, and if he did, so would the Caddo as a whole. Orghui was not convinced but Shīfù noted that knowing where your enemy was offered security and advantage. The benefit of maintaining good relations, particularly trade relations, with the Mongols would probably outweigh any perceived threat to the Yatasi. Dehahuit would probably participate in the search for a Wazhazhe homeland, if for nothing else than to gain some measure of control over them.

The Khan agreed that would be a likely action on the part of Dehahuit, and that he would ask Dehahuit to send representatives to observe the Wazhazhe and their behavior. He felt confident that the refugees would become good partners and both peoples would prosper during their stay at Orun Ergül.

Then, Shīfù saw a look come over the Khan’s face, something he had rarely seen since the days when they were student and teacher. Gung-bey-e then said;

“I wish to bring these lost people into our nation. As Mongol and Ngöbe prospered and grew from coming together, we and the Wazhazhe be joined and benefit. It will make us a stronger, more influential and independent nation.”
​

When Shīfù then asked him what of the Yatasi and the Caddo he responded;

“In time, they shall join us and Mongol, Yatasi, Caddo and Wazhazhe shall be one. They will become us and we will become them.”​

 

[phildup]

Something new

This is the end of the old material. I have done a reasonable amount of rewriting in the past month or so and added some new content.

From this point on all the material will be new, or at least unposted. some events in the future have already been fleshed out and will just need to be folded into the narrative.

Wish me luck as I dive into the unknown with Gung-Bey-E, Zi Yi and Ah Com Xiu.

 

[Pio2013]

This is resembling much of the Mongol Empire OTL, with less battles i gotta say.

I guess the 9 Yak Threads OTL will be the 9 Buffalo Threads

Oh, good luck then!

 

[Orisha91]

Things look good for Gung-Bey-E so far.
And his son seem's to be quick learner as well. He appears to have a lot of potential.

Good Luck on the future updates.

 

[phildup]

The Horse and The Jaguar...33 The League’s Troubles

Chapter 33

The League’s Troubles

​

In the spring of 1314, Ah Com Xiu launched his first war junk, naming it Paal Xnuk Ek, Son of Venus. The vessel had been constructed by Ngöbe and Asian craftsmen who carefully disassembled a decrepit war junk in Alagh, copied its parts making corrections for wear and tear, hogging, rot and other effects of age and use, then carried the pieces to Asi Ügei and re-assembled them. The cannon had been cast in bronze and the vessel had been fitted with several small guns on swivel mounts. These could be placed in brackets scattered along the rails of the ship.

Aak'ab Kan, one of Xiu’s commanders, realized that the hand cannon which the Yuan had brought with them could be made a bit larger and mounted in such a way on a ship so as to give a great arc of fire. Mounting them in this way allowed them to be aimed more effectively and was less telling on the gunner, since he was not lugging the great slug of metal around and trying to fire it accurately. The ability of moving them quickly from one point to another provided great flexibility as well. They were intended to injure and kill the enemy’s men and so were designed to fire numerous shards of rock, pottery or what have you at relatively short ranges. Xiu was very impressed by a demonstration where Aak’ab reduced a pig to chopped pork with one shot and the device was included in the ship’s armament.

While the construction of the junk was underway at Asi Ügei, a second junk was ready to be assembled in Alagh. Iron was no longer a problem for Xiu and his army, quietly assembled and equipped, dressed in cloaks covered with thin scales of metal allowed to develop a coat of rust which prevented them from glinting in the sun so they would not give away the position of hidden soldiers. His army carried swords of steel, steel axes, and even some hand cannons and fire sticks. The compound bows had been improved and were far better that the ones used by Ahau Cuat Coco m in the conquest of Alagh and only slightly less effective than Mongol bows. His cavalry, lacking the expertise of a large cadre of Mongol fighters to train them, had developed their own style of riding and their own style of fighting which was particularly suited to the forests of the Isthmus and Yucatan. They had become strike and run force, designed to hit the enemy on their flanks and their rear, inflict substantial damage and disappear into the trees only to strike again in another place. Their primary weapons were the bow and the sword, lances being difficult to deal with in wooded territory.

That had not prevented Xiu from training a corps of lancers who had proven themselves on coastal plains when recalcitrant natives objected to Mayan domination.

-----​

A regular trade with Chimor had been established and Xiu was in regular contact with the Emperor. Frequently he would send gifts to Zi Yí with the trading missions and always requested that the Emperor release a small amount of iron to Alagh so he could make plows and maintain his trading junks. Surprisingly, in 1312 Zi Yí agreed to provide a shipment of iron annually sufficient to re-fit one junk and make one hundred plows. Xiu felt blessed by this unexpected bonus and sent an entire shipload of Cacahuatl to the Emperor as a personal gift. Accompanying the shipment was Ah Huun Xux, a cousin and scholar, sent as the ambassador of the governor of Alagh.

Xux was welcomed by Zi Yí and he and his family settled in to the court life of Chan Chan.

The merchants with whom Xiu was conspiring to smuggle iron were not pleased by the gift of Cacahuatl to the Emperor since the court of Chimor was their primary customer for the precious beans and they complained to the Governor of the losses they had sustained as a result. They went so far as to threaten to send the next shipment directly to the King and expose Xiu and his nefarious dealings. Xiu, in turn threatened to inform the Emperor that the merchants had offered him great quantities of iron they had stolen from the mines in return for safe haven.

The Chimu, knowing the Emperor would be more circumspect in his dealings with a foreign potentate than with his own people, who had committed a crime acquiesced and agreed to return to the existing arrangement with Xiu. The Governor thanked them for their wisdom and informed them that this year’s allotment would be halved due to their threat against his person and sent them away.

-----​

Ahau Cuat Cocom was being constantly tested by ambitious cities. Their kings were all resident in Mayapan as he had commanded but their operatives probed his government constantly, causing him to periodically purge the government of the league of suspected traitors. Xiu, because of his unwavering loyalty and support of Mayapan never suffered in these purges but the king could not help but notice the prosperity of his distant province. The annual payments to Mayapan were constantly increased as the costs of keeping the League in line grew by leaps and bounds. Cocom demanded additional shipments of cattle, increased his allotment of horses, ordered Xiu to increase his patrol along the coast and ordered more men to reinforce his army. Xiu was even convinced to send the King more iron and the Governor gave up his annual shipment from Chimor, transferring it to the King.

As Xiu was celebrating the launch of the Paal Xnuk Ek, the King called on him to subdue the rebellious cities of Ixtonton and Sacul. Although a bit early in his plans, this provided Xiu with the opportunity to test his army in combat and he was happy to take it. The campaign was short and brutal. Xiu defeated the enemy armies in short order and returned the cities to the league’s fold. The kings, in their luxurious confinement in Mayapan, were unaware of the defeat of their armies until the King’s men came and took them and their families to the temple precinct, there to meet Kukulkan face to face. Xiu appointed new kings for the two cities and sent them off to Mayapan to take their place in the palaces occupied by their sacrificed predecessors. He installed new agents to keep the kings informed of the affaires in their respective cities and new administrators to see to their administration.

On his return to Alagh he diverted from his route to capture the nearby city of Guyabo, which was not Mayan and not part of the League. Its territory was close to his province and so it was a logical expansion, particularly since the people who lived there were known to be great engineers. Once again, it was a quick affaire but this time the resistance was minimal. The attack was unexpected and the city unprepared to defend itself. With a population of over 10,000 in the city and environs he had made a significant addition to his holdings.

Ah Com Xiu had now extended his control over two new cities and increased his holdings by one hundred percent. His influence in the league was more than doubled. Cocom was very pleased with the speed and efficiency of Xiu’s campaign and awarded Ixtonton and Sacul to him as part of his governorate. The unexpected conquest of Guyabo merely made the victory all the more sweet.

Although he had been offered the kingship of his cities, Xiu graciously declined, saying that he would rather be a servant of Ahau Cuat Cocom than King of the World. He was aware that if he accepted the offer he would have been sequestered in Mayapan with the other kings and his power severely restricted. Everything he did was for the greater glory of Ahau Cuat Cocom he said. Of course he preferred to be a servant of the King so he could remain in the field where he had greater power and influence and his interests were best served.

-----​

While Xiu was off on campaign, his was junk had been cruising the coast on her first voyage. He had sent her to find and explore the islands that were said to lie east of Xcaret near the tip of the Yucatan. He was looking for new trading partners in order to further reduce his reliance on Mayapan while enhancing his status at court. His ship found the islands and found nothing worth trading. The people were naked and primitive; there were no cities, only villages of huts and flimsy shelters so it returned to Asi Ügei with empty holds. They had been attacked with stone tipped arrows and slings and had sunk several canoes with their swivel cannon. This only served to make the natives more fierce in their attacks resulting in substantial losses in their part.

The island itself was lush and fertile with mountains rising from the center. The coastline teemed with fish of all kinds and islands large and small enclosed great shoal areas in some places and in others the coast plunged to great depths. Good harbors were scattered along the length of the island. Paal Xnuk Ek spent 10 weeks on this cruise and could only offer potential lands for expansion, should they be needed and if there was the willingness to fight a fierce enemy.

-----​

Xiu realized that there was little in the eastern sea of value so he would need to exploit every opportunity on land in order to extend his reach. The King was losing patience with cities that constantly worked against him and the League and was increasingly short tempered according to his spies and his reaction to challenges within the league was getting more and more violent. Those cities that stayed close to Mayapan and did not anger Cocom were feeling the weight of his hand as he demanded greater resources, more men and tighter control.

The restless cities that the King forced back into his orbit were stripped of much of their treasure and required to pay the cost incurred in their repatriation. Their elites were sold into slavery or made an appearance in the great temple plaza and their kings often were not even given the dignity of sacrifice but simply killed by Cocom’s henchmen. Twelve were killed by the King himself when his rage got the better of him while he was berating them in his palace. He used this as an excuse to begin construction of a new palace saying that the stench of their blood could not be washed from his floors and walls.

The cost of construction would be borne by the twelve cities whose kings had defiled his halls and the cities were forced to send men to build the new structure, support them with food, clothing and tools and provide the materials needed for them to complete their work.

The palace was built east of the Great Pyramid of Kukulkan where the workers demolished the compounds of several of the rebellious kings. They were not allowed to use any of the rubble from these great houses for that would still carry the stink of the former residents.

Since he was not paying for it, Cocom spared no expense. He ordered Xiu to send masons, stone, floor and roof tiles, carpenters and weavers. Alagh was compensated for their resources and skilled workmen further burdening the twelve cities. Great trees were felled and the new stone halls were roofed with decorated and painted wooden beams. His stone carvers filled every vertical surface with reliefs showing his great deeds, done and undone. In one great hall the reliefs told of the God Itzamna, in another the God Chaac was honored. The walls of the grand court were embellished with the history of the King’s family, culminating with Ahau Cuat Cocom standing among the Gods.

At this time Cocom also rebuilt the walls of Mayapan in the Asian style, with towers and great gates. The old walls were torn down and the stones re-used as the core of the new construction. The walls were lengthened to enclose a larger area so the city could grow without leaving their protection and much new land was added to Mayapan in the process. With a height equal to six men and the towers rising two men above that, the walls were wide enough for the King’s palanquin to be paraded around the city.

-----​

The Mongol prisoners that Cocom had taken in the conquest of Alagh had become fully integrated into Mayan society. They were treated similarly to other foreign visitors to the city in a social context so they did not have to attend the ceremonies and sacrifices at the temples, but they also had their specific relationship with the House of Cocom. They were the King’s trainers. They oversaw the care of his horses, the education of his cavalry, the skills of his horse archers and swordsmen. They were his master smiths in charge of teaching the intricacies of forging to Mayan apprentices and they were his armorers as well. A few had become generals in his army and commanded combat units in the field.

The majority of the Mongols had taken Mayan wives, frequently more than one, so there were now hundreds of mixed blood offspring being raised with a mixture of Mayan and Mongol culture. The Mongols lived mostly in a compound just outside the old city walls and pastured the treasured horses in pastures adjacent to their little tropical version of Mongolia. They had adapted the Ger to the climate and that was the primary dwelling in the compound. Multiple layers of fabric allowed them to roll up the outer layers for the breeze to cool the interiors while maintaining privacy for the family within.

The King’s herd had grown to well over 3,000 horses and vast tracts had been cleared to provide grazing for them. This had required that the agricultural plots that supported the city be pushed farther away than before, but the introduction wider stone paved roadways and oxcarts allowed food and other goods to move much more efficiently so there was little disadvantage.

Trade between the cities of the League was booming, due primarily to the roads that had been constructed linking the cities and to the introduction of beasts of burden which allowed vastly greater amounts of goods to be transported economically. Cocom had the roads built to accommodate the passage of his troops but the effect had been dramatic. In Chunchucmil, Yaxuna, Uxmal and Chacchoban new temples and pyramids were rising. Barracks for the King’s troops had been constructed and harvests were growing. Sheep had spawned a thriving industry in wool and the King regularly dined on lamb.

-----​

In 1318, there was a major rebellion against Mayapan when Coba, Xel-Há, Zama, Xcaret and Cozumel allied themselves against the King and failed to provide the annual payment of tribute required of League cities. Their kings were completely in the dark and totally surprised when Cocom’s soldiers came to bring them to the palace. Other forces within these cities had taken power, rendering the kings in Mayapan redundant. The noble families of each city had either joined the rebels or been killed. A group of influential families with ties to several of the five cities had joined together and united them into a single block, the largest challenge that Ahau Cuat Cocom had yet faced.

Xiu now had three war junks in the eastern sea and was commanded by Mayapan to send them to the King’s aid. The King would defeat Coba and the ships would then support the assault first on Zama then move up the coast to Xel-Há, and Xcaret, and once they had been subdued the attack on Cozumel would begin. Xiu would provide not only the ships but troops to insure that the coastal cities submitted to the King’s rule.

The campaign went according to plan and the rebellion was rapidly reduced to a guerilla war on the island of Cozumel. The death toll in the rebel cities was staggering however and the city of Xcaret was depopulated to the extent that it was razed to the ground. The rubble was transported to Xel-Há on the backs of the remaining population of Xcaret and formed the basis of a new citadel that Cocom built to accommodate his troops. Once the people of Xcaret had performed their duty, they were released, with nowhere to go. Each was branded with a glyph that told all that they had been scattered.

 

[tonsofun]

[FONT=&quot]"Chapter 20[/FONT][FONT=&quot]
The Son of Heaven and The Son of the Sun[/FONT]​

[FONT=&quot]Zi yí also sent his ambassador, Xin Du Xian, a trusted Buddhist monk and scholar who had served the Emperor well over the years. Xin carried a special book for the King which had been compiled during the visit of Pahuac to the Emperor. This book documented the mission of the ambassador and the amity that existed between the two monarchs."[/FONT]​

Thanks.

They do indeed have few books, mostly those that the monks, non military officials and Chinese / Korean officers would have brought with them (they were an educated and somewhat eclectic lot, particularly compared to their Mongol and Uyghur commanders).

Would any of those books help spread the ideas of Confucius. That would be interesting to see.
Either way, I think with all these developments. The Europeans are in for a big mindhump when they see what's there. I can imagine that some might even think they've reached China.
Keep up the good work and good luck continuing.

 

[phildup]

The glyph branded on the faces of the defeated citizens of Coba, Xel-Há, Zama, Xcaret and Cozumel.

 

[phildup]

update on updates

pre-occupied with family issues at the moment (Mom & Dad). updates are going to be slower although I will still be working on them. Brain has gone empty and mentally exhausted. working on Zi Yi for the next update will help revitalize me so hopefully in the next few days I can get something coherent out.

Thanks for your patience and your support folks/.

Phil

 

[Bavarian Raven]

No problem. I look forwards to more.

 

[BgKnight]

This timeline is absolutely amazing, I read through the entire thing up to this point and I find myself clamoring for even more. Your writing style is amazing!

Edit: Sorry for the bump

 

[FDW]

I know this is kind of a stupid question, but were Bananas among the crops that The Mongols ended up bringing to the Americas?

 

[phildup]

I know this is kind of a stupid question, but were Bananas among the crops that The Mongols ended up bringing to the Americas?

No stupid questions, only stupid answers.

Nope, Bananas are native to Malaysia and Indonesia so they wold not take them as provisions on an invasion of Java, additionally, they grow on trees which would make them problematical to transport since they would need to be mature plants to bear fruit. They may have had some in their larder, but I expect not/

 

[FDW]

No stupid questions, only stupid answers.

Nope, Bananas are native to Malaysia and Indonesia so they wold not take them as provisions on an invasion of Java, additionally, they grow on trees which would make them problematical to transport since they would need to be mature plants to bear fruit. They may have had some in their larder, but I expect not/

That's weird, because from the evidence that I've seen, I'd expect the answer to be the other way around. Bananas were being cultivated in the South of China for at least a millennium before the POD (Though they weren't especially common).