The Horse and The Jaguar

[phildup]

thoughts

One of the things I really enjoy about this exercise is the learning that goes along with it. The constant discovery of things that make the story better or show that you are about to make a huge anthropological faux pas.

Among the things I have learned in this process.

• how advanced Chinese naval architecture in the 13th century was.
• That the Mongols had mastered amphibious warfare
• The incredible political machinations that dominated Srivijaya / the entire Indonesian archipelago at this time.
• Idiosyncrasies of El Nino
• The "fluid" continuity of the Mayan Civilization over millenea
• How the Mayans nearly lost their identity
• The Feud between the Cocom and the Xiu families
• The extraordinary depth of civilization on the Peruvian coastal plane
• How ridiculous the Incan royal system really was (the Inca never died...none of them)
• The complex history of Pre-Colombian North America.

and on and on ad infinitum.


This is not only a creative outlet it is a learning experience! Thanks for indulging me

 

[phildup]

The Horse and The Jaguar...24 Shīfù and Dehahuit

[FONT=&quot]Chapter 24[/FONT]​

[FONT=&quot]Shīfù and Dehahuit

[/FONT]​

Natchitoches was located several days journey up river from Ghung-bey-e’s winter camp. Shīfù walked with Aashi most of the time and the two tried to teach each other words and phrases in their respective languages. Shīfù would point to something and say the name in Mongolian, Aashi, would repeat the word several times and then tell the monk its name in Yatasi. Shīfù would repeat it several times, followed by the Mongol word and then, once Aashi had nodded in approval, quickly write the words on a wooden tablet with a piece of charcoal.

The Yatasi warrior was amused and somewhat mystified by the writing at first, but quickly grasped the concept when Shīfù sat with him by the fire the first evening and read the day’s vocabulary back to him. And in this way, Shīfù began to learn Yatasi.

River, water, hill, grass, sky, cloud, rain, wind.

Forest, tree, pine, pinecone, needle, green, alive, dead, bark, brown.

Deer, stag, doe, fawn, man woman, child, boy, girl.

Walk, run, sit, stand, climb, eat, sleep, carry, give, take.

The man walks through the pine tree forest carrying a pine cone for the girl.

Shīfù had needed to learn several languages in his life and had little difficulty recognizing the patterns, context and underlying structure of Yatasi. Aashi, on the other hand, was not a linguist. He learned the Mongol words, but made no conscious effort to learn how to use them. The strangers would have to learn how to speak properly; after all, there were far more Yatasi and their fellow Caddo tribesmen than Mongols.

The Khan had wanted to send several representatives to the Yatasi town, but Aashi would only accept one, and had taken a liking to the young monk, who always seemed to be with the man and boy, who he had determined must share rank and power somehow. The Khan, although he would be without his most trusted councilor for a time, realized that Shīfù was probably the best representative he could have among the Yatasi. It was agreed that he would spend several weeks with the Yatasi and then return to the camp with a Yatasi representative for a similar amount of time. The Khan, mindful of his own beginnings, had no feeling of superiority over the locals. He saw them as merely different and looked for commonalities. He frequently had to remind his commanders and leaders that they, the Mongols, were the interlopers and might need the friendship and knowledge of these people.

Dehahuit did not greet his warriors when they returned to Natchitoches. He saw to it that the stranger’s man was comfortably accommodated, fed and bathed after his trek, but delayed meeting him for several days. This gave Shīfù some time to walk about and learn about the way of life of the Yatasi.

They were farmers, hunters and traders and craftsmen. They kept no animals other than an occasional wild turkey and, of course, dogs, but often hunted deer and the huge hairy beasts that looked a bit like the yaks he had once seen in China. They grew squash, maize and beans and other vegetables that he could not recognize. Their pottery was exceptionally beautiful, but not as refined as Chinese ceramics. These pots, along with the salt which they made, were traded to other settlements for copper and stone tools. They wore animal skins and had limited textiles, but their hides were wonderfully processed and as finely decorated as their pottery. The town itself possessed permanent dwellings made of wood and earth with conical roofs. Some of the buildings were obviously storehouses and a few, raised on earthen platforms above the rest, appeared to be religious in nature or perhaps dwellings for the hierarchy.

In many ways, the Yatasi were more advanced than the Ngöbe had been when the Mongols first met them.

Dehahuit had gathered the Yatasi elders together in the council house, which stood atop the largest platform mound in the town. His war captains, shaman, medicine folk and most important men and women were in attendance. All had been carefully observing Shīfù during the previous days, some just watching and others interacting with the Buddhist monk, showing him things, answering questions and asking them as well. The Caddi asked them in turn, what their opinions were about the stranger. Shīfù had impressed most of them as a gentle, intelligent and curious man with some strange habits. Not dangerous, but odd. Those who had been in contact with him universally had developed a liking for him, and many a respect and appreciation for the manner in which he would try to learn from them. None feared him or distrusted him. The most negative opinions were that he was not worth the attention that had been given to him.

Dehahuit at last called upon Aashi, since he had had the most contact with the strangers. He chastised those who had dismissed Shīfù as insignificant. He knew that the Mongol leaders listened to and valued his council. The monk, he said, may not be a great warrior, but he was wise, learned and perceptive. This was echoed by the shaman and medicine folk that had spent time with Shīfù. Aashi told the council that he felt the Mongols would be either good or bad for the Yatasi, but they would not be inconsequential.

Although they did not have great numbers, they had very different skills and knowledge. Their mastery of animals alone allowed them to live in conditions of perpetual plenty since the beasts gave up their own bodies and their young to sustain the strangers. The willingness of the creature they sat upon to carry them wherever they would go and wait to take them back also spoke of great magic and spiritual favor. Again the shaman and medicine folk nodded in support. They had different metals, and used them in many ways. Their metal tools were superior to the Yatasi stone and bone tools. Their bows were more powerful than the Yatasi bows which the other tribes coveted, and they were great archers. While not as tall or well built as the Yatasi or other tribes, they were physically strong and agile. The air took them against the flow of the rivers without paddling. The only truly bad thing he could find to say about them was that many of them smelled badly; at which, several of the men who had been with Aashi on his mission nodded and laughed.

Dehahuit considered what had been said at the council for a day and sent Aashi to bring Shīfù to his dwelling and meet with him and a few selected elders. Shīfù had brought his best and cleanest robes with him for such an occasion. The sight of the warrior, clad in finely worked skins decorated with bird feathers and fur, accompanied by the monk in flowing saffron colored robes created quite a parade through the town to the Caddi’s home. None had seen such fabric, a rarity to the Yatasi. This cloth flowed and moved as Shīfù walked, and the color, pulled from the setting sun, dazzled them.

The audience went far into the evening as Dehahuit and the elders questioned the monk through signs and drawings made in the ground. They were surprised at the amount of language the monk had learned. He had an awful accent and could barely put a thought together coherently, but in a few weeks he had learned enough to be understood.

Many questions were asked and much was learned. The people were called Mongols. The men came from a place called China which was very far away and the women from a place called Alagh, which was not so far, but still far away. They had crossed the sea in the wooden things called junks. They were looking for a place to be their home. Their Caddi was called Khan, and he was very young, but very wise (so the boy is the leader thought Aashi). Shīfù was a scholar, a learned man, and a religious man; though he made sure they did not think he was similar to a shaman. He followed the ways of a man called Buddha who had lived many years ago. Some of the Mongols believed in the spirits of the sky and the earth and the elements. So did the people from Alagh, although not quite the same spirits. The animals were called cow, sheep, pig, chicken and, most important to the Mongols, horse.

The Shaman was most interested in their beliefs and would spend time with this religious man. The medicine folk wanted to find out what knowledge the Mongols had of plants, herbs and magic. Other elders wanted to know about agriculture, hunting, crafts and other domestic ways. The Caddi wanted to know all these things to one extent or another, but he mostly wanted to know about their warriors and weapons. He needed to come to a conclusion regarding the threat the Mongols posed, if any, and what benefit they could be to the Yatasi, if any.

Over the next few weeks, Shīfù had little time to himself. A constant stream of visitors came in the mornings to learn about various aspects of the Mongols and to teach him about the Yatasi. The afternoons were mainly occupied with questions from the Caddi, usually with Aashi present to translate. Evenings were spent with the ordinary people learning about their way of life. As the Yatasi leadership learned about Shīfù and the Mongols, and slowly formed their opinions, Shīfù learned about and evaluated them.

One evening, Dehahuit and Aashi approached Shīfù as he watched a craftswoman throwing a pot. The three men walked toward the center of the town. This was the first time Shīfù had been with the Caddi outside of their afternoon discussions. Shīfù felt something different was in the air. Dehahuit told him that there would be a great meeting of the Caddo people in a few days. Each town was sending representatives to Natchitoches to meet him, including the True Caddi in Kadohadacho. It would be a great event and an important meeting.

Shīfù, who had learned that there were many settlements related to the Yatasi, had not been able to confirm that there was a high chief of some sort, although he felt there must be. Now that belief was confirmed. He had a title and the name of the great leader’s city. While Dehahuit did not state as much, Shīfù correctly guessed that this council would largely determine the relations between the Caddo Nation and the Mongols in the future.

There was a feast the night before the council, with many different foods which were apparently for special occasions. The Yatasi performed dances wearing fanciful costumes of animals and birds as well as elaborately decorated headdresses and masks. The dignitaries from the other towns sat away from Shīfù but focused their attention on him. He, for his part, made it a point to constantly interact with the Yatasi near him.

In the morning, the blessings of the spirits were called down upon the council house by several of the attending shamans. Once properly sanctified, the delegates from the other towns gathered in front of the building where a wall had been removed, for there were too many to fit inside. Shīfù was kept at a distance where he could neither hear nor see the meeting taking place on the high platform. The story of the discovery and observations of the Mongols was retold and Dehahuit responded to innumerable questions.

At long last, Shīfù was summoned to the council. His Yatasi had greatly improved since his arrival and he impressed the attendees by answering most of the questions verbally. Signs and drawings played a much smaller part of this interrogation.

The man sent by the True Caddi, an old shaman of great renown, was most interested in writing. He had heard of the monk drawing symbols he used to remember Yatasi words, and inquired about them. Shīfù sent one of the attendants back to his dwelling to fetch his brush, ink and paper. When he returned, the monk demonstrated writing for them. The old shaman quietly considered what he had seen; Shīfù had written the Shaman’s name and given the old man the scrap of paper as a souvenir. The Shaman, certain that there was magic in the marks, treated it carefully, not wanting to show it to the others, in case they could somehow capture his soul from the marks that had captured his name.

The delegates to the council dined in private that night, discussing what they had seen and heard. In the morning they would meet again and reach a consensus of how to respond to the Mongols presence in their lands. Toward the end of the meal Dehahuit spoke about what he had learned of the Mongols. He told his guests that the Mongols had shown caution, but not hostility. They were on land that was of little use to the Yatasi and took no more game than they needed, and since they had these animals of theirs to provide much of their food, actually less than would be expected. They knew many things that would be of value and would probably be good trade partners. In all the years that the Caddo had called this land their own, these were the first people who had not tried to take their land and game by force and had to be pushed out by war, or begged the Caddo to provide food and shelter to them and been hurried through their land. The Mongols were, it seemed to him, more likely a potential advantage and benefit than threat. The man they had sent as ambassador was gentle, learned and curious, and he was trying very hard to understand the Caddo ways.

Shīfù was to return to the Khan in a few days and Dehahuit's own men who had stayed at the Mongol camp would be back soon. A wise decision was critical.

At noon the next day, Shīfù was again summoned to the council. He was given fine animal skins, copper ornaments, exquisite pottery filled with salt and finely crafted stone tools and implements. Dehahuit told him that the council had decided to allow the Mongols to stay the winter. Whether they would be allowed to stay beyond that had yet to be seen. The Caddo would provide help to them if needed and wanted to know them better.

The old shaman from Kadohadacho rose and called down the favor of the spirits upon Shīfù and then presented him with one of the prized Caddo bows and a deerskin quiver of arrows, a gift from the True Caddi to the Khan. Shīfù bowed deeply, a habit the Caddo had still not gotten used to, and expressed his gratitude to the council on behalf of the Khan. He then presented the old shaman with a scroll onto which he had written the words for various animals and things in Yatasi, accompanied by the Mongol translation and a drawing of the subject. To Dehahuit, he gave his metal knife, knowing the Caddi had sent the one he had received from the Khan to the True Caddi.

Aashi again accompanied Shīfù on the journey back to the Mongol camp. They could actually have a discussion now and Aashi was amazed at how much the monk had learned, although he still had a terrible accent.

 

[Evermourn]

Just finished reading this great timeline, congratulations on such good work. Really readable and packed with information about the different cultures. I especially like how there are no "bad guys". Everyone is a sympathetic character once you see their pov. And you didn't just make it a mongol wank, bravo. The only thing that niggled at me was why didn't the khan just move down to the city taken over by the admiral on make that his residence? Seemed odd that he stayed out on the fringes. I'd put in a small rewrite that he felt he should found the capital where they came ashore since that was where the spirits guided them, and that was why he stayed there.

 

[Evermourn]

Oh, and has the new Khan just introduced potatoes to the North American continent? That's a biggie if so.

 

[phildup]

Just finished reading this great timeline, congratulations on such good work. Really readable and packed with information about the different cultures. I especially like how there are no "bad guys". Everyone is a sympathetic character once you see their pov. And you didn't just make it a mongol wank, bravo. The only thing that niggled at me was why didn't the khan just move down to the city taken over by the admiral on make that his residence? Seemed odd that he stayed out on the fringes. I'd put in a small rewrite that he felt he should found the capital where they came ashore since that was where the spirits guided them, and that was why he stayed there.

Thanks for the props!

Songghumal has already made a fairly sizable investment in Alagh by the time of the conquest of Chimor. The Khan's men, not all of whome are soldiers, have built attachments in Alagh and would be somewhat reluctant to abandon it. And the resources are better suited to the Asian's cattle and the horses. Chun has also been feeding him a line of disinformation which makes Chan Chan and it's environs seem less attractive than it really is, i.e. he is always asking for additional troops and resources etc.

Relocation would have been a huge endeavor and the benefit would have been minimal. To him, he was at the center, not the fringe.

I'll consider a re-write, but I am not certain where I would plug it in. there was not a time when the question arose.

Regarding potatoes, the Ngobe would have brought them and tomatoes as well as chiles.

 

[Orisha91]

I have got to say that this is really one of the best new timelines out right now, and I mean this in a good way, but you have an insane update schedule. Did you write most of this beforehand?

I know next to nothing about the western hemisphere history at all, so this is quite fascinating. All of the persons involved have some reasonable competency befitting their station, they're all relatable, likable and realistically flawed in some way.I love that you've shown that sometimes powerful burgeoning nations CAN be taken down less advanced nations with some ingenuity and adaptation.

The intrigue is so good. I'm a glutton for it, or maybe I just have a taste for political porn, I do love me some "House of Cards."

If you don't mind could give us taste of what resources or influences you've drawn from to come up with TL?Don't think there's anything like that here on AH.

Also, how literate are the Ngobe and the Asians as of right now?

I'm loving this man, please keep it coming. I'll be following this and the other off-shoots planned, Phildup.

 

[phildup]

I have got to say that this is really one of the best new timelines out right now, and I mean this in a good way, but you have an insane update schedule. Did you write most of this beforehand?

This did start out in my previous life on AH.com. I have gone back to that effort and am using it as a guideline. There is a lot of fleshing out and additional detail being added. At the same time I am eliminating stuff which doesn't move the story or is fundamentally irrelevant. I will be reaching a point fairly soon where I will be writing by the seat of my pants (wait, that didn't come out right).

The intrigue is so good. I'm a glutton for it, or maybe I just have a taste for political porn, I do love me some "House of Cards."

That is about the most enjoyable writing. I did work in a labor union headquarters in DC for a while, great research.

If you don't mind could give us taste of what resources or influences you've drawn from to come up with TL?Don't think there's anything like that here on AH.

Also, how literate are the Ngobe and the Asians as of right now?

I'm loving this man, please keep it coming. I'll be following this and the other off-shoots planned, Phildup.

A long standing interest in 2 things are probably the primary influences in my interests here, Pre Colombian America and things nautical, particularly naval architecture.

The TL started with someone else's thread doing a WI about the Mongols reaching America. That lead to looking for a viable event (invasion of Java) and then using Google Search for Pacific Ocean Currents, Chinese Naval Architecture, Yuan Weaponry, El Nino, and determining that a landfall in Panama was not out of the realm of reason given a departure from Indonesia.

Who was living in Panama in the 13th / 14th century? how did they live, oops that was their language family, not their name, there's their name...

This is how I got through college...One answered question leading to another question ad infinitum. Google Search gave me research papers, scholarly texts, historical documents, maps (love maps), city plans (love city plans, this was very useful in the Kuelap episode)

I also have a lot of free time.

Glad to know that you are enjoying this and thanks for the props!

Oh, BTW, the Ngobe did not have writing when the Mongols arrived. Since there are so many of the Yuan who have stayed behind in Alagh, they will soon have fairly widespread (for the time) literacy utilizing the Mongol alphabet. The Mongols had a fully functioning alphabet at this time, it is complicated with some unique twists (the same word will apper differently depending on whether it is opening the sentence, in the body or closing the sentence. It will still be spelled the same, the letters will have different forms...go figure). This alphabet was in use officially until the introduction of Cyrillic in the last century.

 

[phildup]

The Horse and The Jaguar...25 Common Ground

[FONT=&quot]Chapter 25[/FONT]
[FONT=&quot]Common Ground[/FONT]​

Ghung-bey-e, Shīfù and Orghui walked through the Mongol camp, down the side of the bluff and towards the junks riding at anchor in the river. It was cold and the wind blew constantly reminding Orghui of his youth. Shīfù thought of the warm monasteries where he had been trained and the Khan prayed that these bitter winds would end soon in a lovely tropical spring. Silently they approached the river and the shelter of one of the junks. They boarded a waiting boat and were quickly rowed to the flagship where they were escorted to the main cabin. Most of their people were huddled in their shelters, a combination of Ngöbe style huts and Mongol inspired gers and yurts. The livestock that was not under cover in lean-tos crowded together with their rumps to the wind, sharing their body heat.

In the warmth of the junk’s quarters, the three sat around a brazier of hot coals and drank a tea made from a local plant, similar, but not really as good as suutei tsai; there were no real tea leaves left and rice supplies were low, so reserved for food. Even so, the tea warmed them and comforted them. Orghui secretly craved Airag but none was available. It would have been even more warming.

Shīfù told the Khan and the General about his stay with the Yatasi. They asked questions and commented on similarities and differences between the two peoples. The Khan was most interested in the political structure of the Caddo society, where did the Yatasi fit into the greater Caddo nation? How does Dehahuit relate to the True Caddi in Kadohadacho? Orghui focused on what was could be determined about their arms and military capability, their troop strength, weaponry and dedication. They weighed Shīfù’s experience in Natchitoches with their experience with the warriors left behind by Aashi. They also discussed agriculture, animals, hunting, geography, religion and industry; anything they had been able to learn about their hosts.

Shīfù noted that the Yatasi and their Caddo brothers were good farmers, but that there were no dedicated farmers, the entire community engaged in agriculture, but they also took part in the hunts. There were no farmers as such. Therefore, the Mongols could provide them with major improvements in agriculture, increasing the variety of produce they could grow and the yields of their current crops. At the same time, they cultivated plants that would be good additions to the Mongol diet. The Yatasi knowledge of their local medicinal plants and herbs would be of great benefit to the Mongols as many plants they relied on for medicine were absent here. The Yatasi kept no animals other than dogs and the occasional unfortunate turkey. The dogs were kept as pets, hunting companions, pack animals and, occasionally, food. These people relied almost entirely on hunting, trapping and fishing for their animal protein. The adoption of animal husbandry would be of great advantage to them, particularly when combined with Asian farming techniques. Their prized hunting quarry was deer and the large yak-like animals which they called tanaha’. These large creatures were able to supply almost all of the needs of the people if necessary, from food to shelter to clothing to tools and weapons.

Shīfù explained that their religion was somewhat similar to Ngöbe and, at a greater separation, traditional Mongol beliefs. It had little relationship to Hindu, Christian, Muslim or other faiths, including his own Buddhism. It was focused on the spirits of nature, although there was a strict hierarchy of spirits who lived “above, here or beneath”. Each town and village had its shamans and medicine people, who functioned as religious leaders having great power and influence. Each settlement also had a Caddi, or chief, who was their political, economic and military leader. The Caddi were hereditary leaders, with the position going from father to son. They ruled in consultation with a council of elders and the religious leadership, but had tremendous power and influence. Over all of the villages and towns there was the True Caddi, as the ultimate chief was called, who ruled from Kadohadacho, a very large town some distance away.

Caddo life was centered on the rivers, but their use of the land extended many li from the river banks. These lands were mainly pine forests, such as those surrounding the Mongol camp. There was open grassland to the north and west, so vast that a tree could not be seen in any direction.

Shīfù had seen copper being worked, but no other metal. He understood that gold was worked by some villages, but that it was imported from other locations. Their pottery was very accomplished and highly prized by villages near and far but it could be improved by Asian methods, particularly by the blended Asian / Ngöbe skills. The Yatasi practiced little weaving as their supply of textiles was very limited. They had a strong trade network however which brought goods from many hundreds of li away, including shells from the sea, copper from the far north, prized stones and gems from the east and west as well as many other luxury goods.

Despite the prominence of Kadohadacho; the religious, political and economic center of their universe was a place they called Great Cahokia. It was located many weeks journey to the north east up the Great River and only a few had been there. Trade tended to go through many villages and towns before it reached as far as Natchitoches. Tens of thousands of people were supposed to live in the city and its influence was vast. There were many tall platforms with temples and palaces and massive plazas and markets.

As Shīfù presented them, they were a peaceful people, with a strong warrior tradition. They had few local enemies. Their primary threat was from tribes to the north which raided the fringe settlements of their territory. There had been major battles between the Caddo and these people who did not live in fixed locations, but in seasonal camps following game and resources. They said they were being driven from their own ancestral lands by even stronger tribes moving west.

-----

​

All of this information was consistent with what they had learned from the Yatasi who had stayed in the Mongol camp. Orghui had allowed these men to spend time with his troops and had observed them competing with his men in games of strength and skill. They were taller and leaner than the Mongols and the Yatasi had fared well. They were limited by their less advanced bows but they had shown themselves to be as accomplished as the Mongols at archery, and as quick and as accurate as the best of his men. Since they had never seen horses they had no skills as horse archers and the Mongols had great fun watching them attempt to ride. The Yatasi took their falls with good humor but by the end of their stay however they had begun to get the feel for the horses and had begun to show some promise.

The Yatasi could be good neighbors and partners, if they were so inclined. Many Mongols were tired of wandering in this strange world and wanted to find a land to call their own; they wanted to settle down with their families and animals. Gung-bey-e was feeling his goal was to find them a home.

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In Natchitoches, Dehahuit, Aashi and the council were having similar discussions with their people who had remained with the Mongols. Their priorities and concerns were different than those of the Khan and General. They truly did not want strangers on their lands nor competition in their territories. They definitely did not want a strong, powerful neighbor with strange ways, foreign animals and unknown intentions. They would accept a profitable trading partner who could offer them significant advantages and would accept a capable ally; but preferably, not so close. Their conversation centered on where to send the strangers and how to capitalize on their presence.

Dehahuit recognized that there was much to learn from the Khan’s people in numerous areas. He knew that the Yatasi could benefit greatly from them, and their knowledge. He felt that their mastery of animals could prove to be an immense boon to his people and was already dealing with controlling the amount of knowledge conveyed to the True Caddi. The Mongols might be dangerous but they were also an opportunity for his people to grow more powerful, more influential and more prosperous. He only needed to handle them correctly.

He encouraged his people to trade with the Mongols and to learn more about them. He emphasized the prospect of profiting from their presence. Relations were always within the framework of host and guest and many times discourse between the two groups was preceded with the statement “While you are guests in our lands…” There was little doubt in the mind of any of the Mongols that their welcome was conditional, could be outlasted and that they would have to move come spring.

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The Khan, knowing his people were not strong enough to defeat an entire nation and take the land for themselves, began to look for alternatives. He sent riders to explore the region on both sides of the river and sent junks up the great river to for potential lands for them to settle.

Most of what he heard was not encouraging. The pine woods were endless to the east and along the river; there were many substantial towns and villages scattered through the countryside and not all of them friendly. Only to the northwest, farther up their river, beyond Natchitoches, was there a break in the woods and sparsely occupied land. They would need to move overland to get there since the great log jam blockaded the river. This would require going through the most densely populated of the Yatasi lands. They would want to do that with the Caddi’s blessings if they decided to go that way.

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Dehahuit, for his part, was struggling with a similar question. He knew from his conversations with Shīfù that the Mongols preferred open land to forests and woods. That while they had lived in cities and towns for much of recent history, they originated in vast, cold plains where their horses roamed and their villages moved with the herds.

The pine woods thinned and ended some distance to the north and west, where the river flowed from the far distant mountains into their lands. This was Caddo country as well, but this was where the people who called themselves Ni-U-Kon-Ska were often encountered. These meetings usually ended in a fight as these people were being pushed out of their own country by other tribes.

Aside from the possession of the hunting grounds, the Caddo resistance to these eastern tribes was partially due to the fact that the intruders were not polite to them. They felt that they could simply take the land they wanted, and their way of life required a great deal of land. The Ni-U-Kon-Ska, despite the fact that they were fleeing the invasion of their own lands, looked down on the Caddo and felt them to be less important, less worthy and less human than themselves. The Caddo, understandably, had developed a strong dislike for the easterners whom they viewed as rude, unmannered and uncivilized.

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Over the next few months Shīfù periodically rode to Natchitoches as the Khan’s emissary. With time, he, Dehahuit and Aashi came to understand the desires and concerns which influenced the Yatasi, Caddo and the Mongols.

Dehahuit had decided what he would propose to the Mongols, if they would agree. If not, they would be dealt with appropriately. He made certain that the True Caddi was satisfied with his proposed solution before he spoke to Shīfù. He invited the Khan to Natchitoches for the celebration marking the equinox and the approach of spring.

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The Khan happily accepted the Caddi’s invitation, and in mid March he set out for Natchitoches with a substantial retinue including Orghui, Shīfù and many of the other Mongol leaders. They rode with several wagons pulled by oxen and driven by Ngöbe women. The wagons carried gifts for the Caddi and his people, including fermented mares milk, some metal tools, cotton cloth from Alagh, ceramics of Ngöbe design and Asian technique as well as pigs and sheep to be slaughtered and roasted for the feast. Ghung-bey-e also brought chickens, two sows and two boars as a lasting gift for the Yatasi, if they could learn to care for them.

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Many Caddo had come from the minor towns surrounding Natchitoches to witness the arrival of the Mongols. Their train created much excitement as the neared the town. The escort on horseback, lead by the Khan and the General, the monks in their glowing robes, the great wagons pulled by the huge animals…All was beyond the comprehension of the Caddo and Yatasi people. It was a source of wonderment and fear. Only the calm approach of their chief assuaged their nerves, allowing the people to move forward to welcome their Mongol guests.

This was also the first time that the Caddo had exposure to the Mongol’s women. Somewhat shorter and stockier than the Yatasi women, the Ngöbe wives stood out in their colorful cotton dress. The Yatasi marveled at the reds, yellows, blacks and blues woven into the cloth and the Ngöbe were amazed by the suppleness and fine workmanship of the hides in which the Yatasi dressed. They had learned a few words from Shīfù and used them to quickly endear themselves to their native counterparts.

Dehahuit had been told that the Mongols were lead by a boy but was surprised at the youth of the Khan. Even though he had been informed of Gung-bey-e’s wisdom and intelligence, he was hard-pressed at first to take the boy-Khan seriously. His inclination to try to take advantage of the Khan was swiftly overridden however by the respectful familiarity shown to the boy by all of his people. It was something the Caddi recognized as being derived from trust, admiration, faith and affection and it was returned by the Khan. Dehahuit also recognized that the boy was not of the same ancestry as the other Mongol men. The fact that the seemingly powerful Mongols were lead by a foreign boy became a primary reason for the Caddi to treat him as an equal and to be cautious in his dealings.

Ghung-bey-e greeted Dehahuit in the Yatasi language surprising the Caddi although he was far from fluent. He had learned enough to conduct a basic conversation. After the introductions and greetings, Dehahuit, Aashi and the Shaman climbed the platform to the council house with the Khan, Orghui and Shīfù. Attended by several Yatasi women, they took some time to get to know each other. There was no substance to this discussion; it was familiarization, led by the Caddi. Through this he was able to learn much about the person of the Khan and his advisors. The Khan, for his part, also learned much about how the Yatasi thought.

While they sat in the council house, the preparations for the next day’s feast were underway. The Yatasi were skilled butchers and made short work of the pigs and sheep destined for the meal. The women from both groups rapidly found common ground in the domestic tasks surrounding the preparation of food. Yatasi, Ngöbe, Mongolian and Chinese styles of cooking were combining into a feast that none present would ever forget and that had never been seen in this hemisphere. The interaction became an open and unguarded exchange of cultural differences and commonalities, which is exactly what the Khan had wanted when he chose to bring the women on the journey. It was creating common ground and shared experiences between the peoples, an approach whose value was not lost on Dehahuit.

-----​

The Khan and his party had built a small camp just outside of the town, where they spent the night. At first light, Dehahuit arrived at the Khans tent and the guards would not let him pass. This was something that was unexpected since he and all the Caddi did not have guards at their homes. The soldiers did not speak Yatasi so Shīfù was sent for, arriving disheveled and barely awake. He had stayed up very late with the Khan and Orghui talking about the conversations with the Caddi and his men. Dehahuit told Shīfù he wished to walk with the Khan before everyone was up and about. Shīfù went to wake Ghung-bey-e but actually met the Khan as soon as he entered the tent. The Khan had been awakened by the commotion outside and was coming out to see what was happening.

Dehahuit made it clear that he wanted to walk alone with the Khan and, over the objections of Shīfù and the guards, the two of them set off. At some distance from the town was a small shelter where they stopped. Skins had been laid out for them and there was a small fire burning to ward off the morning chill. The Caddi sat on the skins and set about stoking the fire. Soon the two leaders were warm and comfortable.

In the little Yatasi that the Khan had learned and the even smaller amount of Mongolian that Dehahuit had picked up, they began to talk, supplemented by the now usual signs and drawings on the ground. The conversation could be paraphrased in this way;

Dehahuit: “The Mongol people are welcome to stay the winter at your camp on the river. This country has enough people already and will be crowded if you stay beyond spring.”

Gung-bey-e: “We are happy to stay there as long as we are welcome, but we want to find our own home and do not want to crowd the Yatasi or the Caddo.”

Dehahuit: “It is good that you understand and agree. There is a place to the north and west of here which is not crowded, it is almost empty, but it is in Caddo country. The trees are fewer there and the land open. I hear that is the kind of land the Mongols like.”

Gung-bey-e: “Mongols prefer open country because it is good for the horses. It would be a good place if there is water.”

Dehahuit: “This same river that waters this country flows through that one.”

Gung-bey-e: “A good place then.”

Dehahuit: “The Yatasi do not want you to go far from us. This place is only several days journey from here. Our peoples could trade together and learn from each other.”

Gung-bey-e: “I should go to this place and see it. A home near our Yatasi friends would be good.”
​

They talked for some time longer and Dehahuit agreed that he would take Gung-bey-e to this proposed Mongol home, if the Khan agreed that it was a good place the Mongols would leave their camp before summer.

 

[Bavarian Raven]

Like where this is going. Looking forward to more.

 

[phildup]

p The Horse and The Jaguar...26 Homecoming

[FONT=&quot]Chapter 26[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Homecoming[/FONT]
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The Caddo had warned the Mongols about the coming spring floods, an annual event which kept the river’s banks fertile and productive. The Mongols had taken steps to protect the junks from flotsam that would wash down the river and has insured that nothing of value remained in the floodplain.

Gung-bey-e and Dehahuit had visited the place the Caddi suggested the Mongols settle and he had been pleased. Of greater importance, Orghui had broken down in tears as he gazed over the seemingly endless vista of grassy plains interspersed with forested valleys. The land was open and full of the promise of good grazing for the herds of horses and cattle. It reminded Orghui of his home on the steppes of Asia.

As spring marched toward summer the river rose and fell. The Khan had sent small groups to their new land to begin laying the groundwork for the new settlement and the arrival of their full company. Orghui had been eager to relocate with a troop of horsemen and secure the place from would be interlopers and had left before the first Mongol settlers. In the camp on the river preparations for the migration were in full swing and, as promised, the Mongols would be on their way before summer.

The Khan and the Caddi had still to negotiate a resolution to the Khan’s ships, which could not venture further up-river because of the log jam. They arrived at a mutually beneficial solution where the ships would remain at the site of the camp with small crews and q joint Mongol and Yatasi settlement on the bluff would act as a port for the ships and a trade center for the Yatasi. The ships would take trading parties as far up the great river as they were able and the parties would trade with the local towns as far as Great Cahokia. The junks would make the journey perhaps twice a year carrying great quantities of goods in both directions generating a huge increase in commerce along the rivers. The Yatasi and the Mongols would both derive wealth from the joint effort.

The time finally came for the Mongols to begin their final journey north and west. They traveled up the river, past the logjam, and were a sight never seen in this land. Wagons pulled by oxen and horses, horsemen herding cattle along the path, Flocks of sheep, Cages with chickens, Swine being prodded. Mongol cavalry, Buddhist monks and Tngri shamans, Asian men, Ngöbe women and children of mixed ancestry. At the head was the Khan and his troop of horsemen, banners waiving in the air and armor gleaming in the sun. It started as a slow and stately progress, but as it passed it became increasingly chaotic as trained soldiers gave way to household carts and undisciplined animals. It would take three weeks for them to reach their new home.

Natchitoches was on their route and Dehahuit and his people welcomed the Mongols warmly. A place near the town had been prepared for them to camp and the Yatasi offered the best of their hospitality. The warmth of the welcome that the Mongols received served to strengthen bonds of comradeship which had already begun to develop between the ordinary people. The strangeness of the Mongol men was tempered by the vague familiarity of the Ngöbe women and the straightforward, guileless friendship offered between the children of both peoples furthered the commonality that they had come to feel. It was said both in the camp and in the town “These will be good friends.”

The Mongols rested a few days at Natchitoches before resuming their trek up river. Dehahuit, Aashi and many warriors joined them for the journey to OrunErgül. This was the name chosen by the Khan for this new place, meaning Gift of Land and Gift of Opportunity. The Yatasi were pleased by this name since it acknowledged their generosity. The Yatasi warriors came to covet the Mongol relationship with their horses and the speed with which the horses could carry the Mongolian cavalrymen off to scout the path ahead allowing the men to cover great swaths of territory without tiring.

Gung-bey-e made a point of walking with Dehahuit, although his horse was always nearby.

For two weeks they traveled, sometimes following the river, sometimes overland, but always north and west. When they returned to the river the last time, they had reached their destination. Orghui could be seen galloping over the plain with his men, flags flying and horns blaring. The Mongol riders surrounding the Khan and the Caddi were eager to ride off to greet their comrades and Gung-bey-e was eager to see the old general as well. Dehahuit, recognizing the building excitement, signaled that the Khan’s horse should be brought up and then motioned to the Khan to go and greet his friend.

With a broad smile, Gung-bey-e leapt onto his horse and charged off in the direction of the approaching horsemen, his guard spurring their horses behind him to catch up with their Khan. Dehahuit laughed and said to Aashi “Is that the King or the boy I see?... The boy I think.”

That evening the Mongols were re-united at their new home, hard by a flowing river in a wooded valley lying below endless plains watched over by the eternal blue sky. For the first time in nearly a decade the remaining horsemen of the steppes felt the ease of familiarity, and began to feel whole.

-----​

Orghui had selected a fine site for the settlement, on a bend in the river above the floodplain on a slight rise which fell to the river on the south, west and east sides overlooking the plains to the north. There was much hard work that needed to be done. Shelters constructed, fields laid out and sowed, horses, sheep and cattle pastured, pens built for the swine and poultry. A stockade was under construction along the northern edge of the site, just below the crest of the hill. The settlement itself would be on the gentle southern slope, which ended in a steep drop to the valley floor on three sides. The crest of the hill would protect the town from the cold north wind and the stockade on high ground would force any enemy to fight their way uphill.

Tanaha’ could be frequently seen traveling the plains in great herds that often took days to pass from sight and there were many game birds, rabbits, hares and such which called the plains home. In the valley were deer and wild goats and sheep and other birds that prefer the cover of trees. Foxes, wolves and other wild dogs wandered the land as did a tawny animal like a jaguar, but larger. The land was full and rich, but not without dangers to men of beasts.

The rest of the year went well. There were regular contacts with the Yatasi and with the trading port on the river. Maize grew well as did many other plants, but some of their food crops did not suit the climate and were lost. They discovered new plants and herbs for food and medicine and were gratified by the success of the herds. Some livestock was lost to marauding predators and some hogs and horses escaped into the wild.

When the Yatasi came on their annual tanaha’ hunt it proved to be more successful than because of the participation of Mongol horsemen who drove the animals toward the hunters. So many were killed that the Khan provided wagons and oxen to the Yatasi to help carry the bounty back to Natchitoches. There were numerous storms, many violent, which the Mongols were unaccustomed to, but none were disastrous. When there was damage, it was rebuilt stronger. They learned to read the clouds in this new sky and taste the winds.

In late summer, the first trading voyage of the junks took place. The ships carried not only Yatasi and Mongol traders, but traders from all the towns of the Caddo people. The comfort they experienced in the cabins of the Junks was unlike anything they were accustomed to. That these great vessels were at the disposal of the Yatasi greatly elevated the status of Dehahuit’s people. They proved to be a wonder along the shores of the great river as villagers and townspeople watched the great winged canoes go up river, with no one paddling. When they landed at a town, the local people were amazed to see that these were Caddo ships and even more amazed to see the strange short men who made them move.

The True Caddi had made certain that there was no shortage of trade goods on board the ships, from ceramics and Caddo bows to salt. The Mongols were able to add small amounts of things that had never been seen before, cast bronze, metal knifes and axes, fine cotton cloth, warm wool and even some cocoa that they had brought from Alagh. No animals had been loaded onto the junks, but there was smoked pork, which the Caddo had developed a strong liking for. This new meat quickly became a prized delicacy.

The Mongols remained on the ships when the Caddo traders went to Great Cahokia. The Caddo had made small carts that a man could pull and these were laden with the most prized goods from the ships. These they hauled through the open forests beyond the limits of depth of the river on the way to the great city. The Mongols did not accompany the trade goods in order to increase the level of mystery, and, hopefully value of the mission. The Caddo knew that the news of these short dark men would reach the leaders of Cahokia, but they wanted the Mongols to remain an unknown.

Countless thousands lived at Great Cahokia and it was the greatest and most powerful place in their world. It was the center of commerce and the center of religion. It was the center of power and influence. An unfamiliar race of men who made marvelous things and who had become the partners of the Caddo would greatly increase the standing of the True Caddi and his people. Cahokia had long looked on the Caddo in their far country as poor relatives. Granted they were poor relatives who made marvelous pottery and exceptional bows, and provided them with salt for their food, but poor relatives nonetheless.

This trade mission was unusual as well because the Caddo had been to Cahokia just the year before. They normally would send a trade mission every three years due to the distance and the danger of the journey. The previous expedition had reaped great profits but the journey had taken nearly six months.

The impression made in Great Cahokia by the traders was greater than expected. The new types of cloth in their variety of colors, unimaginably fine pottery, smoked pork (what kind of animal was this?) all of these things were previously unseen. The few iron knives and tools were wonders; cast bronze figures contained enough of the precious alloy to ransom a village. Quite unexpectedly, the carts used to transport the goods became prized by the leaders of Cahokia. They had never contemplated the wheel, much less seen or used one. The Great Priest, seeing the carts was heard to say that with these he could build the greatest temple platform in a year!

And so, the traders returned to the ships with fewer, but overloaded carts carrying not only the staple goods of Great Cahokia, but large quantities of its most valued merchandise. Copper from the lakes to the north, prized shells from the great sea, hides of animals the Caddo had never seen, utensils made by even more distant nations, medicinal plants that grew only in the far north or east, prized woods, valuable stone for tools and ornamentation.

The Mongols appreciated some of the goods but found many of them to be of little value. Stone tools and such were, to them, symbolic of poverty. They thought the Caddo merchants had been taken advantage of. Of course, value is relative; an iron knife is wonderful as long as you know how to take care of it. The Caddo had learned this from the Mongols, but had not shared that knowledge with the merchants of Cahokia. Rust would soon dull the shine and the edges of the knifes. The stone scrapers and such were familiar; the Caddo knew how to care for them, how long they would last and how to re-purpose the tool when it wore out. They only hoped that they could get more knifes from the Mongols. The traders did not know that there was an extremely limited amount of iron available and that any new iron tools were indeed made from older ones. They knew iron was a metal, but they had no idea that it came from the other side of the world.

By the arrival of autumn, OrunErgül resembled a strange cross between an Ngöbe village and a Mongol settlement. There was a permanence growing about it that the camp on the river had never possessed. The houses were more substantial, even if many resembled gers, and there was a market plaza and the beginnings of a temple precinct. The streets followed a regular grid, like a classical Chinese city plan in miniature, with a royal quarter reserved for the Khan and his officials and advisors.

The Khan had sent out parties to scour the countryside looking for necessary resources such as clay for ceramics and stone for building. High on the list of needed resources was copper and iron. Copper was available from their Caddo partners if necessary, but no source of iron had been located. It was the same problem that had plagued Songghumal. Without iron, there were severe limits on what the Mongols could accomplish.

 

[Bavarian Raven]

As for the iron issue, Iron can be found in the northeastern states and part of the western states, at least in the form of Bog Iron. The rockies also contain numerous iron and copper deposits, many not big enough to be commercially valuable but still big enough to use none the less.

Another find update. Would a map be possible?

 

[phildup]

Map

As requested, here is a map of current situation. Several places are noted on the map that have not been mentioned in the story. This is only to give context to the Caddo and their culture.

Some of the locations are general and not exact since I have not found any old maps that I can readily convert to Google Earth.

Re Iron...no comments at this time.

 

[phildup]

The Horse and The Jaguar...27 Largo; 1302 - 1308

[FONT=&quot]Chapter 27[/FONT]

[FONT=&quot]Largo; 1302 - 1308[/FONT]​

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The next several years were mostly quiet and peaceful for the Mongol refugees in Orun Ergül. They had settled down to building a strong and viable community on the plains. Houses, workshops, smithies, mills and warehouses were built. Pens, corrals barns and coops constructed. The palisade that surrounded the town was constantly strengthened and the town took on an air of permanence.

On the plains beyond the walls the cattle and horses flourished although the sheep needed constant guards against the [/FONT]wolves which constantly roamed the open lands. Fields were planted and harvests were good. Some of the old plants from the isthmus did well, particularly the papas, and tomatotl which were unknown to the Yatasi. These would become major trade items in time, the papas, able to be stored for long periods became a staple in the region and the tomatotl which was far more perishable grew into a delicacy, more exotic and desirable the farther from the source it got.

Exploration continued and soon suitable clays for ceramic production had been found. Gung Bey-e made contact with many of the other Yatasi and Caddo towns, established trade, and gained legitimacy among the subjects of the True Caddi.

The Khan’s horsemen participated in the annual tanaha’ hunt and returned to Orun Ergül with vast amounts of meat and hide, reducing the need to slaughter cattle and sheep for food. Because they had an unusual advantage granted by their horses, not to mention their skill with the bow, The Khan accepted less than his fare share of the kill. He asked that the excess be given to those communities which needed it the most. This demonstration of generosity was applauded by the Caddo people, but frowned upon by certain of the Caddi as being inappropriate, since it had never been done before. Dehahuit and some of the Caddi recognized a generous gesture that strengthened the giver and won allies and considered it a good thing, for they had already thrown their lot in with the Mongols.

The increasing number of horses in their herd allowed more time to be spent training their children as horsemen. Older boys now frequently joined the Mongol men in the hunt and were quickly learning the skills of the horse archer. Even the older girls were learning to ride. Their Ngöbe mothers for the most part preferred the relative comfort of carts and wagons, but their daughters had found the freedom on the back of a horse alluring. The Khan encouraged this interest although more effort was spent training the boys since they would be the warriors when needed.

Relations with the Yatasi flourished. Trade, joint hunts, shared festivals, commercial voyages along the rivers and the teaching and learning of new skills cemented the bond these two peoples had established. A common pidgin was developing combining aspects of Caddo, Mongol and Ngöbe languages which greatly facilitated communications between the two communities. Dehahuit’s people now had growing herds of livestock themselves, Cattle, Sheep and pigs. Their fields produced increased yields of maize due to the new strains brought by the Ngöbe women. They were also benefiting from the new crops; papas, tomatotl and others. Gung-bey-e had even given a small number of horses to Dehahuit as a personal gift and thanks for his assistance in finding them a home. This strengthened Dehahuit’s standing in the Caddo community as the Khan wanted. The True Caddi in Kadohadacho felt somewhat slighted, but he had kept himself aloof from contact with the newcomers. Since the horses were a gift from man to man, the Khan to Dehahuit and not people to people, he felt it would be improper to show envy.

-----

​

The Yatasi were renowned for the quality and strength of their bows which were a major source of trade. They had witnessed the range and power of the smaller Mongol bows and attempted to duplicate them. Their success was limited because they did not recognize the importance of the many different materials that combined to create amazing strength and power of the Asian bows. The Mongols were flattered by the imitation and, remembering the siege of Alagh and the effect of the Mayan’s very good replicas, spread the belief that the power came from the Tngri, the Mongol spirits and that it was unique, carried in the blood of the Mongols. Otherwise, the Yatasi were making the bows correctly.

This story had an unexpected effect on the Yatasi. The typical Mongol, Ngöbe and Caddo all shared a common underlying belief that the world was full of spirits. Everything was a manifestation of the spirits or their work; mountains, rivers, trees, rocks, clouds, rain, wind, grass, the sun, moon and sky itself. Spirits were everywhere, benevolent, malign and indifferent in their attitudes toward man.

The Yatasi shamans and medicine folk had recognized this commonality, but also saw a distinct difference. There were some among the Mongols who seemed to move a bit above the spiritual plain of the rest. There were a handful of Ngöbe and Mongol Shamans, but the great influence came from these others who had a few followers, but immense influence.

They were wise, thoughtful, not prone to extremes, and they moved easily among the different beliefs, respecting them, but not necessarily following them. Now led by Shīfù, the Buddhist monks seemed to have more influence than their number accounted for. They were only a handful in Orun Ergül, but they seemed to always be present. The people sought them out as mediators and advisors, teachers and doctors, councilors and comforters. The Khan himself was rarely without the company of Shīfù and clearly paid great attention to his council.

The Yatasi holy men had observed the monks in meditation and recognized that it was akin to the trances they sometimes entered, but unlike their traumatic experiences it was a quiet and peaceful event, both spiritually and physically. The monks in meditation seemed not to be inhabited by spirits as the shamans frequently were, but to be somewhere else entirely, their body patiently awaiting their return.

There was none of the drama and spectacle, none of the shaman’s magic in the monks either. They did possess one skill that the shamans could only describe as magical, and powerfully magical indeed. The marks and lines they made, looking so much like the scratching of animals in the dirt. A monk in Natchitoches could listen to the Caddi, make some marks on a piece of wood and send it to the Khan. The Khan’s monk would look at the piece of wood and repeat the words and thoughts of the Caddi as if the two men were sitting next to each other.

This was the greatest of magic because it allowed two leaders, far apart to speak to each other almost as if they shared a fire.

The Bows had magic, there was magic in the scratches, and there must have been magic in the monks.

The recognition of the magic of the monks led to a sharing of religious ideas. The Yatasi spirit world met the Buddha and it was a peaceful and extended introduction without structure or program, based on casual conversation between monk and shaman, questions asked and answered, observations made and understood, beliefs questioned and explained.

The greatest aspect of this conversation was the sharing of magic as the shamans and medicine folk began to learn the secrets of writing and reading from the Buddhist monks. As Shīfù had begun with the old Shaman, the Mongols script was the vehicle. It represented sounds so was more flexible than Chinese writing. It was not too long before the Yatasi were inventing symbols of their own to refine the script to their language.

-----​

Secrets were being shared but secrets were also being kept.

Dehahuit did not share all the knowledge the Mongols gave him with the True Caddi. Some secrets were kept for the unique benefit of the Yatasi. As the quality and value of their pottery increased, the other Caddo were mystified as to the new techniques employed by the Yatasi. They wondered at the increased fertility of Yatasi fields and the new foods the Yatasi ate and traded. Dehahuit, for his part tried to keep the Mongols shielded from the influence and interest of the True Caddi. Dehahuit’s importance and prestige was rising due to his contact with the Mongols and he did not necessarily want to share more than was necessary, so he attempted to insulate the Mongols from the rest of the Caddo as best he could.

He sent a party of his own people to establish a town not far from Orun Ergül since the Mongol settlement was closer to Kadohadacho then Natchitoches. He knew that controlling contact with the Mongols was critically important for the future of the Caddo and he had little faith that the elderly True Caddi would be able to do so. It was his mission, fated to him by the spirits of the world to guide his people through the blending with the Mongols.

-----

​

Gung-bey-e kept his own secrets, other than the “magic” behind the compound bow. The biggest of these, the great state secret, came into existence in 1304. That spring, after heavy rains and the seasonal floods, the Mongols discovered iron in the river valley, not two days ride from Orun Ergül. More valuable to them than gold or silver, the existence of the deposit was hidden from the Yatasi as the Mongols began the process of re-arming themselves appropriately. The Khan’s motive was self preservation. He knew the Yatasi were partners, but he also knew that partnerships break-up. The Yatasi vastly outnumbered the Mongols so the Mongols had to be vastly better armed…just in case.

With iron came steel and with steel came durable swords, metal arrowheads, armor, strong shields. With iron also came better tools, more tools, more effective farming, and better pots for cooking. Eventually, with iron came better trade…but not yet.

In 1307, at the age of 21 Gung-bey-e took his first wife. Narantsetseg was the oldest daughter of an Ngöbe woman whose first husband had died, like the Khans real father, during the plagues. Her mother had later been taken by a Mongol horseman and metal-smith as his wife and her children adopted as his own. She was 16 when she married the Khan in the presence of all of Orun Ergül amid great festivity and celebration.

In June of 1308, Cakilceleger was born; the first born son of Gung-bey-e Khan.

 

[phildup]

The Horse and The Jaguar...28 Largo II; 1302 – 1308

[FONT=&quot]Chapter 28[/FONT]
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[FONT=&quot]Largo II; 1302 – 1308[/FONT]

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The Mayapan League was increasingly becoming a cohesive state under the leadership of Ahau Cuat Cocom. The King was overseeing the exploitation and integration of technologies and skills inherited from the Yuan invaders. The Mayan version of the compound bow had been improved with the help of Asian bowmakers, roads were being widened to accommodate ox carts, pastures for the captured cattle were enclosed, and carpets of wool were beginning to cover the floors of The King’s palace. Bronze tools were supplanting many stone and bone tools because of the superior casting techniques they had learned and Mayan pottery was becoming not only more beautiful, but of higher quality and function.

The King’s herd of horses was being carefully bred by his Mongol and Uyghur captives who were themselves increasingly part of the population. They had adopted Mayan ways, at first to survive, but then to prosper. Mayan warriors were learning to ride and The King already had an elite mounted guard, small but present.

The pace of construction in the cities of the league had increased with the introduction and adoption of the wheel, Asian masonry and the improved copper and bronze tools which allowed stone to be moved more quickly and offered some interesting options for the cutting of stone and wood.

Cocom’s magicians were experimenting with gunpowder. Barrels of the stuff had been captured and after the first disastrous moments of familiarity it was being investigated in earnest. The magic was gone, the Mayans now knew that it was fundamentally a powder that could burn and explode. Unfortunately, discovering this simple truth had resulted in several of the King’s magicians accidentally committing suicide.

Mayan carpenters were struggling to duplicate Chinese shipbuilding, particularly since there was no iron available. The copper and bronze that they had available was not a suitable replacement for the iron used in the remaining junks. Ahau Cuat Cocom would not allow any of the Asian iron to be melted down, even when it was beyond use. Nor would he allow any of the junks to be dismantled for forensic examination by Mayan carpenters. It was slow and tedious work but eventually they achieved some sort of success and launched the first Mayan built junk. It was held together by wooden pegs and lashing as suggested by one of the captive Asians who had sailed to the island the Arabs called Serendib where he had gained familiarity with their methods of shipbuilding. It was not as long as the Mayan trading canoes but it had greater draft and broader beam and was capable of carrying as much as two of the canoes. In the right weather, it could travel faster both up and down wind. As wonderful as it was, they knew it was far from the ships which had carried the Mongols on their exodus.

-----​

In the old Khanate, Ah Com Xiu was in an enviable position, largely because of the efforts of the Mongols before their expulsion. His city, still under construction, was progressively less Asian and more Mayan in character, but it would never look 100% Mayan. The rectangular grid of streets would remain and become a pattern for future Mayan cities as would the footprint of the palace. The walls were repaired and completed and the tiled roofs and floors would forever mark this as the city that changed the Mayan world.

Ahau Cuat Cocom, pre-occupied as he was with his own efforts at integration, had left his governor in the captured city on a very long leash. Xiu was assiduous in making sure the King was happy with his new conquest, but was also carefully enhancing his own prestige and power. He too had his horses and cattle, cared for by Ngöbe villagers who had learned their animal husbandry at the hands of the Mongols. The presence of many Uyghur and Chinese craftsmen, men who had been loath to leave their families and venture into the unknown with the Khan, meant that Xiu did not have figure much out. His people already knew the answers. His carts were better; tools were better, pottery better and textiles better than those of Mayapan. He actually had shipwrights and smiths, and a small store of Iron ore that had been sent by the Emperor to the south, something he was careful not to brag about.

A brisk bi-coastal trade had developed centered on Alagh. Cargoes from both seas passed through its markets and Xiu and the Mayans who had emigrated to Alagh prospered and grew rich. As his power grew, many of his relatives quietly re-located to the city at his suggestion from their homes in the Yucatan. Some remained behind to protect and defend the family name and honor, these already had power, status and connections but Xiu plied them with gifts and favorable trade concessions and gathered information of the state of The League. Blood connections were stronger than political obligations.

This was merely another phase in the long running, off and on, struggle between the Cocom and Xiu families. Currently, and for many years before, the Cocoms had held primacy among the Mayans. Ah Com Xiu would use his position in Alagh to change that dynamic.

Xiu also cultivated the Ngöbe by keeping Cocom’s hand from weighing too heavily on them. Their villages blossomed into towns with stone buildings and tile roofs. The shamans built stone temples at holy sites that had previously been marked with symbolic cairns or thatch shelters. The Mongol settlement of Asi Ügei grew and became the primary port on the other sea, mostly inhabited by Ngöbe.

Mu-ri Ti-ed-eba had established himself at Asi and many of his folk had joined him there. They proved to be excellent merchants and particularly adept at seamanship. They had been coastal fishermen before the arrival of the Khan and were quick to learn from the Asian expatriates still among them. In time, they would become the most accomplished seamen in the other sea.

-----​

The King’s shipwrights eventually produced a substantial vessel, held together by wooden pegs and bronze spikes. It was re-enforced by strands of fiber which stitched the planks together and sealed with fish oil. With the help of the few mariners they had captured they were able to sail to the islands that the Khan had initially planned to settle on. Of course there were no Mongols on this pine covered isle, but the voyage was enlightening.

Cocom began to see the reality of sea power. Many of the League’s cities were along the coast and the sea bordered three sides of his core territory. Troops could move by sea faster than by land in many cases and he could exercise his authority more effectively if a troublesome city had to observe both land and sea approaches. This resulted in additional ships being built and a portion of his troops being trained, by captured Asians, as marines.

An additional result of this military buildup was the establishment of foundries to supply the large fittings and cannon for these ships. Asian masters ran these facilities and eventually prospered sufficiently to become full members of the Mayan community. As they gained status and influence, the lingua franca of Mayan society, they brought their fellow up with them until few Asians were actually captive any more. They had become valued, productive members of The King’s League.

-----​

Xiu had determined that contact with the Emperor to the south was in his best interest and had secretly assembled a small fleet of vessels in the Bay of Alagh. Using the few remaining mariners in the Asian community and the Ngöbe who had gained maritime skills under the Mongols, he sent this small armada south toward Chan Chan. As always, his goal was to improve his standing and enhance his power and status. His commander, Xipe Totec, was instructed to obtain as much iron as possible and to offer the Emperor whatever he might wish in exchange, short of the fealty of Ah Com Xiu and the territory of Alagh.

Much to the satisfaction of the Mayan commander, the Emperor’s vizier (for the emperor was indisposed) agreed to send iron to Alagh in exchange for pearls from the pearl islands. As a symbol of good faith, Xipe Totec returned with 100 iron plows and sufficient ingots to make the fittings for a war junk. He only needed to return with an equal value of pearls the next year.

Xiu was not impressed that the deal for the iron had been made by the vizier. He was, in fact, a bit insulted that the Emperor did not have the time to meet his representative. He was, after all, Ah Com Xiu, Scion of one of the leading families of the Maya. This “Emperor” was a newly arrived foreigner who apparently did not understand the hierarchy of this land.

Totec tried to explain to Xiu that what he had seen in Chan Chan was far beyond the wonders of Mayapan or even the great cities of old. Great pools of water in the heart of a desert, Hillsides embellished with stone terraces that produced more food than the cities could consume, Warehouses in the mountains that stored that excess food against future famines, boats that went beyond the sight of land and returned with fish the size of men, temples to a multitude of gods, familiar and strange and armies that awaited the whim of the emperor. Chimor was not a land to be taken lightly.

 

[Mongo]

I recall the first version of this TL that was posted some time ago, and it appears that you are starting to move beyond the stopping point of that version. I definitely do not remember the final portion of the most recent post, about Ah Com Xiu's expeditionary fleet to Chimor. So I suppose that the pace of new posts will be slowing down from now on, unless you have already written ahead of where you stopped last time.

Regarding the latest developments in the TL, I like what I am reading. This version of the Americas looks to have a much brighter future than it did in OTL. I am sure that contact with them will be some considerable time in the future at this point, but do you have any plans for contact with the Amazonian civilization that had tamed much of the Amazon basin at this time?

 

[phildup]

Mongo, I really appreciate that you remember the old TL and that you recognize the new content.

I expect that the pace may slow a bit as we enter new territory, but I am committed to seeing this through to 1492 at least. We are nearing events that were not explored in the past TL.

The Emperor still needs to deal with Manco Capac...After that, we'll see if he is in a position to descend into Amazonia or is able to create a trade relationship with the Amazonian culture (What should we call them BTW?)

The Mayans are still in an expansionist mood as well, so Who knows.

These things seem to write themselves, prompting research real time. I am amazed by the cultures that existed in the Americas Pre-Columbus.

 

[phildup]

The Horse and The Jaguar...29 Largo III; 1302 – 1308

[FONT=&quot]Chapter 29[/FONT]
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[FONT=&quot]Largo III; 1302 - 1308[/FONT]

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Chimor was awash in commerce. Raw materials, manufactured goods, the products of craftsmen and artists, food from the valleys traversed the length and breadth of the Empire and fresh fish from the cold waters of the sea was served in the highest cities while ice from the heights cooled the Dōngbù Emperors bedchamber. Trade climbed the great heights and flowed through the valley of the sacred lake. Goods found their way into the endless forests beyond the mountains and even down the God River to the great cities of peoples not yet known to the Chimu or anyone on the western coast.

Zi Yi began to rebuild Chan Chan in wood and stone. The city, as beautiful as it was, was constructed of sun dried mud and much of the city required refurbishment after the rainy season; an annual and expensive task. Moreover, the typical home of the city elites consisted of walled precincts which functioned as strongholds for powerful families. Always aware that he was a conqueror and a foreigner, The Emperor was careful to retain the style and motifs of the Chimu. Where Chinese sensibilities prevailed, he clothed them in Chimu dress and when Chimu design best served the purpose he might apply Chinese ornament and decoration. Chan Chan became something new, a hybrid of Asian organization and concepts that would always be recognizable as a Chimor city.

In 1304 the Emperor took as his Empress, Pillcu Ocllo, the daughter of Mayta Cápac. The Inca princess had patiently waited for Zi Yi to accept her as his wife and at long last he had. He had found a kindred soul who shared many of his values and during the years she spent at the Emperor’s court she had demonstrated wisdom, discretion and compassion. She had rapidly learned Chinese and was well on her way to reading and writing. She had also learned to ride and even to use a bow and frequently would join Zi Yi when he rode out on a hunt. When she felt strongly about an issue she had proved herself to be more than capable of presenting her position with compelling logic.

To Zi Yi, her talents, skills, adventurousness and grace combined into a most appealing woman. Her beauty only added to the pleasure he experienced in her company.

The young Pillcu, for her part, was attracted to the exotic, powerful, and handsome man of 38. She was not intimidated by his title, after all, she was the daughter of the King of Qusqu, but she admired the dignity, intelligence and foresight with which he ruled his empire. She recognized and appreciated the attention he gave her and the value he placed on her thoughts.

That this union was as much a matter of statecraft as it was individual affection was recognized by all. The joining of The Emperor of Chimor and a Princess of Qusqu was a powerful diplomatic symbol of the bond between Chan Chan and Qusqu, Zi Yi and Mayta Cápac.

The wedding of the Imperial couple was typical of Zi Yi, combining Chinese, Incan and Chimu tradition. Since Mayta Cápac had already offered his daughter to The Emperor she returned to her father’s house in Qusqu to initiate the process in a traditional manner. This introduced the custom of the Three Letters and Six Etiquettes to Tawantinsuyu.

First, Xin Du Xian, the Chimor Ambassador, presented Mayta Cápac with a letter from Zi Yi formally accepting the betrothal of Pillcu Ocllo and himself. Then Chinese and Incan fortune tellers agreed that this would be a good match. The Ambassador presented lavish gifts from The Emperor to The Inca and his bride’s mother along with a letter from Zi Yi enumerating the gifts and stating their significance. Once this had been done, the fortune tellers again convened to select an auspicious wedding date.

Finding a date that was propitious in both zodiacs proved to be somewhat problematical but through dint of effort and some creative interpretations of the omens on both sides, a date was finally chosen. At this point, Mayta Cápac sent the dowry to The Emperor. This was a Chinese custom and not one followed by the Incans or Chimu so The Emperor had wisely included the dowry in the gifts he had sent to Qusqu.

In order to honor the traditions of his own subjects, his Inca bride and his Chinese ancestors, Zi Yi set off from Chan Chan at the head of a great party of Chimu nobles, kings from the valleys and officials and dignitaries of the Empire. His train was escorted by troops of cavalry and several thousand soldiers. Horns, drums and cymbals announced their coming at every town and city until they arrived at Qusqu, several weeks later.

Pillcu had been dressed in the finest Incan wool garments which had been died brilliant red in Paramonga, where the coloring of cloth was becoming a specialty. A fine cotton scarf from Alagh, also died red, was draped over her head. The ambassador had coached her that she must cry at the thought of leaving her mother’s home in order to insure the sanctity of the wedding and she managed to accomplish this, although it was all done with a smile and more laughter than tears.

In the meantime Zi Yi was confronted with a series of symbolic challenges as he passed through Qusqu. Blocked streets, crowds and celebratory processions hindered his progress, all arranged by the ambassador and sanctioned by the King. Arriving at the palace, he was ushered into the presence of Manco Cápac, Pillcu’s mother, Cápac Yupanqui her brother and the entire court of Tawantinsuyu. He approached his bride, accompanied by the elderly King of Kuelap who carried a sandal made from ojota. The Emperor descended to one knee before her, she placed her right foot on the other knee and he put the sandal on her foot.

There was a great deal of cheering and applause as Zi Yi got back to his feet. He took the right hand of Pillcu and her brother took her left and they led her to a great palanquin that had been prepared for her.

The entire party, both courts, then set off for Chan Chan. It was by far the greatest procession ever seen in this world. The soldiers escorting the party alone numbered twelve thousand, Chimu and Inca.

When the wedding party eventually arrived at Chan Chan they were greeted by music and fireworks, something the Incans had never seen. At the Palace, Pillcu was led along a red carpet that led into the great courtyard Where the Emperor, now also attired in red, Kowtowed three times, to the heavens, his bride and her parents (the Ambassador had made certain that Manco Cápac understood that this was traditional and symbolic of respect, not submission).

Pillcu produced a fine wool tunic, a headband and a pendant of gold. The Emperor immediately dressed in these garments. The wedding ceremony was now complete, having taken nearly twelve weeks. A great feast was held at the palace, fireworks illuminated the sky over the sea and all the inhabitants of the city celebrated. In the Palace the guest gave token gifts to the Emperor and his Empress and returned home with greater gifts from Zi Yi.

Manco Cápac returned to Qusqu with several wagons of the finest goods produced in the empire including textiles, pottery, bronze castings and exquisite stone carvings, but the prized gift from Zi Yi was ten men’s weight of iron.

-----​

Beyond the capitol Chimor’s hegemony continued to expand as cities near the frontier petitioned to join the empire in order to share its wealth and protection. Stronger and more distant polities sought the Emperor’s favor in order to avoid being swallowed up or in an effort to fend off enemies. The Empire’s borders were in a state of continuous expansion.

Mayta Cápac extended his rule to the shores of the sacred lake and beyond, laying claim to the entire region and the valleys that lead to the borders of Chimor. Roads were built to accommodate carts and the growing caravans of llamas bearing trade between the lands. His access to iron was entirely at the whim of the Emperor and this limited his ability to capitalize on new technologies. He hoped that now that his daughter was the Emperor’s consort this situation would change.

The King greatly prized the book that Zi Yi had given him and wanted to have it copied so every noble could share this great gift and appreciate the respect that the two monarchs shared for each other. His artists were unfamiliar with the materials and did not understand the strange symbols. They were unable to produce a suitable replica for Mayta Cápac. Frustrated, the King appealed to Xin Du Xian, the Chimor Ambassador, for assistance and the monk began to train a cadre of scribes. They learned the symbols, their meaning and how to use brush and ink. Paper was made from the reeds of the great lake and the book was copied many times, pleasing the King.

When sufficient copies had been completed Mayta Cápac mounted a great ceremony to commemorate the event, leading a procession to the home of his father, Lloque Yupanque. There, he placed a copy on the lap of his father’s mummy. The remaining copies were distributed to his courtiers who received them with a combination of respect, gratitude and befuddlement. What were these things and why were they so significant?

Their significance lay in Manco Cápac’s realization of the value the symbols on the pages. He had come to recognize that these scratches could tell future king’s of Qusqu of his great deeds and records of negotiations with other monarchs could be created. He could not comprehend all the ways these marks on paper could change his people’s world but he knew they were very powerful indeed. While at the feet of his dead father he determined to have a record of the accomplishments of his reign and that of his forefathers written down, and in 1306 the first written history of the Inca people was begun by the scribes who trained under Xin Du Xian.

In this way, to satisfy the ego of a king, writing came to the Inca people. With the example of the book of Zi Yi, they quickly discovered its value as a means of recording events and thoughts as well as talleys of goods being traded and the keeping of accounts.

 

[tonsofun]

It is very nice to come home to a new chapter when I finish my night shift. Judging by the time of the posts, I'm going to guess that you post these before sleeping.
It is even nicer to see the Incas adopt Chinese writing. But what exactly is the book and what makes it so important that everyone needs a copy?
I can't imagine there are many books the Chinese would take with them onthis kind of journey.

 

[phildup]

It is very nice to come home to a new chapter when I finish my night shift. Judging by the time of the posts, I'm going to guess that you post these before sleeping.

Normally after dinner.

It is even nicer to see the Incas adopt Chinese writing. But what exactly is the book and what makes it so important that everyone needs a copy?

[FONT=&quot]"Chapter 20[/FONT][FONT=&quot]
The Son of Heaven and The Son of the Sun[/FONT]​

[FONT=&quot]Zi yí also sent his ambassador, Xin Du Xian, a trusted Buddhist monk and scholar who had served the Emperor well over the years. Xin carried a special book for the King which had been compiled during the visit of Pahuac to the Emperor. This book documented the mission of the ambassador and the amity that existed between the two monarchs."[/FONT]​

Mayta is also beginning to realize that writing has power far beyond the Quipu.

I can't imagine there are many books the Chinese would take with them on this kind of journey.

They do indeed have few books, mostly those that the monks, non military officials and Chinese / Korean officers would have brought with them (they were an educated and somewhat eclectic lot, particularly compared to their Mongol and Uyghur commanders).

 

[Parmenion1]

I live in England , so I wake up to the next installment , something I always look forward to.

Phildup your right about the learning curve , ive learned so much about mongol, chinese, incan , mayan and indian cultures and beliefs since reading this. So thankyou for that and also for a fab storyline