The eagle's left head

Both in 1350 and 1378 the Venetians sent forth a similar number of galleys from the metropole, 25 and 26. So let's say that now they sent 25 venetian and 8 dalmatian galleys. The Venetians and Lombards of Negroponte and Modon/Coron are besieged and effectively out of the naval war. The Venetian feudatories in Crete joined dal Verme's army and suffered grievous losses. Even so, with the Greeks rebelling they would have been hard pressed to man the cretan galleys on their own. And not all feudatories had joined Verme, with the Gradenigo and Venier clans resisting. Crete has been neutralized as a source of galleys and with a destroyed field army, Candia will soon be under siege. Alexandros is marching now through Rethymno, so I guess Kallergis will join him further bolstering his forces.

What would be the reserves left to the Venetians? A couple of dalmatian galleys - although the Dalmatians might turn rebels soon. And around 29 galleys from the Metropole if they use every able-bodied man.


I think it is very plausible that a great part of the army were Venetians and not just mercenaries. The descriptions of the army's composition mention Turkish and Bohemian mercenaries with the latter being sappers. The interesting part is that the Venetians tried to hire Englishmen. They wanted to hire 300 men but after long negotiations they managed to hire only 110 soldiers. I think it is an indication that the Venetians didn't want to overpay for mercenaries. Perhaps due to the Florence-Siena war, the rates of the mercenaries could have been increased. That's another clue that indicates a significant Venetian participation in dal Verme's army. At the very least, the crossbowmen of the army should have been Venetians and that would mean the best part of the infantry. These men are gone now, dead or soon to be besieged in Candia. Venice back then had a small army and even a few hundred trained infantrymen will be sorely missed.

Since Lajos declared war after the expedition had left for Crete, I don't think its composition would have been different than in OTL.

Due to the departure of the fleet and army, Venice should have a major manpower issue and their situation in land is thus worse than in OTL 1357. Da Carrara, della Torre and Lajos most likely will capture Treviso and Istria. Venice proper is immune from a land attack but Chioggia can be captured by an army - and it had been from Franks, Magyars and others. In OTL, the Paduans captured on their own the mouth of the Brenta river and the Bebber tower and established bastions to control access to the waterways of the Brenta-Adige river system, cutting off Venice from the padanian plain. The barrier island off Chioggia and then Chioggia herself, are exposed. Even without the genoese fleet the Paduans and Hungarians can capture them, since Brenta is 92-175m wide - the venetian fleet can be held at arm's length by artillery from the bastions. The only chance the Venetians have to save Chioggia is by concentrating their fleet and manpower in the lagoon. Even so, it will be bloody. If they have to choose betwee Chioggia and Crete, it is not much of a choice.


Now we have to see if littleTheodore survives infancy.


Were those ships captured or sunk? The sicilian casualties were certainly sunk since I doubt that the Venetians would sail away with trophies, but what about the venetian galleys?


The Venetians are in a tough strategic position. Half of their fleet is in Cyprus, the rest has to defend Chioggia. In between the two locations, the Greeks will have a great time destroying venetian merchantmen. I would bet that the Genoese semi-independent actors (read pirates) would join in, especially in the Black Sea. Venetian trade will collapse. Moreover, in the OTL War of Chioggia, it seems that Venice survived by importing apulian grain. Now this source of grain is not available, similarly to north italian grain. A long war will be catastrophic for Venice even if the city is not properly sieged.

Speaking of Cyprus, I doubt that Peter can provide more than 10 galleys that he seems to had in OTL 1365. I think it is reasonable that he will have the 2 papal galleys present in Cyprus in OTL. Basically, Peter and Pisani can have a fleet in similar size to that of Alexandros if the Greeks cannot add more ships. Moreover, Pisani and Peter will have slightly different priorities. Pisani was a fervent venetian patriot, he commands a great part of the venetian manpower and he is at the wrong side of the Mediterranean while his homeland is under direct threat. I doubt his priority would be to recapture Crete, but he will try to return back to Venice as soon as it is realistically possible. He is in a similar position to OTL Zeno. However Peter is there to fight schismatics in Crete, not to take his galleys and knights in Venice. Up to a point, their interests allign, but beyond that...
Been wanting to ask too. How do you lose so many galleys when you win and the main fighting at the time consists of boarding action instead of destroying enemy ships?If you won, it's should be rather unlikely that the enemy is able to make off with your captured ships.
 
Been wanting to ask too. How do you lose so many galleys when you win and the main fighting at the time consists of boarding action instead of destroying enemy ships?If you won, it's should be rather unlikely that the enemy is able to make off with your captured ships.
The Venetians could have scuttled captured galleys since they wouldn't have the time to man them properly and escape. Considering they were superb seamen they could have pulled something of the sort.
 
The Venetians could have scuttled captured galleys since they wouldn't have the time to man them properly and escape. Considering they were superb seamen they could have pulled something of the sort.
It's highly unlikely that they would be able to scuttle the galleys in the middle of the battle when the crews of the surrendered galleys would probably resist. They are fucked if the galleys are scuttled, so they would fight.In hindsight, I think a lot of the naval battle losses in this TL are a bit improbable due to this.
 
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Been wanting to ask too. How do you lose so many galleys when you win and the main fighting at the time consists of boarding action instead of destroying enemy ships?If you won, it's should be rather unlikely that the enemy is able to make off with your captured ships.
That's used as shorthand for lost crews usuallyin the narrative. Some ships will be damaged/wrecked/burned down of course. But the ship usually is worth little in comparison to the crew. Even in purely economic terms a galley cost about 2,300 ducats... the next century when it had cannons and had grown 50% in displacement from 140 to about 200 tons. By comparison a standard 3 bank galea sottil has a crew of 213 which costs on average 639 ducats a month to pay and provision. Within four months that costs slightly more than the ship itself...
 

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at this point the Sicilians live for the Adrenalin rush of getting excommunicated
" yo, Giuseppe, did you heard?"
" heard what Marcello?"
" Alberto got Interdicted for the 5th time!"
" NICE!"
 

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Venetian-Sicilian war

giphy.gif
The genoese are ready to join in like the spanish inquisition
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The genoese are ready to join in like the spanish inquisition

It is very plausible, one could say it is even probable. but I wouldn't be absolutely certain. There is currently political turmoil in Genoa. In OTL Doge Boccanegra was poisoned during Peter Lusignan's visit but the visit itself had nothing to do with it. By that point he was opposed by the Guelph and Ghibelline popolo and some nobles as well. Gabriele Adorno, the new Doge, has to deal with hostility from a part of the nobility and to reach an accomodation with Milan - the Visconti were reluctant to let Genoa go. Eventually, he reached an agreement with Milan in 1367 that obligated Genoa to pay Bernabo Visconti 300,000 florins over the next fifteen years. Perhaps Adorno can reach out to Lajos to get some diplomatic support in his deals with Milan. If he can wrap up the milanese issue early on, his rule will be much more stable. And Lajos has a lot of pull with Milan - he has a big army in Italy, he is allied with the Pope, Padua and Aquileia. In return, Lajos can obtain a genoese fleet to use against the Venetian Lagoon.

Moreover, Adorno can boost his popularity by an easy and quick victory over Venice. After all, between Lajos and Alexandros' invasions, the venetian forces are busy protecting the Lagoon and in Cyprus trying to deal with Alexandros. The low hanging fruit is the venetian trade in the Black Sea, where the Genoese have the opportunity to absolutely dominate that lucrative trade route.

Basically, I see three possibilities:
- Due to political instability Adorno doesn't join in the fray. In that case, Genoese independent and semi-independent actors attack venetian ships on their own.
- Adorno goes full in and sends a fleet in the Adriatic.
- Adorno goes for the cheap and easy approach, just focusing on the Black Sea.
 

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It is very plausible, one could say it is even probable. but I wouldn't be absolutely certain. There is currently political turmoil in Genoa. In OTL Doge Boccanegra was poisoned during Peter Lusignan's visit but the visit itself had nothing to do with it. By that point he was opposed by the Guelph and Ghibelline popolo and some nobles as well. Gabriele Adorno, the new Doge, has to deal with hostility from a part of the nobility and to reach an accomodation with Milan - the Visconti were reluctant to let Genoa go. Eventually, he reached an agreement with Milan in 1367 that obligated Genoa to pay Bernabo Visconti 300,000 florins over the next fifteen years. Perhaps Adorno can reach out to Lajos to get some diplomatic support in his deals with Milan. If he can wrap up the milanese issue early on, his rule will be much more stable. And Lajos has a lot of pull with Milan - he has a big army in Italy, he is allied with the Pope, Padua and Aquileia. In return, Lajos can obtain a genoese fleet to use against the Venetian Lagoon.

Moreover, Adorno can boost his popularity by an easy and quick victory over Venice. After all, between Lajos and Alexandros' invasions, the venetian forces are busy protecting the Lagoon and in Cyprus trying to deal with Alexandros. The low hanging fruit is the venetian trade in the Black Sea, where the Genoese have the opportunity to absolutely dominate that lucrative trade route.

Basically, I see three possibilities:
- Due to political instability Adorno doesn't join in the fray. In that case, Genoese independent and semi-independent actors attack venetian ships on their own.
- Adorno goes full in and sends a fleet in the Adriatic.
- Adorno goes for the cheap and easy approach, just focusing on the Black Sea.
you forget that the Visconti have just been defeat badly. there is a chance for Genoa to actually say " screw you" and simply return to full independence.
on the other side, the Visconti also want stuff from Venice and might be interested in another war to recover prestige
 
on the other side, the Visconti also want stuff from Venice and might be interested in another war to recover prestige
I don't think the Visconti would want Treviso and I doubt they will be overly happy with Lajos being influential in north Italy. It seems more plausble to me that Milan will stay neutral in the war as in OTL.

you forget that the Visconti have just been defeat badly. there is a chance for Genoa to actually say " screw you" and simply return to full independence.
In my understanding, Genoa was independent in 1363, but wanted to ensure there wouldn't be bad blood with Milan. They also wanted to recover mountain fortresses in an amicable way. Honestly it was a prudent policy. A war with Milan would be more expensive than paying them out and with some nobles being semi-independent from the republic, it risked further internal instability and coups.

Speaking of the region, it will be interesting to see what will happen at Montferrat. I don't think it is very possible that Otto von Brunswick-Grubenhagen marries Joanna of Naples. Joanna is facing much worse challenges than in OTL, her kingdom is much smaller and a great part of the OTL royal demesne is in Alexandros' hands. It would very difficult politically to marry Otto, when she needs the support of the campanian and provencal nobles. At this point, I think the most influential family in Naples are the de Baux, since they have the counties of Avellino and Baux and they wield significant influence in both Campania and Provence.

If the very ambitious Otto doesn't get his royal marriage, I think chances are that he stays in Monferrat. John had entrusted the tutelage of his sons to his uncle the Green Count of Savoy and Otto. The latter could become the actual power in the marquisate if he could control the idiot Secondotto. That would be a good question. In general, I think Montferrat might approach Sicily for diplomatic support.

By the way @Lascaris, is Abruzzo at this point ruled by Lalle I or his son ?
 
I don't think the Visconti would want Treviso and I doubt they will be overly happy with Lajos being influential in north Italy. It seems more plausble to me that Milan will stay neutral in the war as in OTL.


In my understanding, Genoa was independent in 1363, but wanted to ensure there wouldn't be bad blood with Milan. They also wanted to recover mountain fortresses in an amicable way. Honestly it was a prudent policy. A war with Milan would be more expensive than paying them out and with some nobles being semi-independent from the republic, it risked further internal instability and coups.

Speaking of the region, it will be interesting to see what will happen at Montferrat. I don't think it is very possible that Otto von Brunswick-Grubenhagen marries Joanna of Naples. Joanna is facing much worse challenges than in OTL, her kingdom is much smaller and a great part of the OTL royal demesne is in Alexandros' hands. It would very difficult politically to marry Otto, when she needs the support of the campanian and provencal nobles. At this point, I think the most influential family in Naples are the de Baux, since they have the counties of Avellino and Baux and they wield significant influence in both Campania and Provence.

If the very ambitious Otto doesn't get his royal marriage, I think chances are that he stays in Monferrat. John had entrusted the tutelage of his sons to his uncle the Green Count of Savoy and Otto. The latter could become the actual power in the marquisate if he could control the idiot Secondotto. That would be a good question. In general, I think Montferrat might approach Sicily for diplomatic support.

By the way @Lascaris, is Abruzzo at this point ruled by Lalle I or his son ?


I fully agree with your analysis, regarding Monferrato technically in Otl it was part of an important network of Italian Ghibellines ( among which we find Giovanni di Vico, lord of Viterbo, the della Scala, Lucca, Pisa, Como, Grosseto, Empoli, Bergamo , Pistoia, Modena, Mantua, Spoleto, and various noble families of Italy, including the Lambertazzis from Bologna and Carrari, the Parcitadi of Rimini, the Como people, Frigerio e Quadrio, the Guttuari of Asti, Guidi del Casentino, Ubaldini from Mugello, Torelli-Salinguerra from Ferrara, in Forlì we have the Ordelaffi, the Sienese Salimbeni e Buonconti, i From Romano da Treviso, i Pallavicino with fiefdoms scattered across the Po Valley and finally some Tuscan branches of the Malaspina and finally the Montefeltro ) with ties to Charles IV, who in Otl in 1368 made his second Rumzung ( journey to Rome, which had already been postponed previously due to internal problems within his government, but it may be that with the Ghibellines in a better position, this time Charles dedicates himself to going down to the peninsula again, even if the problem of cold relations with the Viscontis remains ) therefore it cannot be ruled out that Monferrato could use this dense network of contacts to his advantage in the event of aggression or concrete possibility of expansion
 
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Part 69
Venice, January 1365

With disaster threatening the republic underwent drastic measures to deal with the Hungarians and Sicilians. Mass conscription was instituted and wealthy citizens obliged to provide forced loans to finance the war effort. Thanks to these measures 37 new galleys had been armed in Venice. Some would be kept in Venetian waters to deal with the Hungarians, thankfully Louis had no fleet of his own. More would be sailing south to take on the Sicilians.

Crete, February 1365


Alexandros II marched east from Rethymnon to put Candia under siege. As soon as weather allowed the Sicilian fleet would leave its anchorage at Souda bay to cut off Candia from the sea.

Adrianople, March 1365


The Ottoman army begun its campaign. This time the target was not the empire. Instead Murad would directly his armies against Bulgaria securing the territory to the south of the Balkan mountains by the end of the year.

North Italy, April 1365

Treviso held out despite nine months of persistent Hungatian and Paduan attacks. Undeterred Louis of Hungary would send more troops, rotating feudal levies to keep a constant pressure on the Venetians. But nevertheless the Venetian defenders would continue to hold out for the rest of the year.

Syracuse, April 1365


A squadron of thirteen galleys sailed off to join the fleet further to the east. More ships could had been raised. But this, unlike previous wars was one of choice. Alexandros so far was avoiding to either raise the subvertio generalis or new loans. After all so far it did not appear to be necessary...

Limassol, April 1365


A huge fleet of 171 ships including 37 galleys, 19 of them Venetian, 6 of them Hospitaller, a pair of them Papal and the rest Cypriot set sail for the west. Peter I of Lusignan had been determined to have his crusade. If the so called basileus of Sicily wanted it to be against him instead of the infidels then so be it, after all the pope HAD proclaimed a crusade against the Cretans and anyone who supported them. As for the knights, the new grand master Raymond Berenger was willing to break the bank for the knights to get back a state of their own...

Off Sason island, May 1365

The Venetian squadron of twenty galleys jumped the Sicilians. Eight Sicilian galleys would be lost with the remaining five escaping to Corfu. But the victory would not come cheaply to the Venetians. With a large part of their crews being relatively inexperienced conscripts they would lose over eight hundred men in the battle. But the Venetian squadron was free to continue on its way south...

Fraskia bay, Crete May 1365


The crusader fleet drove the Sicilians out, destroying five Sicilian galleys. Following their victory Peter would land with an army of 8,000 men in Candia and link with the Venetians...

West of Candia, May 1365


Between his own Army and the Venetians Peter I had 10,400 men. Alexandros II reinforced by the Cretan rebels had 9,200. The veteran Sicilian troops and the Cretan archers would prove much tougher than Peter had expected. The ensuing battle would be bloody and inconclusive with the crusaders losing 1,400 men and the Sicilians slightly fewer. Peter would claim victory as Alexandros was forced to lift the siege of Candia. But most of the island remained under solid Sicilian control and it looked unlikely that the crusaders would be able to push them out.

Thessaly, May 1365


The combination of Venetian bribes and hope of loot would prove enough to get Simeor Uros Palaiologos to attack Thessaly now that the empire?, how to call the former despotate after Alexandros II had proclaimed himself basileus was a bit unclear. His rival Radoslav Hlapen was also raiding Thessaloniki....

Methone, June 1365


The garrison of 400 men had held out against a Sicilian army ten times its size thanks to the efforts of a young priest that had taken over command of the defense Carlo Zeno. Now the arrival of the Venetian fleet would provide him with sorely needed men and supplies. But Michael Rallis in command of the Sicilian army was a persistent man. The siege went on.

Chalkis, June 1365


The fleet of Vettor Pisani entered the straits breaking the siege. It was about time as the defenders were coming close to the end of their tether. If the siege had continued for a month or two more Chalkis would had likely surrendered.

Rhodes, July 1365


Despite the Venetian entreaties Peter would not stay in Crete, even if he was personally inclined to do so his men were not inclined to continue a bloody war with unlikely gains in the island. Instead Peter had convinced himself that retaking Rhodes was a better idea, not least as it would get the Hospitallers out of his hair back in Cyprus. And thus a crusader army of seven thousand men had landed on the island and put Rhodes town under siege. But the local garrison did not show much inclination to surrender.

Crete, July 1365


Following the defeat in the battle of Fraskia Alexandros II had feared he might be stranded in Crete. Thus he had seized the opportunity given him by the Cypriots and Venetians and sailed north to Piraeus. The Cretan rebels would not be left on their own devices though as Alexandros would leave nearly 3,000 Sicilian soldier behind under the command of Ioannis Kallergis.

Dalmatia, July 1365

Split rebelled against Venice with its citizens defeating the Venetian garrison and declaring their allegiance to Hungary. It would be followed the next day by Trau. The Hungarians would take advantage of the successful revolt to lay siege on Zara. But the newly elected doge of Venice Marco Cornaro would remain defiant.

Arta, August 1365


Alexandros II had not taken well to the news of Serb lords trying to stab him in the back. As soon as he was in Athens he had marched north together with Ioannis Buas at the head of an army of over seven thousand men. Simeon's much smaller army had tried to escape but had been caught and crushed as it tried to retreat back to Epirus. With the Albanian tribes that had moved to Epirus in recent years rising up and Alexandros army closing Arta had thrown its gates open for the Sicilians.

Dalmatia, September 1365

Zara was taken by storm by the Hungarian army with the survivors of the Venetian garrison retreating to the city's castle. With Zara fallen the Hungarians would cut a swath through Dalmatia with other towns switching sides and other forced to surrender. The Venetians fearing that following the fall of Dalmatia, Treviso would also fall and Louis would threaten Venice itself ask the Hungarians for terms in late November.

Kos, September 1365


The naval war had remained inconclusive after the Sicilian setbacks back in May. Pisani with Chalkis and Methone for now secure had used his fleet to support the Cypriot siege of Rhodes and conquer any less well defended islands. Gryphon his fleet outnumbered had tried to frustrate his Venetian counterpart's efforts and keeps Rhodes in supply. Finally the two fleets had met outside Kos. With the Sicilians outnumbered with 31 galleys against Pisani's 49 it had not gone well for the Sicilians with Gryphon forced to break contact and make a run for Piraeus after losing eleven ships and over two thousand men, Pisani's casualties were about half as many. Despite being late in the season the Venetians would manage to secure Kos and Ikaria in the aftermath of the victory.

Constantinople, October 1365

Ioannis V was convinced by the Venetian bailo to join the war against the Sicilians with the Venetians promising Ioannis subsidies for half a dozen galleys and to return to him land lost to the Sicilians in the past...
 
Constantinople, October 1365

Ioannis V was convinced by the Venetian bailo to join the war against the Sicilians with the Venetians promising Ioannis subsidies for half a dozen galleys and to return to him land lost to the Sicilians in the past...
I fully expect this to end with him being deposed and the Lascarids returning to the throne stolen from them a century earlier at their moment of triumph.
 
Nice. Thinking : Sicily:
1. rebuilds their fleet
2 defeats crusaders allows Peter out
3 captures constanaople
4 venice humbled
5. Now for the ottomans vs sicely, Rome, hungrey
 
I fully expect this to end with him being deposed and the Lascarids returning to the throne stolen from them a century earlier at their moment of triumph.
Agreed, think how this looks to the average citizen of the empire, the Palaiologoi are siding with the very republic that destroyed the empire against the descendent and heir of one of the men who helped restore it, as he tries to free their fellow countryman from said republic all the while the Ottomans are running rampant in the Balkans.
 
Alexandros so far was avoiding to either raise the subvertio generalis or new loans. After all so far it did not appear to be necessary...
Well, this now that has proven as a comprehensible error, that Alexandros will have to correct and bring both Sicily and Hellas halves of his kingdom to war footing.
With the Albanian tribes that had moved to Epirus in recent years rising up and Alexandros army closing Arta had thrown its gates open for the Sicilians.
So, now Hellas border has reached the Arachthos river and has get them in close contact with the nearby Albanian tribes.
The Venetians fearing that following the fall of Dalmatia, Treviso would also fall and Louis would threaten Venice itself ask the Hungarians for terms in late November.
I wonder how hard would be the possible terms that Louis would want to impose on Venice. Also, if Venice, considering her ongoing war with Sicily, and providing that they wouldn't be to much onerous, may be forced to accept them... And if so,as much would impact Venice war effort...
I fully expect this to end with him being deposed and the Lascarids returning to the throne stolen from them a century earlier at their moment of triumph.
Perhaps, but, besides that the Sicilian Basileus would have other priorities and more meaningful enemies to defeat/punish for their attack and Ioanis even if a bother, Alexandros' fellow Basileus contribution to the war, or actual or future menace, compared to the rest, it wouldn't be meaningful enough.
So, I don't think probable that in the aftermath of what would appear that will be a bloody war, that, at these times, Alexandros would be probable to have enough resources and time, as for spare, in a more or less prolonged siege of Constantinople...
Which, even if successful wouldn't provide to the Sicilian Basileus with nothing but one more place and a highly symbolic one, also, to defend. But, without giving him any more resources to pay for its defense.
 
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And the plot thickens!

Following the defeat in the battle of Fraskia Alexandros II had feared he might be stranded in Crete. Thus he had seized the opportunity given him by the Cypriots and Venetians and sailed north to Piraeus. The Cretan rebels would not be left on their own devices though as Alexandros would leave nearly 3,000 Sicilian soldier behind under the command of Ioannis Kallergis.
With the Cypriots gone, the Greeks have more than enough men to control the interior. I guess the Venetians control Candia, Spinalonga, Sitia and Ierapetra with their respective fortresses.

I wonder how hard would be the possible terms that Louis would want to impose on Venice. Also, if Venice, considering her ongoing war with Sicily, and providing that they wouldn't be to much onerous, may be forced to accept them... And if so,as much would impact Venice war effort...
Indeed, Louis has the upper hand in the negotiations. He can simply dictate his terms to Venice and satisfy all his interests. Not the interests of Da Carrara perhaps because that would be too onerous for Venice to accept. But he might address the interests of his client the Patriarch of Aquileia. The main goal of Aquileia was to recover Istria. Most of Istria belonged to Aquileia and was lost to Venice gradually in the century before the current war.

After all, increasing his influence over Aquileia and having the gate-keeper of Italy as a client state must be quite interesting to him.

However, I don't think that the Venetian will give up Treviso. In OTL 1358, Da Carrara was left on his own and had to face the full might of Venice. However now, the best part of venetian manpower is fighting the Sicilians. Treviso is under siege for more than a year as of the end of 1365 and cannot be expected to hold on for much more. Padua and its interior should have slightly more than 40% of the venetian population (Terrafirma and the Lagoon with Venice). A significant part of the Terrafirma is under paduan occupation and the besieged Treviso houses a bit more than 20% of Terrafirma's total population. Overall, as long as Sicily stays in the war, the odds are more than even between Padua and Venice.

Especially if Lajos doesn't satisfy Aquileia, the combined populations of Friuli and Padua must be close to that of Venice and again, most of the venetian forces are with Pisani east.

Eight Sicilian galleys would be lost with the remaining five escaping to Corfu.
Those 5 galleys in Corfu will have a disproportionate impact on the war. Moreover, in the early 15th century Venice regularly got a galley from Corfu and from the second half of the century, two galleys. At this point, I think that a single galley can be provided by the island.

From Corfu the Sicilians can pretty much destroy venetian trade and the ability of Venice to finance its war effort. After all, in contrast to classical Athens, Venice doesn't receive a significant tribute from its empire (especially now), rents from cleruch land or the produce of silver mines. They depend on trade for their state finances.

The fleet of Vettor Pisani entered the straits breaking the siege. It was about time as the defenders were coming close to the end of their tether. If the siege had continued for a month or two more Chalkis would had likely surrendered.
Did Buas pull a Licario in the months before Pisani's arrival and captured other parts of Euboea or was solely focused on Chalkis ?

Alexandros II had not taken well to the news of Serb lords trying to stab him in the back. As soon as he was in Athens he had marched north together with Ioannis Buas at the head of an army of over seven thousand men. Simeon's much smaller army had tried to escape but had been caught and crushed as it tried to retreat back to Epirus. With the Albanian tribes that had moved to Epirus in recent years rising up and Alexandros army closing Arta had thrown its gates open for the Sicilians.
Without a field army, I expect Ioannina to follow Arta's example. The fall of Arta is significant since it allows Alexandros to completely control the Ambracian Gulf. I expect the Sicilians to do what the Ottomans did in OTL: fortify Preveza and turn the Ambracian Gulf in a secure base to project power in the Ionian Sea. Considering they captured Acarnania already and the importance of the route for communication between the two halves of the realm, they might have already built a castle on the shore across Preveza. The area is rich in oak forests and when the Ottomans established Preveza, they quickly built a lot of galleys there.

nally the two fleets had met outside Kos. With the Sicilians outnumbered with 31 galleys against Pisani's 49 it had not gone well for the Sicilians with Gryphon forced to break contact and make a run for Piraeus after losing eleven ships and over two thousand men, Pisani's casualties were about half as many.
Pisani is winning but is losing a lot of manpower, 1,800 so far. His force regeneration capacity in the Aegean is severely restricted.
 
Indeed, Louis has the upper hand in the negotiations. He can simply dictate his terms to Venice and satisfy all his interests. Not the interests of Da Carrara perhaps because that would be too onerous for Venice to accept. But he might address the interests of his client the Patriarch of Aquileia. The main goal of Aquileia was to recover Istria. Most of Istria belonged to Aquileia and was lost to Venice gradually in the century before the current war.
Venice without Dalmatia and Istria is in an awful strategic position in the Adriatic, especially with the Sicilians now firmly anchored on both sides. Venetian trade cannot be secured against a hostile Lascarid state and minor victories in the Aegean won't change that.
 
Dalmatia, September 1365

[...] The Venetians fearing that following the fall of Dalmatia, Treviso would also fall and Louis would threaten Venice itself ask the Hungarians for terms in late November.
Odds are, considering Lajos' character, that the Hungarians will leave the Lascarids to fend for themselves.

Syracuse, April 1365

A squadron of thirteen galleys sailed off to join the fleet further to the east. More ships could had been raised. But this, unlike previous wars was one of choice. Alexandros so far was avoiding to either raise the subvertio generalis or new loans. After all so far it did not appear to be necessary...
Therein lies the rub.
Since this war had not been in defense of an existential threat, Alexandros II will likely find it hard - politically - to raise the subvertio generalis, very hard to convince the parliament to consent to it without a significant backlash. Take new loans from Genoese banks is less risky, politically speaking, so more likely I think.

Was privateering something yet in this era? If Alexandros cannot raise too many ships without raising taxes sky-high or huge loans, he could encourage/incentivize private actors to prey Venetian shipping on his behalf and pay themselves in loot.
 
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