Of Siam, Ships and South America (4)
Lycaon pictus
Donor
This is slightly different from OTL, in which Argentina was already embroiled in a civil war at this point. The difference is that ITTL Spain is stronger and more of an active threat, which has caused the federalists and centralists to put aside their differences for a time — but only for a time.
On March 12, 1821, the ambassador from Spain arrived in Buenos Aires, bringing with him the Spanish government’s formal recognition of Argentine independence. A declaration of war would have done far less harm to the country.
In July of 1816, when representatives from the La Plata region had met at Tucumán to declare their independence from Spain, the biggest stumbling block had been the question of to what extent power should be centralized or federalized. Unlike Gran Colombia, Argentina had a central city which was large, relatively wealthy and home to an elite that was culturally distinct from the cabildos of the hinterlands.
It was with some reluctance that many of the representatives agreed to place so much power in the hands of a Supreme Director who would be elected not by the nation as a whole, but by Congress.[1] Many federalists hoped that soon the Spanish would be gone, and that a second convention would reduce the porteños’ share of power.
But less than a year later, the dream of freeing all South America from Spanish rule died with San Martín at Chacabuco, and the threat of reconquest became much more real. Under the circumstances, unitarians[2] like Bernardino Rivadavia and Supreme Director Juan Martín de Pueyrredón were able to argue that they needed to be able to call upon the full strength of the nation at once if it was to survive.
Even so, Estanislao López, Francisco Ramirez and José Artigas had repeatedly tried to persuade Pueyrredón and his successor, José Rondeau, to delegate power to the provinces and cities in areas not related to defense. Neither had listened — indeed, Rondeau had been steadily tightening his grip. And now, his excuse for doing so had vanished.
In May, López, Ramirez and Artigas led the list of men presenting Rondeau with a demand for a new constitutional convention. Rondeau refused…
Estebán Humperdinck, History of the Republic of Entre Rios
[1] The lower house of Congress was like the U.S. House of Representatives — apportioned according to population. This obviously benefits Buenos Aires. The upper house was like the U.S. Senate, except that Senators could only be voted in by other Senators. This benefits… whoever the first senators happened to be.
[2] People who wanted a strong central authority. Not the church.
On March 12, 1821, the ambassador from Spain arrived in Buenos Aires, bringing with him the Spanish government’s formal recognition of Argentine independence. A declaration of war would have done far less harm to the country.
In July of 1816, when representatives from the La Plata region had met at Tucumán to declare their independence from Spain, the biggest stumbling block had been the question of to what extent power should be centralized or federalized. Unlike Gran Colombia, Argentina had a central city which was large, relatively wealthy and home to an elite that was culturally distinct from the cabildos of the hinterlands.
It was with some reluctance that many of the representatives agreed to place so much power in the hands of a Supreme Director who would be elected not by the nation as a whole, but by Congress.[1] Many federalists hoped that soon the Spanish would be gone, and that a second convention would reduce the porteños’ share of power.
But less than a year later, the dream of freeing all South America from Spanish rule died with San Martín at Chacabuco, and the threat of reconquest became much more real. Under the circumstances, unitarians[2] like Bernardino Rivadavia and Supreme Director Juan Martín de Pueyrredón were able to argue that they needed to be able to call upon the full strength of the nation at once if it was to survive.
Even so, Estanislao López, Francisco Ramirez and José Artigas had repeatedly tried to persuade Pueyrredón and his successor, José Rondeau, to delegate power to the provinces and cities in areas not related to defense. Neither had listened — indeed, Rondeau had been steadily tightening his grip. And now, his excuse for doing so had vanished.
In May, López, Ramirez and Artigas led the list of men presenting Rondeau with a demand for a new constitutional convention. Rondeau refused…
Estebán Humperdinck, History of the Republic of Entre Rios
[1] The lower house of Congress was like the U.S. House of Representatives — apportioned according to population. This obviously benefits Buenos Aires. The upper house was like the U.S. Senate, except that Senators could only be voted in by other Senators. This benefits… whoever the first senators happened to be.
[2] People who wanted a strong central authority. Not the church.
