Spectre of Europe - An Alternative Paris Commune Timeline

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guinazacity

Banned
I hope this crisis ends and blanqui bites the dust soon

Someone more internationalist and democratic minded should emerge.

If the commune manages to survive, that is.
 
Chapter 10 - Straw Soldiers, Brandy Stomachs and Iron Horses
Chapter Ten: Straw Soldiers, Brandy Stomachs and Iron Horses

Will we see a surviving Communist France? ;)
The civil war rages on...

Maybe not Communist, but certainly something!

I hope this crisis ends and blanqui bites the dust soon

Someone more internationalist and democratic minded should emerge.

If the commune manages to survive, that is.

Realistically, I think I'm pushing how long Blanqui had in him as it is. He wasn't a well man. Then again, the man might die but the dream may live on...

Interesting Timeline, I'm really liking it.

But unless Lyon (or somewhere else) rises soon the Commune had little hope.

Shhh no spoilers you!

Chapter Ten: Straw Soldiers, Brandy Stomachs and Iron Horses

“In civil disorders, with rare exceptions soldiers march only with loathing, by force and brandy”
August Blanqui, Manual for an Armed Insurrection, 1866.

"Galliffett, Rigault, the Law of Suspects, the events of Marseilles in December - all were emblematic of the spiral of revolutionary and counter-revolutionary violence in motion in a divided France that was tearing open its own wounds".
Arno Mayer, The Furies: Violence and Revolution in 1870s France, 2001


On the morning of 5th May Wroblewski, his aids and adjuncts, were shaken awake. Dragged, bleary eyed and aching from nights spent under guard in barns outside Versailles under armed guard, they were paraded into the splendour of the palace itself where, before them, a full court was arrayed.
It was a military tribunal, although one of the Justice of the town had been pressured into appearing, and Galliffet sat at its head. His men had taken some 800 prisoners, but he had before him fifty of the most prominent. Officers of the National Guard, including Wroblewski, a Deputy, the young mayor of the 18th Arrondissement Georges Clemenceau, and one woman. Louise Michel, forty years old, was a school-teacher and anarchist who had come to prominence as a leading and vocal part of the Commune. Lobbying, unsuccessfully, for women’s rights to vote in the elections, she had succeeded in getting herself elected onto the National Guard committee of the 18th Arrondissement and had insisted on accompanying the detachment to Versailles. In uniform.

The trial was more of a haranguing assault by Galliffet, who strutted and preened before the assembled press. His men, arrayed around the walls, wanted blood for the events of at the Bois de Boulogne. Wroblewski was largely unable to comment, heavily bandaged and lapsing in and out of consciousness due to a severe sabre wound to the head. He did, via an aide, enter a brief plea for the life of Clemenceau, arguing he had only come on the trip out of a sense of humanitarian duty to his constituent soldiers and that he (rightly) was a reluctant member of the Commune, but this was brushed aside. The only real defiance came from Michel, who, on the sentence of death being handed down, called out:

"Since it seems that every heart that beats for freedom has no right to anything but a little slug of lead, I demand my share. If you let me live, I shall never cease to cry for vengeance."

Within hours Galliffet had all fifty hung from trees on the edge of Sevres, easily in sight of the city fortifications. Nor did he stop there. Of the remaining rank and file he ordered men pulled out for the slightest of reasons. Men with white hair were deemed “seasoned revolutionaries”. Those with watches must have been “functionaries of the Commune”. Survivors remembered him pacing up and down like “a hungry wolf”.

MacMahon arrived in time to stop a second wave of executions but, as the corpses dangled from the trees by the Seine, his observers reported ominous sights. Thousands and thousands of Communards, and hundreds of guns, lined the fortress walls, black outlines against the sun. Any hope of a quick assault died and Macmahon began to plan for a lengthy, and bloody, siege.

He might not have done if he realised that nine of every ten soldiers were made of straw and an even higher proportion of cannons were simply painted wood. Since his appointment Clusseret, General of Defence, had been busy collecting material. Attached to McClellan’s army in the Civil War he had seen first hand how the assault on Virginia in 1862 had been stalled for months by the use of fake men and "Quaker" guns at Centreville. Now, in charge of a huge line of defences with the second-rate soldiers left to him by Rossel, he tried every trick up his sleeve. Meanwhile Rossel himself, along with Dombrowski, were stripping down Communard forces into a “Force Mobile”.

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A map showing the German zone of occupation​

The events of 1871, it should be remembered, took place against a backdrop of partial occupation. The north-east of the country, including the area around Paris itself, was nominally occupied by German forces until the 3 Billion Franc war indemnity was paid. This was an advantage for the Commune, for although they were uncertain about the extent to which the Germans might block any force that circled into their area, the Royalists were still more anxious.

The second advantage was the rail network. Largely designed under Napoleon III the French railway network was less developed than the British model but, for the Communards, had one useful feature – every major line emanated from Paris. That was why, on the morning of the 6th May, weighed down by the sombre news of the executions, two trains left Paris. One, packed with Guardsmen and Dombrowski himself, swept southwards. The other, carrying Varlin, the Commune’s Delegate for External Affairs Paschal Grousset, and the rather upset Communard executive of the Central Bank, Francois Jourde, crawled East. It had a number of large carriages, securely guarded by Jourde’s National Guard detachment (all bank clerks in civilian life), and it was heading for Strasbourg.
 
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guinazacity

Banned
And the purges begin.

I wonder if galliffet knows that by the nature of purging in france, his chances of ending up dead are pretty fucking high.
 
Chapter 11 - Dreadful Pragmatism
Chapter Eleven - Dreadful Pragmatism

Dreadful Pragmatism

The meeting took place in the Kammerzal House in Strasbourg. Opposite the great cathedral, it had been chosen by Gen. Von Manteuffel, commander of the Army of Occupation, as a definite statement. Alsace Lorraine, occupied by German soldiers, was, the Reich was advocating, thoroughly German. It was not up for discussion at this meeting.

Staff Officers and men of the Army of Occupation, along with throngs of citizens, had gathered to see the arrival of the three men from the radical Commune. In reality they were underwhelming to most – three bearded middle-aged men in slightly crumpled suits with red sashes of office crossing their chests diagonally.

But what they had to say was explosive. Sitting in the old timbered house, Von Manteuffel and his staff were stunned. They had expected the French to shriek and complain, to demand immediate withdrawal and refuse any claims of compensation. Yet what Grousset and Varlin offered was quite the reverse.

France was wracked by Civil War, they stated plainly. The battles outside Paris indicated a long and bitter conflict. A long and bitter conflict that would require the prolonged, expensive, and exposed presence of a German Army of Occupation in France. Unless, of course, the Commune could strike a deal here and now.

What Grousset asked for was two-fold; the withdrawal of the Army of Occupation immediately and at the same time the release of the thousands of prisoners of war held by the victorious German Army into Communard care. It was, he allowed, a tall order, knowing that Bismarck, behind the scenes, would be hesitant. But he was prepared to sweeten the deal.
In exchange, the Commune would offer two things of its own. It would recognize the claim of the German Empire to Alsace Lorraine in perpetuity. And, in addition to this, it would agree to a war indemnity. The Germans wanted five million francs but, a frantic Jourde managed to summon up enough courage to argue them down. This was an immediate offer, the Bank Executive offered ashen-faced, and one that could be begun with a down payment then and there.

The gold reserves of the French Empire had been removed from Paris in 1870 as the Germans advanced, but in the vaults of the National Bank had been close to 100 million in gold coinage. It was now, in bullion boxes guarded by Jourde’s clerks turned Guards, waiting in Strasbourg station.
“The affair seemed to break the hearts of both younger men” one German Officer present recalled later. “Signing over Alsace caused Varlin to clutch the edge of the table and grimace. Handing over the coins seemed to shatter Jourde. But they did it.”

As they returned to the train, ink still drying on the Treaty of Kammerzal, as it became known, Varlin may have recalled Blanqui’s ringing order. “Alsace Lorraine” he had argued in the Committee meeting “is not vital to the Revolution”. He may also have mused on why, then, none of Blanqui’s own faction had been involved in this meeting that might sunder the reputation of the Commune forever.

“Will the French people forgive us for this betrayal?” wrote Jourde in his diary that evening. “Should they?”

We know, however, from the one photograph of the meeting that Grousset was checking his pocket watch. Caught in sepia-stillness, it is unclear why, but it is nice to suspect that he was thinking of the uprising soon to take place in Lyons. Designed, in one blow, to strike at the Royalists and convince the Germans.
 
Chapter 12 - Lyon and Marseilles
Chapter Twelve - Lyon and Marseille

Welp, I guess the French lost a big chunk of their industrial capacity.

Actually, it shouldn't be too bad. There wasn't that much of a concentration of industry in the area at this point.

Lyon and Marseille

‘We must spread our principles, not with words but with deeds, for this is the most popular, the most potent, and the most irresistible form of propaganda’
Mikhail Bakunin, Letters to a Frenchmen on the Present Crisis, 1870.

‘We are lucky the news of Kammerzal has not yet broken’.
Dombrowski, typically succinct, on the Southern Surge of Communard activity, in a letter back to Rossel. Both men had known about the proposed treaty in advance.


Lyon erupted in action on the morning of the 8th of May. Dombrowski had attempted to disguise the movement of his men southwards, not allowing the train to stop en route, but the knowledge that the force from Paris was on its way stimulated the National Guard of Lyon into action. At 5 a.m. a group marched from their bivouacs on the main boulevard in the east of town to the Hotel de Ville. The surprise was near total, many Royalist functionaries captured or arrested in their offices or beds. By the time that Dombrowski and his force had reached the city, disembarking from trains in ragged order, the red flag of the Commune was flying over the Hotel de ville.

To the distaste of the attached Deputies from Paris, part of Dombrowski’s force, an election had already taken place. Of the twelve seats, only two were held by Blanquists. The remaining ten were: three Internationalists, two trade unionists, a National Guard colonel, an unaffiliated but socialist-inclined Doctor, and three independents. These three were perhaps the most interesting. Two were Republicans. Lyon had been fairly radical before 1870, with a relatively left-wing council, and whilst moderate Republicans were uncertain about the Commune’s intentions, few council men or national guard moderates were prepared to throw off the Commune in favour of a Monarchy. Whilst not necessarily fully endorsing the Commune, they did not oppose it, giving cover for more radical members of their party, such as the two on the Lyon Committee, to work with Paris.

Bakunin_portrait.png

Mikhail Bakunin. Soon to become a major figure in the Communard movement​

The final figure, elected chairman of the council, was the Russian Anarchist Mikhail Bakunin. An inspiration to radicals throughout Europe, Bakunin was a calm but passionate voice on the council. Dombrowski, fully prepared to march into either a battlefield or a madhouse, instead found the man organising a vote in the town courtyard, asking the assembled Lyon National Guard if they were prepared to march from the city to secure surrounding areas.

The effect of the fall of Lyon, without a shot, reverberated around Paris. At Saint Etienne, an industrial centre south of Lyon, soldiers and workers occupied the centre of town and elected a radical council. In Amiens National Guardsmen, combined with recently released POWs, took power in the absence of either German or Royalist forces. In the mining centre of Le Creuset the council did not even wait to be forced – Republican members voted themselves into a Commune.

PereDuchesneIllustre3_1.png

"Good Chap....Good God!" Popular journal Pere Duchene expresses the popularity of Dombrowski in this period​

Marseille was the most turbulent though. Some three thousand armed workers and Guardsmen took the centre of town. Yet here the Royalists resisted. Forces from the Navy, harboured in port, sallied into the centre and began to fight back. What had started as a bloodless coup on the morning of the 9th turned into a day-long running battle as marines and armed sailors, supported by moderate National Guard and police, pushed back. By the end, trapped in the Hotel de Ville, the force of Communards had shrunk to around 400 who, promised their lives, surrendered just before midnight. Commune crushed, the victory at Marseille was as potent a symbol for Royalists as that at Lyon had been for Paris.

Outside Paris, reassured that at least some parts of his southern flank were under control, MacMahon finalised the plans for his assault on Paris.
 

guinazacity

Banned
Yes! Bakunin better be a good counterpoint to the blanquists when blanqui bites the dust. The commune must not descend into tyranny!
 
Chapter 13 - Fort Mont-Valérien
Chapter Thirteen – Fort Mont-Valérien

Yes! Bakunin better be a good counterpoint to the blanquists when blanqui bites the dust. The commune must not descend into tyranny!

I thought you might like that bit!

Chapter Thirteen – Fort Mont-Valérien

"Here I am, here I stay"
Patrice MacMahon, after taking the Malakoff, 1855

"Such an opportunity for carrying fortifications I have never seen and do not expect again to have."
General Clement-Thomas on the plan of assault.



Built in 1841 as part of the city’s ring of modern fortifications, the brick and stone walls, the gun emplacements and rifle trenches, of Fort Mont-Valérien on the western side of Paris had withstood three months of Prussian bombardment without much of a scratch. Now, garrisoned by 1,200 men of the 11th Arrondissement National Guard, it was the strongest part of the Commune’s defences. And was where Marshall MacMahon decided to strike.

The Marshall/Prime Minister, defacto army commander outside of Versailles, had been locked into planning this assault for three weeks. He knew that Mont-Valérien was a strong-point but, having captured the Malakoff Redoubt in the Crimea almost twenty years earlier, he was confident. Malakoff had, after all, ended the Russian resistance at Sebastopol. Indeed, in the gallery in Nantes a fine painting of MacMahon himself, standing before the now-abandoned tricolour, announced his victory to the world. With the news of other uprisings taking place in the South and East, MacMahon had to act immediately. Strike at the strongest point, he told his staff, and the resistance in the city would crumble.

MacMahon had a card up his sleeve. For almost two weeks, as Lyon bubbled and Marseille was supressed, his engineers had been digging a tunnel beneath the walls of Mont-Valérien. It had been filthy, horrible, work, but it had paid off. Now, packed beneath the walls, were almost 4000 kg of gunpowder.

Petersburg_crater_sketch_LOC.jpg

Colonel Henri Agréable lays the fuse beneath the Fortress​

Dawn was at 4.30 a.m. on 20th May. At 3.45 a.m. Col. Henri Agréable had slithered down the tunnel to light the fuses before turning on his heel and scrambling back out. Inside the fortress guardsmen snored oblivious. Outside, almost 7,000 men of Clement-Thomas’s Division waited.

The explosion tore the sky apart. Noise shook the sleeping city, smashing over three thousand windows with the shockwave created. The noise could be heard as far away as the coast. Ripping apart most of the western and southern walls of the fortress, over 400 Communards were killed in the initial blast and forty cannon lost. As Clement-Thomas’s zouave units surged forward, racing around the edges of the crater, stunned Communard forces put up little resistance at all. Many were bayonetted or shot at close range in their underclothes as they staggered out of shattered barracks.

By the time dawn broke the skyline over Paris, upwards of 6,000 Royalists were pushing through the shattered remains of the fortress and heading for the Porte Dauphine.

The Battle for Paris had begun.
 
Chapter 14 - Desperation
Chapter Fourteen - Desperation

I'm going to deal with the Battle for Paris indepth, but then move things more rapidly forward in time. Hope everyone is still enjoying it.

Chapter Fourteen - Desperation

“The Commune counts on you, count on the Commune!”
Posters put up around Paris on the morning of the 20th May


Blanqui was already awake when panicked aides burst into his apartments to rouse him to the threat. The old man had been awake since midnight, troubled by cold sweats and racing pulse, and had been reading at his desk when the explosion had shaken the city. Unlike his dishevelled aides he was immaculately dressed in a military tunic, white hair tied back, and finger tips stained with ink. He had, already, a detailed plan.

From the start Blanqui had been critical of building barricades. The oldest tactic in Parisian revolutionary history, he had felt they encouraged the defenders to hide and be on the defensive. Reactive rather than active. In agreement with Rossel, only small barricades had been built across the streets. Widened by Haussmann, it was feared that these would not be as easily defended as the original medieval ones were. Instead, learning from their harrowing engagement at Versailles, National Guardsmen were hurrying into the tall elegant buildings and smashing out those few panes of glass left intact by the blast.

Clément-Thomas’ attack was in three columns, each intended to push deep into the heart of Paris. Yet from the start the assault ran into quandaries. The central column, the first through the breach, took advantage of the confusion in the early dawn hours to push deeper into the heart of the city. They were only stopped at the edge of the 8th Arrondisement, the top of the Champs-Elysees where the Arc de Triumph stood, by hastily rallied Communard forces. Here the Blanquist Deputy Eudes, showing careless disregard for his own safety, organised a stubborn resistance. Fighting from barricades around the Arc itself, his men were showered with stone fragments as bullets chipped the stone.

Advance was slow in the 17th Arrondisement. Emerging from the park, Royalist forces were hit by accurate Communard artillery fire that Rossel directed personally. Placing the older, muzzle-loading, cannons in the mouths of the streets he was able to blow holes in the advancing Royalist lines before spiking the guns and falling back as the men surged forward. Picked off by volleys of fire from the Communards in the buildings, Clement-Thomas lost one and then another Brigade Commanders in this sector.

The Southern thrust, the one Clement-Thomas was organising himself, however, stabbed further. His North-African Zouaves, pushing through the parkland, were able to drive back the panicked Communards who spent much of the early hours firing wildly at shadows in the half-light. With rifle-butt and bayonet they cleared the first lines of barricades but soon became bogged down in serious fighting with the rallied defenders that frantic Deputies were rallying section by section and rushing to the front.

By 9 a.m., five hours in, Clement-Thomas was calling for reinforcements to press home his attack and the Second Corps, clambering over the crater, were beginning to filter into the city. Of his 150,000 strong army MacMahon had now committed some 40,000.

The later morning fighting became more desperate. Cobbled streets slicked with blood and debris were taken, lost, and retaken as the Royalist assault stalled in the face of desperate resistance. It was a whirl of small set-pieces. At St. Mary the Virgin, in the 17th Arrondissement, an entire section of Communards were burned alive as Royalist rifle fire ignited the medieval timbers of the church roof. In the 18th, the new Department Store of Joyeux Brothers was held by forty Communards under a Maths Teacher, whose decisive use of positions saw three assaults driven off. The fourth, which surged into the building, was defeated as the final Royalists were driven out of the second storey windows to fall to their deaths in the street below. In the 18th three companies of Zouaves killed Deputy Pyat as he tried to rally hesitating Communards, knocking him down in a volley of musket fire. They were themselves wiped out as a new unit, the female Louise Michel Battalion, swept around the corner and opened fire. One of the women, still in her work-dress, tore the outer skirt off and laid it over Pyat’s bloody corpse before hurrying to rejoin her unit.

Behind the lines, as battle raged, both forces began to become more brutal. Royalist forces were arranging their artillery along the hills outside the city, raining their first shots down into the working-class districts of the city. In the meantime the Commune’s Police, under Rigault, were sweeping up “dissidents”. Chief among these was the Archbishop of Paris himself, who had refused to flee the city and abandon his flock.

When one young Jesuit protested, Rigault turned on him.
“What profession are you?” he asked, glasses gleaming.
“A servant of God” the young man said defiantly.
“And where does this God reside?” Rigault fired back.
“All around us my son” the Priest responded.

Turning to his adjunct with an evil grin, Rigault smirked and ordered “Take this man into custody. He professes to be a servant of one ‘God’ – a tramp with no fixed abode”.

Around them the Battle for Paris raged on.
 
The war continues. I wonder if Communist forces in other countries can rally support?
 
Chapter 15 - The Brink
Chapter Fifteen – The Brink

Chapter Fifteen – The Brink

"Remain calm and everything will be saved. We must not be defeated!"
Jaroslaw Dombrowski's Order of the Day for 20th May 1871

"A Death by a Thousand Cuts"
Royalist Captain Emile Florens on the Battle for Paris


At around 1 p.m. units of the Foreign Legion broke through Communard lines and pushed into the Western portions of the 7th Arrondissement. Some of the wealthiest sections of the city, here morale amongst local National Guardsmen was at its lowest. One Communard Deputy, the sixty year old Jules Miot, found an entire company skulking in their barracks rather than fighting. When he began to attempt to move them the officer in charge shot him dead.

Dombrowski’s reforms, however, had stiffened most sections of the Guard. In the North, in the 17th Arrondissement, Rossel could sense the Royalists wavering. They had trained to destroy the barricades they thought the Commune would rely on, smashing through walls to flank positions, but found instead that each time the defenders had fallen back, warned by the units in the buildings, leaving the Royalists caught in a deadly crossfire in the streets. By midday MacMahon had committed a third corps, the 9th under General Georges Boulanger, and now was musing over whether to throw a fourth into the fray. Before he could, however, Rossel led his sections in a vicious counter-attack. Charging from buildings and up ruined streets they drove panicked and disorganised Royalists before them back into the Bois de Boulogne. Stiffer resistance from Boulanger’s units dented the assault, with Rossel losing two fingers of his left hand to a rifle bullet that killed his aide-de-camp, but did not stop the charge. Within minutes troops of both 9th and 4th corps of the Royalist army were stumbling and tripping into the crater in panicked retreat.

Inside Paris the battle was chaotic, and few officers had any concept of what was going on even a few streets away. At the Arc de Triumph, chipped away by rifle fire, Communard soldiers effectively under the command of Deputy Eudes were reduced to firing shards of marble from the Arc, buttons from their uniforms, nails from the furniture in the barricade, and anything else that would fit down the barrels of their antique Napoleonic muskets. Taking heavy casualties, nevertheless they stayed put.

More set pieces sum up these stages of the battle. In the south of the city Guard Mobile from the Royalist army overran a battery of Mitrailleuse, killing the operators, but were unable to work the complicated machinery before a mixed unit of men and women from the 3rd Arrondissement Guard overwhelmed them in turn. In the East Clusseret stripped every man he had from the defences and sending them across Paris apart from one unit of twenty men he ran ragged, ordering them to march up and down the walls to convince the Royalist observers the defences were still manned.

And, in the South, Dombrowski and his men arrived. The trains had been rattle-traps, he recalled later, rushing up from Lyon containing every Communard he could force into a uniform. They surged out, some 13,000 strong, just south of Sevres. MacMahon, his cavalry decimated by the earlier attack at Versailles, had little warning of this attack on his flank.

Suddenly, as the Communard field army surged forward, his command was split. He had some 35,000 troops outside of Paris but, inside, were the majority of his forces. They were stuck in bitter street fighting or, as with Boulanger’s forces, trapped in the crater.

The later stages of the Battle for Paris were brutal. On the outside the battle was, essentially, an old-fashioned engagement of infantry on infantry. The Communards had no cannons or cavalry and MacMahon could not assemble his in time. Coming surging through the wooded hills on the edge of the Seine, Dombrowski’s men rolled up the 8th Corps as if it was butter. Most of the Corps, waiting to be sent into action, had broken for lunch. Many of their rifles weren’t even loaded. Panic rippled through the force, men scrambling up and away in terror. Attempts by officers came to little – General Clinchant was pulled from his horse and taken prisoner within minutes of the attack. Even as MacMahon tried to rally further lines of defence, these were disrupted by fleeing soldiers from the 8th Corps who pushed their way through formations. Soon a retreat was turning to a rout as Royalist soldiers, survivors of the Franco-Prussian war or new conscripts, found they had little stomach for a bloody fight they were losing.

Inside the city the situation for Royalist soldiers grew worse. Rossel had, hand wrapped in a blood-soaked bandage, been directing artillery all day. Now, parked in the Bois de Boulogne, his guns were able to fire almost point-blank into the Royalist rear. Trapped, only pockets of men fought on. Meanwhile, in the crater, a bloodbath was taking place as Communards found themselves able to fire down into the pit where the Royalists were pressed in. With only ladders to escape the depression in the earth, thousands of soldiers were trapped. It was only when, at around 6p.m., with light fading, that Boulanger struggled up with a white flag that firing stopped. Inside the city hold-out units, particularly the Foreign Legion, fought on, but the majority of Royalists were in Communard hands.

Barricade18March1871.jpg

Communard Forces celebrate victory in Paris atop a barricade​

Dombrowski, climbing through the crater filled with wounded and dead soldiers to reach the city, met Rossel in the racing pavilion in the park. The organiser of victory, white from blood loss, was being force-fed brandy by his concerned staff whilst a Doctor snipped away the fragments of bone and sinew left of his two main left fingers.

“Too close” was all the sombre Pole had to say, sinking into the chair next to Rossel. The younger man, he remembered later, had looked over to reply and found Dombrowski asleep from utter exhaustion.

By morning a white flag from Versailles had arrived.

Communard losses had been around 7,800, with some 1,400 dead and over 6,00 wounded.

Royalist casualties had been greater. 14,600, with 2,100 dead. A further 22,000 were captured in the rout or amongst those forces trapped in Paris.
Now, finally, it was time to talk.
 
What a bloody and glorious day!
But the Commune cannot survive another such battle, I think: in the long run Paris, or even Paris and Lyon are not sustainable.

As an aside, did they give all the money of the National bank to the germans?

Keep up the good work!
 
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