So some beyliks are worse off while others are more or less OTL?? From the reactions of Turks and Greeks, this state doesn’t look like it will be here to stay. Interestingly, are there any beyliks allied to Catalans??
Hard to say. Any alliances are going to be shifting and inconsistent, kind of like how the Byzantines and factions in their civil wars tried to play the beyliks off each other.
And so Ain Jalut is avenged… but another defeat had taken its place.
I have read a theory saying that the Mongols failed in Syria partly because the heat and texture of the hot desert sand restricted their campaigning and axes of advance due to its effect on Mongol horses. I'm not sure how true that is, but there's a lot of obstacles to a successful conquest of Syria, let alone Egypt. The Mamluks are desperate.
 
Chapter 39-A Muslim Son of Heaven
-XXXIX-
"A Muslim Son of Heaven"

Popular history views Yuan emperor Temur Khan as yet another warmongering khan for launching the Banpou Invasion of Japan and presiding over the Mongol Empire as the western khanates launched expansionistic wars. In truth, Temur Khan was the exact opposite. He desired nothing more than internal peace and prosperity, played a minimal role in the conflicts in the west and in India, and committed to the invasion of Japan only as a last resort for to bring a quick end. what had become an expensive commitment. But that strategy failed thanks to dogged Japanese resistance--it took four years to take Kyoto and by the time the decisive breakthrough strategy failed at Aonogahara in 1303, it was clear the war would not go as planned. Temur Khan's failure to conquer Japan awoke endless scheming from the bureaucracy.

Perhaps almost 100,000 Yuan men died in what amounted to a half-finished conquest. No doubt the most painful of all these casualties was Prince Khayishan. Temur envisioned his dynamic young nephew as playing a great role in the future of the Yuan, for his only son Daishu was sickly, and Temur doubted Daishu would never have a son of his own. Temur moved closer to Khayishan's younger brother Ayurbarwada (愛育黎拔力八達) as a result and attempted to groom him to be either a regent or successor, whichever was needed. Seeing his invasion of Japan fail and having to deal with the faltering Yuan economy brought Temur much stress, and by 1304 he suffered from frequent illness.

But a new faction rose to power. Fan Wenhu, that expansionistic chancellor from Southern Song who made his name in the victory over Japan in the 1281-85 campaign, retired from ill health in late 1304 and died months later. Not long after, Temur's principle wife Shirindari (失怜答里) died in February 1305. For Temur, this was not a problem--he loved his second wife Bulugan more and in his illness already let her control many aspect of the Mongol Empire's governance. That included, for instance, appointing the chancellor Aqutai as a replacement for Fan Wenhu and officially naming Temur's son Daishu as crown prince. Bulugan and Aqutai desired a retreat from Japan and by mid-1305 successfully negotiated a ceasefire with the Kamakura Shogunate.

Temur Khan died from his long illness in April 1306, and the kurultai appointed the sickly young crown prince Daishu as Emperor. He took the names Yesun Altan Khan, later to be called Emperor Jianzong of Yuan (元簡宗) [1] and the era name became Zhida (至大, "reaching greatness"). At the age of seven, he now served as nominal ruler of the largest empire in history but he was a mere puppet of his stepmother Bulugan. To solidify her legitimacy, Bulugan joined forces with descendents of Ariq Buke and Ogedei and invited the victorious general Ananda, King of Anxi, to become regent.

This was clearly an ostentatious move, for Ananda ranked highly among the candidates for the throne. Ananda was the son of Manggala (忙哥剌), Kublai Khan's third legitimate son, and thus Temur Khan's full cousin. As King of Anxi, he had defeated Kaidu and pacified his successors. His army was full of veteran warriors, with its only equal being the army returned from Japan. Ananda had fantastic connections with the western khanates and access to all the wealth of the Silk Road. Perhaps because of this, the succession was perceived as a legitimate transfer of power. The rulers of the western khanates--Duwa of the Chagatai, Oljeitu of the Ilkhanate, and Bayan and Tokhta of the Golden Horde--all accepted Daishu as Great Khan, sending envoys laden with loot from the recent victories in India and Syria and much other tribute to his coronation.

Yesun Altan Khan ruled barely four months before he died of illness in July 1306. To the shock of all, Ananda announced his marriage to Empress Bulugan and was declared by the government as Emperor of Yuan. But this was viewed as an illegitimate usurpation, and rumours abounded that Bulugan and Ananda poisoned the young Yesun Altan Khan. The kurultai that proclaimed him Great Khan was small and staffed only by a few close loyalists and those cowed into submission by the powerful general. Especially concerning to both Mongol traditionalists and Chinese bureaucrats was Ananda's faith in Islam, a religion he converted to during his career. Although Ananda promised continuing religious tolerance as part of his coup, it was known he had pressured his subordinates to convert to Islam.

Ananda's promises carried little strength, for he soon ordered the execution of Isa Kelemech, an influential Nestorian bureaucrat infamous among Chinese Muslims for advising Kublai Khan to create anti-Muslim edicts. His fury also fell upon the Tibetan lamas common in the provinces. Agents of the Bureau of Buddhist and Tibetan Affairs that governed Tibet, the lamas were detested by both other Buddhists and the general population for their common practice of extorting people through aggressive religious appeals. Ananda executed several prominent lamas, confiscated their wealth, and ordered all lamas permanently banished to Tibet, never to leave without government permission. But this too backfired--because Ananda ordered the renovation of mosques in Dadu and Shangdu, even the detested lamas garnered sympathy as Ananda was accused of only having done so to remove religious opponents to his rule.

Ananda and Bulugan conducted a government purge and banished or reassigned many figures from the prior government and appointed his own loyalists, many of whom were Central Asian or Persian Muslims, in their place. Most notable among the victims was Cheligh-Temur, civil head of Zhengdong. Ananda made the long-time Mongol civil governor of Japan a scapegoat for the failure of the Japanese campaign and accused him of embezzling funds and supplies meant for the front, executing him after a swift trial. Abubeker Bayanchar (伯顏察兒), a man from the notable Yunnan family of Sayyid Ajall Shams al-Din Omar, replaced Cheligh-Temur as governor.

Ananda's greatest fear were the loyalists of Prince Khayishan, whom he believed transferred their loyalties to Khayishan's younger brother Ayurbarwada. He ordered Burilgitei dismissed as marshal of Zhengdong and named Abubeker's uncle Hassan (哈桑) to that post instead. Hassan brought him many loyalists and inquisitors to ensure the army might listen to him. Other commanders in Japan like Khur-Toda and Chonghur were dismissed as well, with their typical penalty being reassignment to remote posts.

Ananda also reassigned many of Khayishan's loyalists to Japan alongside their warriors. The number of Mongol forces in Zhengdong swelled to over 60,000 as Ananda feared their influence and number of soldiers. Ananda scattered loyalists and inquisitors to ensure the army might listen to him. He reassigned Cheligh-Temur, civil head of Zhengdong, to a central government post to be more easily watched and placed corrupt minister and Muslim Abubeker Bayanchar (伯顏察兒) as governor there. Ananda dismissed Burilgitei as marshal and gave the position to Abubeker's uncle Hassan (哈桑).

The rearrangement of Zhengdong's government came at a terrible time, as the rivalry between Shouni Kagesuke and Miura Yorimori reached its peak. Miura Yorimori was the grandfather of Khayishan's only son Kusala, born from Miura's youngest daughter--naturally this placed him in a dangerous position. Miura struck first by swaying to his side Mouri Sukechika (毛利資親), successor to Mouri Tokichika. Sukechika feared the power of his cousin Tokimoto and believed he might use the courts to seize his inheritance and agreed to help Miura convince Shouni to revolt in the time of Mongol weakness. As Shouni Kagesuke sought to reunite Japan now that his bitter enemies the Houjou had fallen from power in Kamakura, he approved of Mouri's plot and began arranging soldiers and weapons in strategic places.

Rumours spread of a Japanese revolt, but neither Bayanchar nor Hassan acted on this information, for by this time small revolts had broken out in China spearheaded by the White Lotus Society (among others) and they knew they could get few reinforcements. Indeed, they had a worse problem--Burilgitei and several officers vanished, seemingly refusing their demotion to distant posts in Yunnan. When news of this, the revolts in the mainland, and supposed conspiracies by the Japanese reached the ears of the Alan and Russian Guards of kheshig stationed on Sado, they actively rebelled against Ananda in late September 1306. No doubt the Christian faith of these men played a great role in their choice to revolt.

Meanwhile, Ananda moved to deal with the threat posed by Ayurbarwada. The prince had been banished to Huaimeng (懷孟) in northwestern Henan [2]. Ayurbarwada knew a confrontation would come, so sent his mother Dagi (答己) and sister Sengge Ragi (祥哥剌吉) to safety among his allies in Goryeo. His loyalists concentrated in this area and made it impossible for Ananda's spies to deliver useful intelligence. Assassins sent by the court to kill Ayurbarwada could not find the prince and themselves were arrested and executed as common bandits. This incident convinced Ananda to eliminate Ayurbarwada--on October 1, 1306, he ordered Ayurbarwada arrested for corruption and misgovernance.

Ayurbarwada had long prepared for that inevitability. He had been involved in promulgating propaganda denegrating Ananda's foreignness, while emphasising his own loyalty to Confucian tenets and proper order. Among ethnic Mongols, he emphasised himself as paying proper loyalty to their ancestors unlike Ananda who neglected them for Islamic beliefs. He also assembled a number of talented officers such as Ochicher (月赤察児), a former subordinate of Ananda and tutor to Khayishan, the loyalist cavalryman Kuchu (曲樞), and the kheshig captain Toqtoa of the Kangli (康里脱脱) (who had in 1303 at Aonogahara retrieved his brother Khayishan's body).

He was not alone. Some government officials in Dadu and Shangdu backed Ayurbarwada, most notably the minister Harghasun (哈剌哈孙) and the general Asha Buqa (阿沙不花), Toqtoa's elder brother. The latter issued fraudulent documents permitting his younger brother to travel to Mongolia and recruit the powerful Mongol elite there to his side. The former actively supported a revolt in the capital on October 7, 1307, but this coup failed and Harghasun and Asha Buqa were forced to flee. However, in the process of their coup they did manage to steal several seals from the palace which denied Ananda his legitimacy and gave many commanders pause about following his orders. They left one loyalist behind--the elderly general Li Ting, veteran of countless sieges and expert at gunpowder warfare, and ordered him to prepare for Ayurbarwada's arrival.

Harghasun and Asha Buqa's failed coup marked the true beginning of the war, as Ananda executed thousands in the aftermath. Revolts broke out across China in support of Ayurbarwada, who with his staunch Confucian traditionalism and greater legitimacy was clearly the preferred ruler by the Chinese bureaucracy. For instance, the pro-Yuan Han general like Wang Ying (王英), called the "King of Swords" for his skill with the blade [3], deserted the army along with many of his officers and common soldiers and returned to his homeland of Shandong where he raised 20,000 men in the name of Ayurbarawada. Others were led by the many scattered officers from the Japan campaign such as Dorotai, who raised his force in revolt in a remote corner of Fujian. The admiral Yighmish sparked a mutiny in the fleet, while Hong Jung-gyeon and Hong Jung-hui helped seize Liaoyang with the aid of a few local anti-Ananda princes.

In Japan itself, Shouni Kagesuke rose in revolt with the aim of deposing Ananda as a usurper. But because he failed to communicate this goal to his soldiers, the revolt quickly became a general anti-foreign revolt and attacked all non-Japanese. Massacre after massacre occurred where the Shouni army traveled. This gave his rival Miura Yorimori the opportunity to raise his own force in revolt and proclaim himself the legitimate servant of Ayurbarwada in Japan. This plunged the Kingdom of Japan (mostly Kyushu) into a three way conflict between the Shouni and Miura factions and Ananda's loyalists. Early on in the conflict, Burilgitei emerged from hiding and declared for Ayurbarwada--his presence alone caused many pro-Shouni Japanese who knew his army's strength from fighting alongside him to surrender.

Ayurbarwada began his rebellion by dispatching spies and small armies to take the two important cities of Kaifeng and Luoyang as well as the mountain passes to the west. In the initial confusion, it was believed they were government armies to subdue the rebellious prince and the strategic locations fell. This provoked the many veteran Uyghur soldiers settled in the region to join the rebellion, which in turn provoked further defections. Meanwhile, news that Nanghiyadai and other prominent leaders in Jiangzhe to the southeast of Henan supported Ayurbarwada sparked mass rebellions in that province. By November 1306, Ayurbarwada commanded over 60,000 men.

Ananda took many weeks to mobilise a great army to crush this rebel effort, assigning command to Dong Shizhen (董士珍) in order to demonstrate he trusted his ethnic Han subjects. Ayurbarwada attacked Dong's forces at the town of Lanfeng (兰封) southeast of Kaifeng on November 1. Dong counted on using marshy ground to his advantage, but the ground froze from unusually cold weather. This permitted Ayurbarwada's Uyghur horsemen along with Central Asian warriors under Ochicher and his sons Taraqai (塔剌海) and Asqan (阿思罕)to crush the government army's center and break them apart. The rout was immediate and utter--Dong committed suicide and it is said Ayurbarwada ended with twice as many warriors as he started, including Dong's sons and cousins.

The Battle of Lanfeng resulted in a collapse of Ananda's support. Rebellions spread to nearly every part of China and Ayurbarwada's army swept into Shandong and conquered to the coast of the sea. Han Chinese officers and bureaucrats defected en masse and pledged allegiance to Ayurbarwada. Others traveled westward, securing key mountain passes. Among the famous encounters was at Anxi, a key base of the Ananda. Ayurbarwada's general Zhou Shiyan (趙世延) avoided fighting and negotiated peacefully with Wang Liyong (王利用) the elderly minister in charge of the region. Wang surrendered his city, was named a duke by Ayurbarwada for his wisdom and loyalty, and died shortly after.

Additionally this victory gained Ayurbarwada the support of Toqtoa (脱脱), a descendent of Temujin's brothers. Eager to redeem his name, Toqtoa mobilised warriors among the remnants of those princes who followed Nayan, albeit faced a steep challenge from his fellow senior princes Babusha (八不沙) and especially the staunch Ananda loyalist Ejil (也只里). Aided by Hong Jung-hui and Ainu warriors under Hinomoto Shin'ami, they intercepted the rebel princes near the strategic town of Shun'an (順安) [4]. Despite his almost 55 years of experience at warfare, the elderly prince Ejil perished in the fighting while Babusha surrendered and soon became ill and died--likely he was poisoned by Hong Jung-hui to diminish the power of the Borjigin princes [5].

Ayurbarwada's victory and especially the victory in Liaoyang caused the defection of his arch-traditionalist cousin Yesun Temur (也孫鉄木児), who as Jinong (済農) ruled Mongolia and maintained the mausoleum of Genghis Khan. Beside Ayurbarwada, Yesun Temur likely held the second strongest claim for he was the eldest son of the prince Gammala. Although only 13 years of age, Mongol traditionalists favoured Yesun Temur so he hesitated to support either side. The collapse of Ananda's armies and incursion of foreign Muslim forces--just as much enemies to Mongol traditionalism as Ayurbarwada's embrace of Confucianism--ensured Yesun Temur's men joined the fight on his cousin's side. However, his ministers demanded certain concessions in governance from his cousin and local privileges, concessions which would be the source of problems in years to come [6].

Foreign support began arriving by this point. Duwa, in an effort to please the many Turkic Muslims under his rule, dispatched 10,000 warriors under Chapar, increasingly powerful son of Kaidu, to attack the Yuan. Duwa also dispatched many former supporters of Kaidu, their loyalty still dubious. From India came an additional 10,000 men, many of dubious loyalty under the governor of Dipalpur Ghiyas-ud-din Tughlaq. Outside of these forces, Duwa lent the bare minimum of support to this invasion, for his hands were tied by the need to suppress rebellions in India. Based on this, it is likely Duwa sought to deprive his two strongest opponents of their fighting power while keeping his loyalists intact and his relations with the Yuan strong--it was a decision with important impact in the decades to come.

Among Ananda's own generals, several names stand out. Most of these warriors were Muslim siege engineers, talented at the use of artillery. Foremost among them was Ala-ud-Din ranked among them, greatly successful at sieges for decades, and also Babak (布伯) and Hasan (哈散), son and grandson respectively of the talented siege engineer Ismail [7]. These Muslim generals combined brought with them 30,000 loyal warriors. Outside of these men came Alawars (阿剌瓦而思), a Muslim Uyghur general whose father was one of Kublai Khan's chief advisors. Of his non-Muslim loyalists, he commanded the support of Bulugan's tribe the Bayad and those Han generals who believe he might restore status they had lost under Kublai or Temur.

These skilled siege masters struck south toward Ayurbarwada's main base at Kaifeng and retook several cities. A force of rebels Ayurbarwada swayed to his side attacked them at Lingzhou on November 19, but Babak's skill at deploying his gunnery troops and positioning of cannons on the walls routed them [8]. Ayurbarwada regrouped in Jinan, where his commander Xie Wenzhi (偰文質) purchased boats from many fishermen. He converted these into fire ships and after half of Babak's warriors crossed the Ji River on November 29, Xie released these boats and burnt up or drowned much of Babak's army, including many of their supplies. His own warriors then struck from both the river and the city walls and forced Babak's force to retreat in chaos.

Babak's army withdrew from Shandong and tried outflanking Ayurbarwada's main advance by marching west of the mountains into the region of modern Shanxi. Ayurbarwada sent Kuchu to rally support for him in this region. Their army of 35,000 outnumbered the 20,000 men given to Kuchu, particularly in experience. But Ghiyas-ud-din's foreign forces made themselves hated by the populace and they suffered low morale, defection, and guerilla attacks. His Han generals detested Ghiyas-ud-din and the two commanders frequently clashed. Kuchu struck them at night as they camped near the city of Huozhou and broke them into disarray, killing thousands and receiving surrenders from thousands more.

Foreign and ethnic support only further incensed Ananda's enemies, serving as proof of Ayurbarwada's accusations. The Chagatai Khanate warriors proved exceptionally violent and confiscated much food, causing famine and spurring popular resistance. Ayurbarwada's army only swelled in size as he marched toward Dadu and city after city opened their gates to him. Great riots broke out across China, where Muslims and foreigners in general were slaughtered. As Christians and Jews were identified with the Hui Muslims, they too suffered immensely, particularly the latter due to their habit of circumcision and avoidance of pork.

Ananda tried countering this movement to little avail. He removed several Muslim ministers, replacing them with Chinese and Mongol men. In an attempt to placate the mobs that massacred Christians, Ananda ordered the public execution of the prominent Catholic missionary and bishop Giovanni da Montecorvino under charges of disturbing the social order. He additionally imprisoned or executed many elders of his church in Dadu.

Word of this event (along with the general news that a Muslim rose to power as the Great Khan) made its way to Europe, where it was reported that the great Mongol Empire had fallen under the sway of a Saracen tyrant who committed atrocities against faithful Christians, a rumour that gave rise to a fervent crusading spirit. Some even believed that Ananda himself was the Antichrist, whose in his evil disposed of the Ilkhan Ghazan who helped Christians recover much of the Holy Land and replaced him with the wicked Oljaitu who refused to return Jerusalem.

Before his execution, Montecorvino implored Ananda to repent of his sins lest God's justice fall upon him. Ananda refused, believing God's justice lay with him. Perhaps Montecorvino was correct--on March 3, 1307 his army met Ayurbarwada's force near the village of Panlong (盤龍) not far from the city of Jinan. A snowstorm brewed, dampened his gunpowder and composite bows, and blinded his warriors while largely sparing Ayurbarvada's warriors. In just a few hours, Ananda's numerically superior force was destroyed, with many survivors defecting to Ayurbarvada's side.

Even so, Ananda still had significant strength due to the largely Muslim army, but their position was perilously exposed. Ayurbarwada moved to cut them off from their supplies, most notably that of gunpowder. He dispatched Babak once more against them, engaging them near Cangzhou. Although Babak ensured enough gunpowder remained to give Ochicher's vanguard a nasty surprise, they could not hold out for long. By the end of the day, Ochicher's superior mobility wore down the enemy and Babak's death in battle ensured their surrender [8].

Ananda's problems did not end there, for Burilgitei's army landed at the port of Zhigu several days later and seized it with the aid of the city's sailors [9]. The arrival of troops so near to the capital sparked direct intervention from thenceforth neutral Borjigins in Mongolia. Additionally, Goryeo threw their full might into the battle, expelling Ananda loyalists and attacking their forces. Burilgitei and Goryeo forces under Kim Heun rapidly advanced to Shangdu, joined by warriors from Liaoyang and Mongolia. His battle hardened soldiers crushed arrived at the capital so quickly they stormed it before the defenders even began preparing themselves.

News of Shangdu's fall practically ended Ananda's resistance, for his army almost totally turned against him besides his most loyal retainers, the foreign warriors sent by Duwa, warriors from Bulugan's clan, and a unit of fanatical Muslims he raised. He personally commanded these forces in battle south of Dadu on April 28, 1307, where despite a numerical disadvantage, his strategy of attacking the many weak points routed an army led by Kuchu and forced Ayurbarwada to halt his advance and reorganise his force. But this came at heavy cost, for he lost most of his Indian and Punjabi soldiers in the fighting.

However, Ananda was betrayed for commander of the capital's defenses, the elderly Li Ting, who took advantage of his absence and attacked the palace with a force of Ayurbarwada loyalists. Li Ting's second son Li Dachun (李大椿) managed to assassinate Bulugan, as well as Ananda's own son Crown Prince Urug-Temur (月魯鉄木児), but in the fighting Li Ting himself perished as he successfully led a force to open the gates of Dadu. Supposedly Li Ting lit the match for his hand cannon and not long after was pierced by ten spears, but his final shot after his death killed Ananda's general Bayaudai (伯要兀歹). Li's eldest son Li Dayong is said to have died of grief at the sight of his father's body. The city itself burned with fierce street fighting for five days as pro-Ayurbarwada forces completed their capture of the city and evicted the remaining loyalists [10].

Upon hearing the news of Dadu's fall, the Borjigin prince Torchan (a grandson of Ogedei) and the kheshig captain Zhang Jie (張玠) assassinated Ananda on May 8, 1307, seized control of the army, and surrendered to Ayurbarwada. Thus ended the reign of China's first--and only--Muslim emperor. Torchan was not rewarded for his deed--because he slew a fellow Borjigin in an improper manner, Ayurbarwada demoted him to a remote and insignificant posting in Japan. Zhang Jie faced exile to Formosa.

As Dadu lay in ruins from the fighting, Ayurbarwada held his coronation in Shangdu (much like Kublai Khan) and took the name Buyantu Khan, changing the era name to Huangqing ("imperial celebration", 皇慶). Ananda was deemed a rebel instead of an emperor--he was never given a regnal name nor a temple name, and was denied a proper tomb. Buyantu Khan punished many of the rebel leaders with death or exile--a substantial number were sent to Japan to be watched under the supervision of his half-brother Amuga (whom he named Chancellor of Zhengdong) and his now brother-in-law, King Tanehito.

The fires of this conflict, the Zhida Rebellion (or sometimes the King of Anxi Rebellion after Ananda's title), were not extinguished for months afterwards. In the multiethnic city of Quanzhou, the descendents of Pu Shougang and the Muslim army they led refused to lay down arms and accept Ayurbarwada's punishment on them. They would be crushed after a series of battles by the end of the year. In many cities, sporadic pogroms continued against Muslims, Jews, and Christians. Buyantu punished the instigators after hearing of the murder of Amir al-Din, Kublai Khan's Arab architect, and soon ended the religious tension.

In the west, Chapar rallied what remained of Ananda's loyalists and attempted to retreat toward his powerbase in the Hexi region--it seems these years helped him fully come into his own as a true heir of Kaidu instead of the weak puppet Duwa and Temur Khan believed he was. Altanbuqa (按檀不花), half-brother of Ananda, joined him and raised an additional 10,000 warriors in his hopes to gain his brother's position as Great Khan. Buyantu dispatched Burilgitei's army to destroy them, and Burilgitei moved at swift speed. Burilgitei caught up to him outside the city of Datong and surprised Chapar's army in the night with a swift and decisive attack.

Although much outnumbered because the Liaoyang soldiers moved slower than his main force, Burilgitei's repeated charges and managed retreats kept the enemy fighting for three days. Finally the Liaoyang warriors arrived and overwhelmed the exhausted enemy. Chapar died in the fighting alongside his sons and thousands of other Ogedeid warriors along with Altanbuqa himself was captured, stripped of all lands and titles, and exiled to the remote southern island of Hainan, where he died in 1308 of either disease or poison. With his death, the line of Manggala ended and the remainder of Kublai's legitimate children came from the line of his second son Zhenjin.

Some of these soldiers escaped, fleeing to Yunnan where many Ananda loyalists remained under the Muslim general and politician Masud (馬速忽), the youngest son of Shams al-Din Omar al-Bukhari. There they proved a constant frustration to the Yuan for several years to come thanks to their alliance with the ongoing rebellion of Song Longji and practically ended Yuan campaigns and interventions in Southeast Asia.

The western khans recognised Buyantu's ascension to power. Bayan of the White Horde, Tokhta of the Blue Horde, and Oljaitu of the Ilkhanate had done little to interfere in the war and quickly pledged allegiance to Buyantu. Duwa of the Chagatai did not, however, but Buyantu had no desire for war with him given his own current state of affairs. Duwa died a year later in 1308--his successor Qutlugh-Khwaja recognised Buyantu as Great Khan for he faced his own succession challenge.

Among the House of Ogedei, Chapar's younger brother Orus (斡羅思) attempted to become head of the House of Ogedei not long after Buyantu's ascension and forced his nephew Oljei-Temur (完人帖木児子) from power. Orus attempted to flee to Duwa's court for an alliance, but out of Duwa's dislike of the Ogedeids was promptly imprisoned and delivered to Buyantu--he would die a prisoner not long after. His half-brother Yangichar, whom Orus entrusted with command, promptly surrendered to the Yuan as well and became King of Runing and head of the House of Ogedei. A remaining rebel faction under Kaidu's famous daughter Khutulun held out for some time before Khatulun suddenly died and her soldiers surrendered.

The fall of Orus marked the final stage in Buyantu Khan's rise to power and the beginning of his consolidation of power. He faced many challenges domestically from resistance to his Confucian agenda, to the overbearing empress dowager Dagi, to the continuing Song Longji rebellion which now linked up with the remnants of Ananda's rebels. Foreign enemies like Mangrai of Lan Na remained a threat, and there was no guarantee thenceforth pacified fronts--Burma, Vietnam, or above all, Japan--would not rise up. Regardless, Buyantu's vigorous struggle projected a powerful message to every nation--the power of the Mongol Empire and its Great Khan remained as intact and dynamic as ever.

---
Author's notes

This chapter is the result of butterflies--the latter part of Temur Khan's rule goes a lot worse due to the expense and commitment in Japan, therefore he dies earlier and that gives Ananda a chance to entrench himself and eventually seize power. But like OTL, Ananda is unpopular, illegitimate, and his Muslim faith makes it easy to portray him in a negative light. Instead of a countercoup against Ananda's planned coup, the situation instead is a short but nasty civil war. I wrote this chapter several months prior and edited it every now and then as I changed/added details.

There will of course be more on how this war (in particular the Shouni Kagesuke vs Miura Yorimori showdown) played out in Japan, but that is the next chapter. After that, I am unsure which I will cover next but I have most of the material 70-80% written.

Thank you for reading!

[1] - Khans often took different names when they ruled, and the Chinese name is one that would be awarded to him by later Emperors.
[2] - Huaimeng today is located within the boundaries of Qinyang, Henan
[3] - This indeed was his nickname, although he doesn't seem to have any relation to the character of the same name from Luo Guanzhong's famous 14th century novel Water Margin (although Wang and Luo both originated from Shandong).
[4] - Ejil was the great-grandson of Genghis Khan's younger brother and apparently first campaigned in Yunnan in the early 1250s and took part in many wars of the Yuan Dynasty afterwards
[5] - Shun'an was located in the northeast of today's Fuxin Autonomous Mongol County, Liaoning
[6] - Kublai Khan effectively divided the Yuan into three halves on his death, with the family of his foremost heir Temur receiving China proper (and the Yuan throne), that of Gammala received Mongolia (and right to manage Genghis Khan's mausoleum) as Jinong (related to his title "King of Jin", pronounced in Chinese "Jin Wang"), and that of Manggala receiving former Tangut lands such as Anxi.
[7] - I cannot find a source for Babak's name in English, but looking at how the transliteration "布伯" was pronounced in Middle Chinese and given his roots as an ethnic Persian in Afghanistan, I'm going to assume this was his name
[8] - Lingzhou is now Lingcheng District in Dezhou in Shangdong Province
[9] - Zhigu (直沽) is known as Tianjin today--in the Yuan era it was a crucial port for supplying that both capitals Dadu and Shangdu with grain.
[10] - IOTL Li Ting died in 1304. But he was clearly a man of sturdy constitution, so let's imagine he got a little more lucky and survived just a bit longer to die here.
 
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Great chapter! Keep up the good work on this timeline! @Arkenfolm, you are doing a good job!
Thank you!
Hopefully Islam in China isn't hurt too much by all this in the long run.
Long-term I'm not sure. This is akin to the religious violence during the Red Turban revolts, but without the generally pro-Muslim open stance of the early Ming immediately following it. It doesn't help that many Muslims would have collaborated with Ananda in some form (even if they weren't his partisans) and been punished with fines, demotions, etc. It definitely is not a good situation for that community.

On the other hand, the Mongol Empire is still nominally united, there is little official discrimination (besides bans on halal/kosher slaughter which existed since the days of Genghis Khan), and Yuan China still readily accepts Muslim merchants (who are important for handling trade) so long as they follow the required laws. So in time, the community will rebuild.
 
Long-term I'm not sure. This is akin to the religious violence during the Red Turban revolts, but without the generally pro-Muslim open stance of the early Ming immediately following it. It doesn't help that many Muslims would have collaborated with Ananda in some form (even if they weren't his partisans) and been punished with fines, demotions, etc. It definitely is not a good situation for that community.

On the other hand, the Mongol Empire is still nominally united, there is little official discrimination (besides bans on halal/kosher slaughter which existed since the days of Genghis Khan), and Yuan China still readily accepts Muslim merchants (who are important for handling trade) so long as they follow the required laws. So in time, the community will rebuild.
Ok, that's comforting.
 
I feel like Ananda could have remained emperor and established a true Muslim dynasty in China, if he had put in a lot more tact to supporting non-Muslim institutions on equal or more favourable terms than Islamic ones. Sadly, he did too much to affirm suspicions that he's a proto-Aurangzeb, too unrestrained in his zeal to avoid his overthrow.
 
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I think this will essentially butterfly Hui muslims of Gansu. OTL Ananda's promulgation led to the conversion of a large number of Chinese.

And what happens now in mongol vassal India that a lot of their troops have died in the civil war? I guess this means Mongols will be ill equipped to resist a Rajput assault?

So on which side is Burilgitei fighting in Japan?
 
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Interested to see the fallout for the Alans and Russians on Sadojima -- and I wonder if the emperor, given Ananda's own persecutions, might reconsider Christianity's status and relation to Islam within the broader Chinese context
 
I feel like Ananda could have remained emperor and established a true Muslim dynasty in China, if he had put in a lot more tact to supporting non-Muslim institutions on equal or more favourable terms than Islamic ones. Sadly, he did too much to affirm suspicions that he's a proto-Aurangzeb, too unrestrained in his zeal to avoid his overthrow.
It seems doubtful, I think that even if his Islamic faith and actions to support it and that at same time to get the support from his fellow Muslims, and that'd appear that it was key to cause his ultimate demise...
He appeared that acted in the way that many rulers, (before and after him, IOTL) insecure or with questionable legitimacy tended to act to secure their hold on the throne when they would feel it menaced or that they should rush to attempt to build/secure their own base of support.
Only, that here ITTL besides from such characteristics, these ones also coincided with his Muslim/Monotheist overzealousness that alienate him from many critically important supporters and from most of his subjects.
Plus as many of them showed, there was what appear as a deep xenophobic current of generalized mistrust and hate towards any foreign beliefs and especially the Monotheist ones.
At such extent, that practically overnight, before the first political upheaval happening, it was seemingly enough as to trigger such bloody backlash against the above mentioned non traditional communities of believers. And specifically, against the Muslims or (as showed in the last chapter), 'foreign looking/associated' ones.
So, given that, I tend to think that even if his actions could be argued that were rushed and lacking of the necessary political caution... Even so, even without the probable opposition to any real or perceived, as so, religious favouritism towards, in this case, the Islam.
And that his political/dynastic rivals would have more sooner than later would be likely that'd have found some worthy excuse to raise in rebellion and attempt the depose him.
Interested to see the fallout for the Alans and Russians on Sadojima -- and I wonder if the emperor, given Ananda's own persecutions, might reconsider Christianity's status and relation to Islam within the broader Chinese context
Well, given the new Great Khan/Emperor Confucian beliefs...
I'd assume that both his relation and attitude towards their loyal subjects and to their religion, would be determined on base to both political considerations and the traditional practice, in any such dynastic struggles, /change to reward the loyal subjects and through his Confucian worldview.
 
I feel like Ananda could have remained emperor and established a true Muslim dynasty in China, if he had put in a lot more tact to supporting non-Muslim institutions on equal or more favourable terms than Islamic ones. Sadly, he did too much to affirm suspicions that he's a proto-Aurangzeb, too unrestrained in his zeal to avoid his overthrow.
His core problem is that he had dubious legitimacy since he wasn't a son of Zhenjin and the vast Chinese population (including important bureaucrats and generals) are going to view Ayurbarwada as more legitimate. The fact Ayurbarwada was very much into Confucian governance and was tutored by one of the foremost Confucian scholars of his day is just the icing on the cake. Among ethnic Mongols, there is the problem that Ayurbarwada's brother was a beloved general among many of them and that Ananda very publically made it known he embraced Islam which makes him just as foreign as Ayurbarwada. Every single time a Mongol khan embraced Islam, there was always a rival prince who led an anti-Islamic faction, and this slowed the Islamicisation of many parts of the empire (i.e. IOTL the Chagatai Khanate's ruler did not embrace Islam until 1331 and he was overthrown just 3 years later).

I definitely do think he's an underused POD and TTL's events gave him better odds than OTL.
I think this will essentially butterfly Hui muslims of Gansu. OTL Ananda's promulgation led to the conversion of a large number of Chinese.
He was still the defacto ruler of that area for quite some time and commander a large army based in part in that region, so there'd still be plenty of Chinese he converted. And since most of the anti-Muslim was concentrated in large cities, only their leaders might face any backlash from the government. I can't imagine all of them would abandon Islam just because their leader was condemned as a usurper, especially when they're the most likely group of Chinese to regularly encounter foreign Muslims and so close to the Sufi traditions of Central Asia.
And what happens now in mongol vassal India that a lot of their troops have died in the civil war? I guess this means Mongols will be ill equipped to resist a Rajput assault?
India will see a shift in the balance of power, since a lot of those troops were from the remnants of the Delhi Sultanate. You may recognise that one of their commanders was the OTL founder of the Tughlaq dynasty for instance. There's going to be a lot of trouble there soon.
So on which side is Burilgitei fighting in Japan?
He quickly sided with Ayurbarwada since he was worried the new regency of Bulugan (whom he already disliked) would make him a scapegoat for not conquering Japan.
Interested to see the fallout for the Alans and Russians on Sadojima -- and I wonder if the emperor, given Ananda's own persecutions, might reconsider Christianity's status and relation to Islam within the broader Chinese context
There's going to be some interesting incidents happening regarding Sado now and in the future. I liked the idea of a relative bastion of Orthodoxy (although even after various massacres and deportations and even resettlement of Alans and Russians, Christians are still a minority) deep within East Asia a little too much.
It seems doubtful, I think that even if his Islamic faith and actions to support it and that at same time to get the support from his fellow Muslims, and that'd appear that it was key to cause his ultimate demise...
He appeared that acted in the way that many rulers, (before and after him, IOTL) insecure or with questionable legitimacy tended to act to secure their hold on the throne when they would feel it menaced or that they should rush to attempt to build/secure their own base of support.
Only, that here ITTL besides from such characteristics, these ones also coincided with his Muslim/Monotheist overzealousness that alienate him from many critically important supporters and from most of his subjects.
Plus as many of them showed, there was what appear as a deep xenophobic current of generalized mistrust and hate towards any foreign beliefs and especially the Monotheist ones.
At such extent, that practically overnight, before the first political upheaval happening, it was seemingly enough as to trigger such bloody backlash against the above mentioned non traditional communities of believers. And specifically, against the Muslims or (as showed in the last chapter), 'foreign looking/associated' ones.
So, given that, I tend to think that even if his actions could be argued that were rushed and lacking of the necessary political caution... Even so, even without the probable opposition to any real or perceived, as so, religious favouritism towards, in this case, the Islam.
And that his political/dynastic rivals would have more sooner than later would be likely that'd have found some worthy excuse to raise in rebellion and attempt the depose him.
It's a good analysis of the situation. I suspect China in this era had a lot of pent up dislike of outsiders due to the Mongol conquest and it would simply take the correct scenario for it to manifest in mass murder. And Ananda happens to be someone very easy to spread propaganda against because of his Muslim faith--he would have had the same results had he been Christian. Eventually IOTL these sorts of massacres did indeed happen during the Red Turban rebellions in 1350s.
Well, given the new Great Khan/Emperor Confucian beliefs...
I'd assume that both his relation and attitude towards their loyal subjects and to their religion, would be determined on base to both political considerations and the traditional practice, in any such dynastic struggles, /change to reward the loyal subjects and through his Confucian worldview.
Correct. Beside adhering to the halal slaughter law, Ayurbarwada would try and keep religious peace within the realm. That keeps him loyal to the dynastic law of the Yuan dynasty which is more or less religious tolerance. He doesn't have any reason to persecute Islam since most of Ananda's loyalists are dead (and the line of his father Manggala totally ended) or duly punished and other Muslims are redoubling their efforts to demonstrate loyalty.
 
Intereșting update,but would the neștorian chineșe șurvive?Alșo,in Eașt Așia will there be orthodox chriștianity converșionș?Would it be șpread?
 
Intereșting update,but would the neștorian chineșe șurvive?
Yes. They're too well-established to be so easily eradicated. Ananda was generally uninterested in persecuting them (with the exception of the most anti-Muslim among them like Isa Kelemech, or when he tried to please xenophobic mobs), and many of them are connected enough with the Mongol nobility that they would not be present in cities and would be high-ranking enough there would be severe reprisals against the mob.
Alșo,in Eașt Așia will there be orthodox chriștianity converșionș?Would it be șpread?
Possibly, but Orthodoxy has the problem that it's ethnically fragmented since the main followers are Alans and Russians in Yuan service. It does not appear there were any Orthodox churches active in Yuan China however, and there are no recorded Orthodox missionaries to China in that era. I suppose being good loyalists and skilled enough fighters that Temur expanded the Russian Guard's size might give more incentive to send a missionary to be the bishop in that area, and there probably were clergy who could do it (IIRC a few Russian monks visited Jerusalem and the Levant in the 13th and 14th centuries, so China can't be too much further). Problem is that this is an era in which a church union was still seriously discussed in Orthodox countries so a Latin prelate might try and lead that community. Even more challenging is that Nestorian clergy regularly opposed foreign missionaries, and these clergy were more likely to have powerful patrons who could interfere with non-Nestorian Christians.

So overall, I'm not sure how much it should spread.
 
So overall, I'm not sure how much it should spread
Perhaps, even so it would achieve some, even if limited among the Russians and Alan's, fellows, still pagans, warriors ('deployed' or fighting along them). Or among their 'natives/settled dependants' and/or among some from their settled subjects with either political or friendship links with either of them...
 
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Chapter 40-A Struggle's End
-XL-
"A Struggle's End"


Iwato Castle, Chikuzen Province, November 23, 1306​

As the sun set over Iwato Castle, Shouni Kagesuke felt weak and weary, moreso than ever before. He could hardly sit up straight, and the two faces before him, his ally Aso Koresuke and his adopted son and heir Shouni Kagetsune, seemed very blurry. It was certainly not from the bowl of sake in front of him--he had hardly touched that and simply felt tired.

"Lord Shouni, it will be three days tomorrow since the Chinese--no, the invader--committed such an atrocity against my troops," Aso said. "Please give the signal that you will strike back against them!"

"Lord Aso, it is late and you have drank too much," Kagetsune argued. "Please give my father one more day to decide." Kagetsune turned toward Kagesuke. "You do plan on fighting back, right? I disagree with such a course, for currently we lack the strength to liberate Japan from the foreign occupiers, but right now could be a wonderful time to eliminate Miura and his followers."

Kagesuke shook his head at hearing of Miura. Damn him. Damn him to the deepest hell! All went well before that man arrived here, and even the invader seemed to respect us. That man brought nothing but schemes and even dared involve the court in his nonsense!

"Lord Aso, if you do nothing else, punish Miura," Kagesuke replied. "Kagetsune, I will give you my response tomorrow. I am getting old and am taking seriously devoting the remainder of my life to studying the wisdom found in the sutras, so I trust you to deliver my message so the vassals of the Shogunate might begin recognising you."

"I understand, Lord Shouni," Aso answered. "I will eliminate Miura and all who aid him if it is the final thing I do." Aso rose to his feet and bowed, leaving the reception room at Iwato.

"You do not seem well tonight, father," Kagetsune said, his face riven with concern. His son placed his hand to Kagesuke's head, surprised he was not feverish. "Perhaps you should sleep."

"I am not well because everything has changed so quickly," Kagesuke said. "Over twenty years ago I betrayed my lord, Shogun Koreyasu, because of the corruption and incompetence of his chief minister Houjou Sadatoki. I joined forces with the very invader who nearly destroyed our clan, who I had spent over a decade fighting against, all so I might hope they could rescue Japan."

Kagesuke sighed as he lay on his back on the mat, recalling the fierce clashes of that rebellion and the acrimonious meeting on the stormy day in Kushizaki Castle in Nagato where he and those brave men like his nephew Moritsune, Mouri Tsunemitsu and his son Tokichika, Kikuchi Takamori, and Adachi Tomasa and his cousin Tochika made the fateful decision to seek the invader's aid in saving Japan, all for the sake of Adachi Morimune who was slandered and marked for death for the crime of trying to aid the warriors of Japan. But Adachi died before my eyes helping us break through the siege lines, no matter how much we tried to save him. Beside Tomasa, just how many of us there at Kushizaki that miserable day still are here?

"I know, father," Kagetsune said. "I know how much you have suffered for the sake of our country."

"Father? Ha, you know well I'm only your father by the law of our nation, Kagetsune. Moritsune was a great man, and so was his father, your real grandfather. To this day I never forget the sacrifice he made for our clan against the invader." Tsunesuke, how I shame you for what I did to the Shogun. He once more felt that phantom pain where his left arm once was, lost at the hands of the invader--and the foolishness of Houjou leadership.

"So...so you are going to rise up against the invader?" Kagetsune said, suddenly very nervous.

"I do not know. They have treated us well, and granted us power we never could have had under the Houjou. Even with my own failures and with Miura's constant schemes, I have helped so many warriors from Kyushu and all Japan restore their fortunes and livelihoods. For the first time in my life, I cannot decide. I feel weak and incapable all of a sudden."

"I understand being worried about such a decision, father," Kagetsune said.

"Did you know, Kagetsune, that nearly 10 months ago at the end of last year, I had a strange dream? I have never told it to anyone." [1] He took a deep breath, finally ready to recount it. "I dreamed I was a bird soaring high on tired wings, and below me I saw Kamakura burning. I did not fear but rejoiced, and as I flew lower the flames extinguished and the city rose from the ashes as a phoenix. I alighted atop the Shogun's residence, for that was where I knew I must go, and before me I saw so many joyous faces I once knew, and even faces I did not. They cheered and sang and danced as I once did when the lords of Kyushu celebrated our victory over the invader in 1274. And then I awoke."

Kagetsune tilted his head. "That is strange indeed, and I understand why you wouldn't speak of it. Miura or that evil court wizard Abe no Yasuyo would assume the worst of you if they learned that."

"But what is stranger is that I learned in the weeks that followed that the very morning I dreamed that was the very morning that the Shogun and his warriors annihilated the Houjou clan. Nearly every single one of them is dead, including all even closely related to Sadatoki. I feel that hearing that news was the last wonderful thing to ever happen to me, for it leaves me with such turmoil. Do I return to the place I betrayed and sent my men to destroy? Do I remain here and suffer the endless intrigues of a maniacal schemer and wicked invader? What should I do, Kagetsune?"

Kagetsune stared at Kagesuke before smiling.

"You will take the correct path, father, and I will help you achieve it. For now, simply sleep. You seem terribly exhausted."

"Exhausted I am, Kagetsune," Kagesuke said. "The Houjou are gone and the invader is at war with himself. So many things are changing." Mouri Sukechika is young, but if his guardians in the Oe and Awaya clans join my force, and Mouri Tokimoto joins too for good measure, then we can reverse the defeats we've suffered outside Kyushu and crush Miura for good. Ah, if only I had not favoured Tokichika so, then I would know those men better and know just how much I might rely on them!

"Please, father, sleep. When you awake, I am confident you'll make the correct choice."

"You and I will make that choice. Is this not the land of the rising sun? The gods favour of our country, and shall we work hard and honour the Emperor, this night will perish as every other night has." Kagesuke took a deep breath, closing his eyes and seeing that vision of dawn before him as he drifted off with a smile.

---
Kouzan-ji, Akamagaseki, Nagato Province, November 25, 1307​

Miura Yorimori looked up from his meditation, noticing his youngest son Tokisuke bowing before him. His brow furled, for Tokisuke would never visit him should the news not be important. Worse, Tokisuke seemed overexcited and almost joyous, completely improper behavior in a temple like this as he knelt before his father. This youth clearly took after his mother's father, a man who no doubt was nothing but a peasant before the Yuan came to this country.

"Father, the Shouni faction is in disarray! Shouni Kagesuke is nowhere to be seen and his heir Kagetsune only impotently shouts about how he despises you and refuses to condemn the invader, and now Adachi Tomasa is calling him a coward and leading the rebels! We've as good as won!"

"Settle down, boy!" Yorimori growled, smacking him on the head with his priestly staff. He pondered the news. Kagesuke is nowhere to be seen? Surely he would be with his men during such a crucial time...unless he can't. Even Yorimori could not suppress a brief smirk as he realised what had transpired.

"We must assume now that Shouni Kagesuke is dead," Yorimori said.

"Perhaps he's simply sick, father?" Tokisuke proposed, but Yorimori shook his head.

"He is prone to impulsive decisions, such as last year when he arrested that foolish poet the Retired Sovereign favours. Mere illness would not stop him from following the path he decided upon."

"Th-then you've won, right? There is nobody in Japan who is as powerful, wealthy, or connected as Lord Shouni was, and now that he's gone..."

"The battle has only just begun, Tokisuke," Yorimori said. "Do not ever assume you have won until long after the battle. Had Lord Shouni on his deathbed dispatched an assassin to this temple, and I met him instead of you, matters might be far different."

"U-understood, father," Tokisuke said, bowing ever lower.

"Good. I must return to my meditative exercises and you must return to Tokiaki's side. Serve him well, and let us actually grasp that victory you claim we have won."

"Yes, father!"

---
Ishigakibara, Bungo Province, December 16, 1306​

Adachi Tomasa squinted into the distance, seeing the sails of the enemy fleet. What a poor place to land! His lieutenant and kinsman, Osone Nagayori, grinned when he saw Tomasa's face.

"Exactly as I thought! But now what does the enemy think?"

"I suppose as much," Tomasa said. "Were I to guess the enemy's thought process, I believe they are hoping to march some distance and meet the invader. But fortunately the invader busies himself chasing down those cowards in the Shouni clan and punishing Hakata. They won't spare Miura a single soldier."

"I wouldn't spare Miura a single soldier either," Osone said. "He's an obnoxious man who'd rather party with decadent courtiers and the invaders' nobles and isn't a general I'd ever follow. To say nothing of his father. I have always appreciate those steppe chiefs of the invader--they are hard men without tolerance for foppish foolishness."

Someone bumped into Tomasa from behind, and Tomasa wheeled about and noticed Asahara Tameyori. Even in midday, the aging samurai was drunk and seemed to be laughing to himself about something. It was not just his son's support for Houjou and Serada's rebellion that kept him away from leading any troops. A small wonder a man who violates the sanctity of the Emperor in such a way might be a man of such poor character. [2]

"What is it, Asahara?" Tomasa growled. "Make it quick, we're about to attack."

"Heheheh, I was just thinking how amusing it all is. Shouni's gone and both Miura and his son are soon to join him. The whole world is falling down around us, and even someone like me can pick up those pieces. Why, I could even be the next shogun!"

"Watch your tongue. As I have ordered, nobody shall make any decision about politics until our gravest threats--Miura and the invader--are dealt with."

"Not Shouni's welp?" Asahara said. "He opposes us as well. I can't wait to have him kiss my sandals for a job."

Tomasa sighed. It is a shame that Lord Shouni died right when we needed him the most. Had he lived just a few months longer, he could have achieved that final victory of punishing Miura and driving out the invader. And it is even more of a shame that he did not instill enough courage in his adoptive son--no wonder that boy lost so many battles in the previous war against Kamakura.

"He will surrender to us once Miura is gone and we demonstrate our strength. Now go back to your men at once," Tomasa commanded. Asahara skulked away back into the brush.

"It wasn't just him, my lord," Osone said. "The Mouri clan too. I thought for sure Lords Sukechika and Tokimoto might join us."

"They will. Lord Tokimoto has just been cowed into submission by Miura's actions along the border, and Lord Sukechika has granted us supplies and even a few willing volunteers. Bungo is his province after all, and once we win here he will join us for certain."

Suddenly, shell trumpets blew and shouts raised to their right. "Enemy attack, enemy attack!" some voices called. Kikuchi Takemura and Anan Hidetoki are over there--they may be young, but they have much to be fighting for.

"It seems they aren't content in simply waiting to be destroyed," Osone noted. He climbed on his horse and began moving back toward the main body of troops. "I'm going to make sure not a single one escapes."

"Hold it," Tomasa ordered, raising his hand. "The enemy is acting strange. It's as if they aren't surprised we're here."

"So what, we outnumber them, they don't stand a chance either way. If a single scout returns and manages to discover our force's numbers and positioning, then they'll just inflict heavier casualties on our force or worse, flee to their ships."

Tomasa pondered the dilemma. He certainly has a point. Miura Tokiaki knows when to fight and when to retreat. If he feels like he can't win, then we lose the best chance to eliminate him for good.

"Very well. Tell Anan and that idiot Asahara to prepare their men for battle." Tomasa pondered his first order. "Fire arrows into the trees and smoke out the enemy scouts--Sugimoto Tokiaki is around here, and the faster we destroy him, the more easily we can destroy the rest of them."

---
Ishigakibara, Bungo Province, December 16, 1306​

A chilly sea breeze whipped at Miura Tokiaki's back as he pondered the strategic situation from the back of his horse.

"Lord Sugimoto Tokiaki is late, Lord Miura," the warrior Hata Kanekuni said. "All report not a single man has returned."

Tokiaki sighed, not wanting to say the obvious. He was a truly talented warrior and perhaps the greatest commander of a screening force any leader could ask for. I can only hope that brilliant warrior who shares my very name still walks this earth.

"We press the attack," Tokiaki stated, knowing it was the only option. "Sugimoto cannot be ambushed, nor can he perish so easily.

"It would be better to retreat and find another landing site so that Lord Ijuuin or our Yuan allies might aid us, my lord," Hata noted. "They still greatly outnumber us. And they have thousands of warrior monks from Mount Kubote, and even the brother of Usa Shrine's chief priest is out here leading his guards and priests."

"Odd for a man like you to state that, Lord Hata. I recall my first meeting with you over 15 years ago, where you were covered with wounds from fleeing your family and their warriors to Mongol lines. You took such a bold action because you knew it was in your interest. And now your kinsmen the Masuda clan are scattered to the wind and you are the strongest man in Iwami," Tokiaki noted.

"Wh-what of it," Hata asked.

"You took bold action when it was necessary and gained everything. Battle and politics are much the same in that regards--those who don't take bold action never gain bold results."

"Lord Miura, we're outnumbered almost twice over and all we need to fight another day is simply land some place else and await Lord Burilgitei or Lord Gao to send reinforcements."

"We have no time," Tokiaki said. "If we retreat, then we demonstrate we are nothing but cowards who cannot survive without the Yuan. But if we win, we demonstrate our strength not only to the rebels, but to the Yuan."

Tokiaki squinted at the enemy's right flank where Sugimoto was presumably fighting for his life. They are already disrupted over there and bound to be out of position. If we press hard, we can trigger a collapse in their ranks.

"Lord Hata, tell my son and Lord Sakuma to prepare their cavalry. We'll send the entire left against them, and by doing so destroy one wing of their army and give us the perfect positioning to drive them off."

"Y-yes, Lord Miura," Hata said, slowly slinking away.

Their army cannot be of high quality with how hastily it's been cobbled together. Moreoever, their commanders are generally young or inexperienced, or so detestable like that Asahara Tameyori that few would trust them with a high command. This victory shall be ours.

---
The end of the Banpou Invasion and its concurrent wars heralded the most difficult peace of all. Every faction involved--Yuan China, the Kingdom of Goryeo, the Kingdom of Japan, and the Kamakura Shogunate--fought to exhaustion. A great number of prominent leaders died in the fighting, while new figures gained power and prestige often at the expense of older figures who discredited themselves. The reappearance of peace only shifted the conflict from the battlefield to the courts and throne rooms.

The fiercest of these conflicts was to occur in Hakata, for the Kingdom of Japan now faced the challenge of incorporating the 25 provinces they seized, or from their perspective, reclaimed from the rebellious Kamakura Shogunate. This land contained most of Japan's economy and most importantly of all, the imperial capital of Kyoto itself. Yet most of the land was in ruins, with at least 20% of the population (over 500,000 people) killed and hundreds of thousands more fled or deported. The capital itself lay in a state of desolation, with its nobles and priests long since fled and the remnant population being squatters and looters.

The Kingdom of Japan itself suffered heavily. In addition to bearing much of the burden on shipping and logistics, they lost well over 60,000 warriors, including some of the most prominent nobles such as Mouri Tokichika, Chikama Tokiie, and Kikuchi Takamori. Age and status did not matter, for some of the dead such as Shouni Sukenobu were promising candidates for Hakata's next generation leadership.

For the regent Shouni Kagesuke and his heir Kagetsune, this marked a great decrease in power, for Mouri and Kikuchi were two of the Shouni clan's foremost personal allies. Numerous casualties occurred as well among the personal vassals of the Shouni clan such as the Mizuki (水城氏), the Nagatoshi (永利氏), the Takanami (高並氏), and the Kakei (筧氏) clans. The ravages of time and warfare ensured few men who defected to the Mongols alongside Shouni after the Siege of Kushizaki Castle back in 1286 still remained, ensuring Shouni became increasingly distant from the actual concerns of the warriors his government ostensibly represented.

Although Shouni's main rival and cosigner Miura Yorimori lost important relatives like his kinsman Yoshimura and Yoshimura's cousin Kazuuji (三浦員氏), his own powerbase remained intact, and indeed grew for his son and heir Miura Tokiaki and even Tokiaki's young son Tokitane (三浦時胤) won distinctions on the battlefield. The brilliant Tokiaki parleyed these achievements into status at court, an action encouraged by his father due to awareness of the Royal Court's growing status and importance of their planned relocation to Kyoto.

The Hakata court in this era was far more powerful than it had been even a few years prior, for it was reaping the profits of a well-organised bureaucracy of peasant leaders, many of whom were themselves supported by brothers or cousins who returned with loot or were awarded land grants in the conquered provinces. The death of so many warriors led to those warrior nobles who became farmers (as per the policy of heinou bunri) taking up the mantle of their kin--their land was often sold to farmer-bureaucrats of the Imperial Court, or in some cases even confiscated in the case of those who tried evading the policy.

Most crucial of all, the Hakata court found direct support from the Mongols, who relied on its institutions and especially legitimacy to govern Japan. The court nobles readily used the Mongols assigned to the court to pass messages to the darughachi and other Mongol allies so that they might resolve feuds in their favours. These communications with the Mongols only increased as King Tanehito came of age and an active search for a consort in Yuan China began.

This gave new importance to the ancient Office of Monks and Foreigners (玄蕃寮), the closest thing to a foreign ministry in medieval Japan. Like all court offices, it had fallen far from its peak in the mid-Heian period. Its revival began in 1294 as the Kourokan (鴻臚館), a guesthouse for foreign envoys in Hakata, was rebuilt under the orders of Grand Chancellor Sanjou Sanemori. The envoy selected was usually a son of a less important courtier, who himself was responsible for selecting the diplomats (often monks) who conducted the actual work. Administration of the Kourokan was assigned to Taira no Nakanori (平仲範) (son of the Interior Minister--and negotiator of the Tensei Truce--Taira no Nakachika)--for this his descendents carried the surname "Kourokan" [3].

Kourokan Nakanori's office faced competition however--Shouni Kagesuke had often sent ambassadors to the Yuan court, firstly as unofficial collaborators and then under the aegis of the Shogunate's role as national defense. The Mouri clan, first Tsunemitsu and after his death his son Tokichika, often held this position which benefitted their clan greatly in terms of unofficial trade with Yuan China and the prestige from their exhibition of foreign monks and ministers, and it had become practically hereditary.

The aging Miura Yorimori understood the importance of this office. Using his son's prestige at court, in 1304, he petitioned King Tanehito in his role as Shogun to remove from office Mouri Tokimitsu (毛利時光), elder brother of Tokichika, on the basis that Mouri used his office for smuggling goods into China. Mouri was removed and effectively banished from Japan, but this raised protests from Shouni Kagesuke who demanded his reinstatement. Tanehito responded by abolishing the post entirely with the rationale that it duplicated the Office of Monks and Foreigners, and subsequently assigned Miura's son Tokiaki to head that office. This signified the first great tension between King Tanehito and Shouni Kagesuke. This conflict was one which Miura Yorimori, ever playing both sides, could easily exploit.

Tanehito presided over a court riven with conflict. A large number of courtiers had defected in the wake of the fall of Kyoto, or in some cases been outright abducted by the Mongols, and they allied with Great Retired King Fushimi to regain this power following a string of incidents in 1301 [4]. As Tanehito grew older, he resented his father's dominance of the court and sympathised with those courtiers who opposed his father's favouritism. His own preferred courtiers were those who had long served him in Hakata.

One incident in 1305 shows how this demonstrated itself. In that year, the young noble Hirohashi Mitsunari (広橋光業) was sent by his superior, the regent Nijou Morotada, to summon the master poet Kyougoku Tamekane to Tanehito's court for a poetry contest. This enraged Kyougoku, for in the past he and his ancestors (like Fujiwara no Teika) had never been summoned via intermediary, but always directly. Further, Hirohashi did not sign his letter "humbly yours", another stark departure of protocol from when even the regent signed his letters to Tamekane in that format [5].

While he did attend the poetry competition after the regent Nijou personally apologised to him, Kyougoku complained to both Tanehito and Fushimi regarding the incident. Not only was Hirohashi dismissed from his posts, but the regent who appointed him, Takatsukasa Fuyuhira, also fell under suspicion. Takatsukasa himself had been convinced to resign in 1301 by the Great Retired King out of his loyalty, but the criticism he received for not knowing Hirohashi's poor character where Kyougoku mocked him as an inexperienced man and inferior poet infuriated him. Only Tanehito's personal intervention kept Takatsukasa from retiring to a monastery.

Hirohashi shot back at Kyougoku's accusations by composing a list that entered into infamy. Using a series of circumlocations and puns on names in a lengthy poem in his diary, he noted there were "Four Men Whose Inability Failed Their Lord." It was clear just who those four men were:

*Shouni Kagesuke
*Asahara Tameyori
*Andou Suenaga
*Kyougoku Tamekane

To countless later generations, this became the canonical list of the "Four Great Traitors" of the Mongol Invasions. It seems Hirohashi blamed Shouni for leading the first major defection, blamed Asahara for kidnapping Tanehito as an infant, and blamed Kyougoku for opening the gates of Kyoto to the Mongols which led to his father's death. The inclusion of Andou Suenaga, son of the Hi-no-moto Shogun of Ezo Andou Suemura, is due to Hirohashi's dislike of his arrogant and barbaric behavior--Andou spent much of his time at Hakata as an envoy for his father and would have regularly demanded more troops be sent to Ezo and Mutsu for his father's campaign. Hirohashi justified this with the likely truthful accusation that Suenaga persuaded his father Suemura to defect and thus summon the barbarians to invade the north of Japan.

A palace attendant discovered the diary in 1306, supposedly at the instigation of the powerful court diviner Abe no Yasuyo and summoned Hirohashi to explain himself. Hirohashi claimed he acted on behalf of the King of Japan, who had every reason to oppose the actions of those men. Tanehito deemed him not guilty of any serious crime, but rebuked him anyway. This was not good enough for Kyogoku--he appealed the verdict to Fushimi and subsequently exiled Hirohashi to Kii Province.

Shouni Kagesuke attempted to make use of this so-called Hirohashi incident. He aligned himself with Fushimi and claimed slander and even managed to get Hirohashi's former employer Takatsukasa arrested. But Miura Yorimori accused Shouni of overstepping his boundaries in regard to the Shogunate's power, for Shouni acted without consulting Miura as he was required to. It was a political mistake that only managed to infuriate Tanehito while convincing many courtiers of the Shogunate's dysfunction and tyranny.

The second battle came over the issue of the crown prince. From its inception, the Kingdom of Japan had never appointed a crown prince. It is suggested that the Mongols may have demanded an appropriate prince from the Kamakura Shogunate had Tanehito died without an heir, although some speculate based on the popularity of the Heike Monogatari among the Hakata Shogunate's leadership that they planned on finding an elderly man with many children who might pass as Emperor Antoku and creating a new imperial family centered around him [6].

With the fall of Kyoto in 1301, these plans proved unnecessary, for Fushimi brought with him his family. He increasingly favoured his fourth son Tomihito (富仁親王), born 1297 [7]. Fushimi made a shocking move to solidify his authority over the court--when he married, Tanehito was to adopt his half-brother Tomihito and make him his heir over any of Tanehito's own children. This move seems to have occurred due to Fushimi's knowledge of Mongol marriage policy--he feared a half-Mongol prince sitting on the throne and also feared Tanehito himself had been degenerated in the years he spent surrounded by bitter courtiers, Mongol warriors.

The elite of the Hakata Shogunate disliked how they played no role in appointing Fushimi's crown prince. It seems Miura was aligned with Tanehito, while Shouni sought to keep the succession alternating between the Jimyou-in and Daikaku-ji lines. The latter moved close to Sanjou Saneshige, the former minister of the center whom the Daikaku-ji supporters in the Kingdom of Japan clustered around.

With Fushimi's power ascendent, in 1305 it was decided to return the court to Kyoto as soon as possible. A hasty reconstruction of the core of the Imperial Palace would be followed by a grand renovation of both palace and city. Charged with this task were the Bureau of Carpentry (木工寮) and the Office of Palace Repair (修理職), two more offices that renewed their importance in this era of upheaval.

In particular, the latter office came to include many involved with the direct planning of the court's relocation, for its head also served as a direct envoy to the retired emperor. They could draw an endless amount of funds from the treasury for this purpose. Miura Yorimori ensured this otherwise lowly office was granted to Sanjou Kintada (三条公定), youngest son of Sanjou Sanemori who had fallen into disfavour with the Great Retired King. While this office was far below the status of what even a younger son of the illustrious Sanjou family might achieve, it was through this post that Kintada could aid his brothers in making a political comeback.

With power like this, Miura Yorimori reached the pinnacle of his career in the aftermath of the war. Through intrigue and battlefield prestige, his clan now stood as the highest among the warriors of the Kingdom of Japan, and had now even found its way into the realm of the court nobles. But he would not enjoy his position, for old age caught up to him. In 1305, he resigned the position of cosigner and became a monk at Kouzan-ji, a temple he founded not far from one of his castles in Akamagaseki in Nagato earlier that year with the aid of local Zen monks. His son Tokiaki inherited his power and prestige as well as the position of cosigner.

Miura Tokiaki was even more skilled than his father at dealing with court nobles, perhaps due to his father recognising the court's relationship with the Yuan that the Miura might leverage against the Shouni. The court recognised him shortly after his father's death, granting him the post of Chinzei Envoy (鎮西申次), the liaison post between the court and the shogunate (akin to the Kanto Envoy to Kamakura). This position was thus fused with that of cosigner, ensuring Miura could leverage both court (and Mongol) influence in the Shogunate and the Shogunate's influence in the court.

Shouni Kagesuke could do nothing to stop this. Disliked by the king and his appeals to the retired emperor falling on deaf ears, as regent he was politically isolated. Yet his impulsive nature hadn't faded even with age--in late 1306, he ordered Kyougoku Tamekane arrested on charges of plotting against the Shogunate. It seems Kyougoku had organised a poetry session where he proclaimed his loyalty to crown prince Tomihito and boasted of his authority and power--this was of course an offense against King Tanehito that required investigation. This method secured both a direct meeting with retired emperor Fushimi and threatened Miura and his faction [8].

In exchange for the freedom of his friend and ally Kyougoku, Fushimi granted Shouni his meeting. There, Shouni accused Miura Tokiaki and his son Tokitsugu of violating the principles of heinou bunri through holding both court and military office. Fushimi agreed and ordered Miura and his son to choose which office they preferred. But this order was never carried out, for Miura appealed to Tanehito and thenceforth to the Mongols. He even sent a second direct appeal to the court in Dadu. He declared he would not resign his offices before the Mongols made their decision, defying the authority of the Shogunate and bringing the nation to the brink of civil war.

A second conflict troubled the Kingdom of Japan due to the civil war within the Kamakura Shogunate. The Houjou clan fell from power in January 1306 as an alliance between the Imperial Court, the Shogun Takaharu, and several powerful clans captured Kamakura and installed Takeda Tokitsuna as shogunal regent. Yet the Houjou retained Shikoku as a base for themselves and their remaining ally. Miura Yorimori saw this as an opportunity to expand his power and attempted negotiations with Houjou Sadanao, Iyo Tandai, to ally with him, subsidise him with grants from Zhengdong's government, and eventually restore his clan to power.

Although Houjou liked the idea, he found such an alliance too politically difficult, for his own clan was divided on that matter and powerful shogunal vassals like the Kawano and Ashikaga would never accept. He deliberately stalled for time on giving an answer, which in the end proved advantageous for in April 1306, Temur Khan died suddenly and his 7 year old son Daishu became Emperor due to his powerful supporters, taking the name Yesun Altan Khan and later to be called Emperor Jianzong of Yuan.

Yesun Altan inherited the most powerful empire on the planet, but he was in no position to use his power. Temur's primary wife Bulugan despised him as the daughter of a rival spouse, and in a quick coup invited the victorious general Ananda, King of Anxi, to assume the position of regent. Further, Yesun Altan suffered from an unknown illness that gave him sickly character. It was to no one's surprise that whether by nature or poison, Daishu's rule lasted barely four months before he perished in August 1306 and Ananda seized power in Yuan China. Chaos immediately ensued due to the widespread perception Ananda and Bulugan illegitimately seized power.

Ironically, this coup helped King Tanehito choose his wife. As the son of Kublai Khan's third son Manggala, Ananda banished his most powerful rival Ayurbarwada (Khayishan's younger brother) on the charge of him plotting a coup. Ayurbarwada sent his mother Dagi (答己) and sister Sengge Ragi (祥哥剌吉) to safety among his allies in Goryeo while he attempted to rally warriors to his banner in what became the first Yuan civil war. The two Mongol women became acquainted with the Goryeo court, and through them Sengge Ragi learned more of Japan. Upon hearing of a wise Mongol princess devout in Buddhism, Tanehito requested her as his primary consort. Ayurbarwada accepted this request, believing it might keep Japan peaceful during and after the civil war.

Both Shouni and Miura viewed the situation as a way to augment their power and ensure Japan greater independence. Miura knew that because he held a potentially dangerous position as the grandfather of Prince Khayishan's son, he could be suspected of disloyalty and executed. At the same time, he knew he must back Ayurbarwada, since Ayurbarwada would favour his nephew--and his family--to keep him loyal.

Shouni-Miura War

Using the retired Emperor and Kyougoku Tamekane as intermediaries, Miura convinced Shouni into joining Ayurbarwada's uprising under the pretext that the new Yuan emperor would reward the Japanese for their loyalty and punish those who delayed in the call to arms. Shouni raised 10,000 warriors and took personal command of them as he often did.

Thus Shouni fell into Miura's scheme, for Miura slandered him to both Ananda's Chancellor of Zhengdong Abubeker Bayanchar (伯顏察兒) and Ayurbarwada's loyalists led by Burilgitei. According to Miura, Shouni's real intention was to return Khayishan's son Kusala to China in the event Ayurbarwada died in battle--it is clear that Ayurbarwada sought to keep Kusala in Japan lest the powerful faction surrounding his deceased brother gain unfortunate ideas. Miura claimed to know of this thanks to his position as Kusala's grandfather. The Mongols took these allegations--Abubeker ordered Shouni's arrest, while Burilgitei demanded the matter be investigated and not a single Japanese warrior join Abubeker's force.

The cornered Shouni subsequently struck at several government offices in Hakata, while a coordinated force commanded by Yamana Toshiyuki attacked those in Kyoto in an attempt to both kill Miura, seize King Tanehito for himself, and destroy Zhengdong government facilities. As Abubeker Bayanchar in the span of weeks managed to infuriate the Japanese with his blatant corruption, a mob in the city joined Shouni's force and drove out the Mongols from Hakata. Hassan died defending the city with a small force of barely 4,000 men, and not a single Mongol official escaped the massacre. Many foreign merchants and moneylenders also perished. Bayanchar fled the city, but surrendered to an anti-Ananda force under Asahara Tameyori--he and his wife would spend over twenty years under house arrest in Fujian.

The operations in Kyoto however went poorly. A band of hokke-ikki rebels in Settsu Province waylaid Yamana, and he lost half his army suppressing them. By the time he finally reached Kyoto, Miura was well-prepared for him and destroyed his small force with an overwhelming army of 8,000 men. Yamana fled and tried infiltrating Kyoto to carry out his mission, but the Imperial Police in the city cornered him so he committed suicide. His army melted away and joined Miura.

With the war in China heating up, Burilgitei's army departed to aid Ayurbarwada. Wild news spread that Mongol rule was collapsing. But this was not the case--Burilgitei left his deputy marshal Gao Xing in charge of 20,000 men. After Gao's men destroyed a detatchment of Shouni allies under Aso Koresuke (阿蘇惟資) on November 21, Shouni realised his only option was to openly declare his intention to revolt or suffer consequences from the Mongols.

In the end, Shouni chose neither--on November 23, 1306, he died in his sleep perhaps because of the intense stress. His would-be rebellion looked to his heir and grand-nephew Kagetsune, but Kagetsune lacked his father's penchant for impulsive decisions and knew fighting the Mongols was impossible. He declared his struggle lay only with Miura Yorimori and publically declared support for Ayurbarwada. This divided Kagetsune's army, for the veteran commander Adachi Tomasa condemned Kagetsune as a coward and even Kagetsune's own brother Tsunekiyo decided to follow Adachi.

Confused leadership ensured Shouni's rebellion faltered. While Mouri Tokimitsu relished the chance to take up arms against the Miura, the two most powerful members of the Mouri clan, Tokichika's heir Sukechika (毛利資親) and Tokimoto, each proclaimed themselves neutral. The Kikuchi clan, also battered by internal dispute and greatly weakened by Mongol punishment after the 1303 Hanbou Disturbance, fell divided as Kikuchi Takemura (菊池武村) joined Adachi while the other Kikuchi remained neutral.

Around 3,000 warriors remained with Shouni Kagetsune, but this was not a problem--Adachi had around 17,000 men, the army swollen by peasants, warrior monks, and hokke-ikki prepared to expel the Mongols. Among them were armed shugendo practicioners from Mount Kubote in Buzen and the shrine guards of the powerful Usa Shrine under Usa Kimitsura (宇佐公連), brother of the chief priest. Other smaller forces had spread throughout Kyushu, using the opportunistic neutrality of many local lords to expel darughachi and kill pro-Mongol collaborators. Even Miura's own army began suffering defections as a plot between a small group of shogunal vassals and court nobles nearly succeeding at assassinating Miura as he slept--all were killed. Of prominent Kyushu lords, only some Otomo clan branch families like the Tachibana [9] and the Ijuuin clan backed Miura.

Miura sent his son Tokiaki from Kyoto at the head of his own force of 10,000 men and landed in Bungo Province, intending to quickly unite with Gao Xing's army. But Miura was unaware that Gao Xing was busy laying siege to Hakata quite some distance away. Upon realising he was trapped, he was determined to resist Adachi's army instead of retreating in shame. Adachi struck first at the field of Ishigakibara on December 16 and nearly drove Miura back into the sea were it not for warriors under the talented veteran Sugimoto Tokiaki he had sent ahead. Sugimoto's thousand warriors rose great chaos in Adachi's right. In particular, he slew Usa Kimitsura (宇佐公連) who had taken the lead in the fighting. The loss of such a spiritually powerful figure and a sudden thunderstorm demoralised the right wing of Adachi's army and forced Adachi to send reinforcements to the right to eliminate the remnants of Sugimoto's force. It is said Sugimoto himself died while singlehandedly ambushing a hundred enemies and delaying them for a few precious minutes as they struggled about in confusion.

Miura took immediate advantage of this and concentrated his cavalry on the right flank. The advance of his kinsman Sakuma Tsunetomo (佐久間常朝) and son Miura Tokitane who fired countless arrows into the right utterly broke them, and subsequently they dismounted and threatened to flank the center. Adachi tenaciously held them off and tried sending his left to counter the still-outnumbered Miura's own advance, but this did not hold long. Sakuma feigned a retreat with around half the cavalry and drew the ambitious warriors of the key commander Shouni Tsunekiyo forward. A chance arrow killed Shouni's horse, spreading fear in their ranks and giving Sakuma and Miura the perfect opportunity to turn about and overwhelm them. Shouni committed suicide at that moment and Sakuma drove a wedge between Adachi and those soldiers under fighting Miura. This terrified the commander on the left, Asahara Tameyori, who immediately ordered a retreat which spread to Adachi's side and became a general rout.

The Battle of Ishigakibara proved the moment the Miura clan solidified power over the Kingdom of Japan. Although Miura lost 3,000 men--including the talented veteran Sugimoto, who died of wounds he suffered several days later--nearly half of Adachi's army died thanks to underestimating Miura's tenacity. Thousands more surrendered and morale plummeted. Miura punished the nearby temples and shrines for supporting the rebellion. In particular, he forced Usa Shrine's head priest to pay a huge ransom for the return of his brother's body and Miura's promise that he would not turn him over to the Mongols.

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Ishigakibara proved the decisive battle in the 1306-07 civil war in Japan

Gao Xing heard the news and left half his forces at Hakata under Naimantai while uniting with Miura. But this was not necessary, for on January 3, 1307, the samurai Serada Ietoki (世良田家時), son of the infamous rebel Serada Noriuji, assassinated Adachi Tomasa in conspiracy with Asahara Tameyori for Asahara viewed Miura as the most likely victor. Ietoki had lived most of his life under house arrest for Miura Yorimori for his father's misdeeds and had managed to join Shouni and Adachi's force, but after the Battle of Ishigakibara knew the chance of success was low. Ietoki presented Adachi's head to Miura who made him one of his personal vassals as a reward. As for Asahara, he maintained his positions he held before the rebellion but gained nothing--Miura viewed him as untrustworthy.

As Adachi ranked among the most charismatic and talented of Shogunal vassals with a long record of service, his death crippled the rebellion. Kikuchi Takemura led thousands to flee the Kingdom of Japan, claiming that the Kamakura Shogunate was once again the legitimate government now that the Houjou had fallen--they were received well, and Kikuchi himself received land in Kai and became a vassal to the powerful Isawa branch of the Takeda clan. The veteran Sagara Nagauji (相良長氏) and Irita Chikanao (入田秀直) rallied the rebels in the aftermath, but Gao Xing's army destroyed them in battle on January 23, 1307.

The siege of Hakata lasted for around four months thanks to Shouni vassal Akizuki Taneaki (秋月種顕) taking charge of the siege. He carried on the battle and repelled Mongol probing attacks, but Hakata's defenses were hastily assembled. In the end, epidemic and internal tension ensured spies opened the gate to the city. Akizuki committed suicide as Naimantai's Mongols stormed Hakata, but sent his children on a fishing boat to Echigo Province where they became vassals of the Nagoe clan.

Gao and Naimantai argued over the fate of Hakata. Naimantai proposed execution of all Japanese men in the city for aiding the revolt, but Gao disagreed, believing the rebellion to be the consequence of the corruption and brutality of Ananda's illegitimately-appointed governors. With the aid of Confucian scholars, he argued a more merciful treatment was necessary to which Naimantai acquiesced. The incident is sometimes taken as indicating increasing Mongol assimilation to Chinese culture.

Regardless, Gao knew well the anti-Mongol undertone of the uprising and his proposal was still quite harsh. He executed over 500 residents of Hakata deemed ringleaders and along with them all their adult male relatives, banishing their female relatives and children to China. Further, he closed all Shinto shrines in Hakata due to their association with anti-Mongol sentiment and exiled their priests to China. Finally, Gao levied a great fine upon all free Japanese in the city as restitution for the victims. While the ransom was paid, thousands fled Hakata permanently as a result, usually moving to growing cities in the provinces--ironically this would be a driving factor of urbanisation within the Kingdom of Japan that worked in tandem with the heinou bunri policy.

Concurrently, Miura laid siege to Iwato Castle, the Shouni clan's fortress. The siege lasted several months before Mongol gunpowder weakened the defenses enough for the Mongols to storm the castle. On September 30, 1307, Shouni Kagetsune and several dedicated retainers committed suicide, but at the request of his half-brother Asahi Sukenori, some of the Shouni clan to surrender so they might one day take revenge.

This did not end the rebellion, for Irita continued fighting in the mountainous interior of Kyushu with several thousand men under arms. But Irita's men devolved into little more than bandits, and Irita himself was more interested in gaining headship of the fragmented Otomo clan than sweeping political changes. They proved only a minor nuisance confined mostly to Bungo Province.

The Shouni clan suffered greatly in the aftermath. Miura banished Shouni Kagetsune's sons Tsunetane (少弐経胤) and Yorikazu (少弐経員) to the Oki Islands. He ordered Asahi Sukenori, Shouni's half brother, to become leader of the clan, but Asahi fled to the Kamakura Shogunate rather than betray his kinsmen. Therefore, the Shouni clan's leader became Kagetsune's nephew Shouni Sukekage (少弐資景) [10], son of his younger brother Sukenobu who fell at Aonogahara.

The Shouni lost all but a portion of their land within Chikuzen province, confiscated Minamoto no Yoritomo's sword Higekiri and donated it to a shrine, and stripped them of the rank of shogunal regent (which was seized by Miura Tokiaki) along with the rank of military governor in the four provinces they held it. Miura Yorimori granted these to members of his clan, although seized Chikuzen for himself. The only official post the Shouni still held was deputy military governor Chikuzen--This was due to Miura Yorimori showing mercy on them, reporting that Kagetsune had not joined the anti-Mongol rebellion but merely had been unable to control his forces in his attempt to aid Ayurbarwada.

Other sporadic rebellions took some time to subdue. Most notable of these was that of Matsuda Motoyasu (松田元保) in Bizen. Matsuda, a half-hearted defector to the Mongols, had since been converted to Nichiren Buddhism by his grandson Motokuni (松田元国) who had returned from exile in the Kamakura Shogunate. He announced his adherence to the forbidden sect in 1306, allied with both Shouni and Adachi, and attracted a number of local anti-Mongol forces and crypto-Nichiren Buddhists to his banner. Numbering around 8,000, they took over much of Bizen, Bitchuu, and Mimasaka from their base at Tamamatsu Castle (玉松城) before Miura Tokiaki sent an army to crush them. Matsuda sent his children to Kamakura along with a few monks, while he himself remained besieged at Tamamatsu Castle for over a year. Miura was so frustrated by the siege he did not see it through to the end, leaving his son Tokitane in command with a skeleton force. When Miura stormed Tamamatsu in early 1309, he found not a single person alive for Matsuda and many others had starved himself to death while the survivors committed suicide upon Miura's attack.

With these events, thus ended the Koukei War, so named for the Yuan era name Koukei--Huangqing (皇慶) in Chinese--in which it concluded. It solidified the dominance of the Miura clan in Japan--Miura Yorimori received the noble title of duke and a monetary reward, as customary of victorious Mongol generals. With the Miura clan thoroughly in control of the country and with the ruler of Japan married to the sister of the Emperor, their only obstacle to total dominance of Japan lay in the power of the Great Retired King Fushimi.

---
Author's notes

Another chapter I mostly wrote months ago, concluding the Shouni Kagesuke-Miura Yorimori rivalry. I did feel that Shouni Kagesuke should be somewhat of a tragic figure--OTL he was killed by an army led his half-brother as he tried to avenge the death of Adachi Morimune thereby securing better economic conditions for the shogunal vassals (I turned this event into the Tenkou Rebellion TTL). I find it likely that any Japanese who collaborated with the Mongols would find matters getting well out of control sooner or later.

The next few chapters will wrap up matters in Japan and around the world. I'm not really sure which order I'll go in for these chapters, it'll depend on my schedule and how suitable I think each one is to post. But they're mostly finished anyway.

Thanks for reading!


[1] - By the reckoning of the Japanese calendar--Shouni is referring to the fall of the Houjou which happened TTL on January 17, 1306 by the Western calendar but would be before the New Year by the Japanese calendar.
[2] - TTL Asahara kidnapped Tanehito and brought him to Mongol territory as part of a conspiracy and later his son tried killing Shouni Kagesuke in a revolt. OTL he tried assassinating Tanehito's father, Emperor Fushimi. It's safe to say he was a very unscrupulous person.
[3] - An ATL character, born 1289. If Taira no Nakachika had any sons, they are not named. The change of surname wouldn't be too unusual either, for OTL the descendents of Nakachika's brother became called the Nishinotouin family after their residence
[4] - See Chapter 21 for details.
[5] - This actually happened OTL between Kyougoku and Hirohashi, albeit in a different year and with a different regent sending him
[6] - I don't think I addressed this in the past, but having only a single toddler from the Imperial family as figurehead king would have been quite frustrating for the Kingdom of Japan during their early years. Alternatives like having a vacant throne might have been acceptable (since the political theory would be that the actual ruler is held hostage by the Kamakura rebels), and I suppose an imposter Emperor Antoku (like I discussed appearing in one chapter) may have been an option too albeit extremely ambitious
[7] - I'm going to use the same names as OTL princes for people born this long after the butterflies serious affect Japan. In any case, this boy would be an ATL brother of the prince of the same name who became Emperor Hanazono.
[8] - Despite the growth of the court's power in the Kingdom of Japan, the Hakata Shogunate would still hold the authority to arrest courtiers at will much as the Kamakura Shogunate did
[9] - The Tachibana clan (立花) are not to be confused with the Tachibana (橘) family who were mostly court nobles--they are the ancestors of the famous Sengoku era warrior Tachibana Muneshige
[10] - An ATL character--can't find a geneaology of Shouni Sukenobu's OTL children
 
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I'm interested in seeing the long-term consequences of these events in a few centuries, with all the chaos and depopulation wrought over the years (as well as more exposure to continental plagues) could this lead to a rise in a Yeoman-like culture in places like Mutsu or even Ezo? Will the central authority (whoever that may be) give coastal mercantile centers autonomy as a way to partially check the powers of feudal lords ala HRE?
 
Perhaps, even so it would achieve some, even if limited among the Russians and Alan's, fellows, still pagans, warriors ('deployed' or fighting along them). Or among their 'natives/settled dependants' and/or among some from their settled subjects with either political or friendship links with either of them...
It ultimately depends on if the Russian church takes enough interest since they seem to be the only ones with the structure and organisation and will to do so (other Orthodox churches see. It doesn't seem like the Alans in Mongol service were very devout--some converted to Catholicism (but quickly lapsed) and during the civil wars of Northern Yuan in the 15th/16th centuries (in which they were among the factions), they lost their connection to Christianity.
The overlords may have changed, but the scheming never stops.
Indeed. Politics is and always has been mostly scheming.
I'm interested in seeing the long-term consequences of these events in a few centuries, with all the chaos and depopulation wrought over the years (as well as more exposure to continental plagues) could this lead to a rise in a Yeoman-like culture in places like Mutsu or even Ezo? Will the central authority (whoever that may be) give coastal mercantile centers autonomy as a way to partially check the powers of feudal lords ala HRE?
The Japanese equivalent of yeomen were called jizamurai, and came from the upper strata of farmers. They were fairly important OTL, and the same factors of increasing peasant wealth and extensive recruitment of warriors to fill armies that caused their emergence as a class would occur here too. To a degree, they already exist since they would be the poorest strata of warriors who own the least land and are also wealthy peasants (myoshu) who either they or close relatives have served as ashigaru. Any time I mention a do-ikki peasant uprising, it would be these wealthy peasants who are organising and leading it (and for that matter, the ones among them who follow Nichiren Buddhism would be among the leaders of hokke-ikki uprisings as well).

However, unlike OTL they are not direct vassals of any warrior nobles because the process of warriors/the provincial governor making vassals of high-ranking peasants (i.e. the true beginning of Japanese feudalism) is only just beginning to occur. So I'm not sure if you can call them jizamurai or yeomen yet.

Nor would I say they will have any particular association with Mutsu or Ezo. Although the latter probably has a very odd society due to being so recently settled and due to the diversity of its settlers (although they're mostly deported Japanese peasants). If anything, there might be more of an association with Kyushu, since a wealthy peasant family who backed the Mongols in 1281-85 might now legally own part or all of their estate as a reward and have additionally received any number of low-mid level government positions from the imperial court, Hakata Shogunate, or even the local Mongol administration.

Similar thing with cities. The government is too centralised to permit truly independent city governments given that Kyoto is the de jure national capital and Hakata and Kamakura are shogunal capitals and defacto national capitals. Smaller cities have only a few thousand people and don't really have the organising power, although they theoretically do check feudal lords since at least a few of them are nominally owned by a court noble or temple who owns the land the city sprang up on. Others are located on public land, thus the ideal state is they are subject only to the court-appointed civil governor. OTL Japan's semi-independent cities weren't a major factor until the 15th and 16th centuries.

In a few chapters (depending on which order I post the next ones in), I can promise there will be another treatment of how rural administration in the Kingdom of Japan is evolving and how cities there are evolving too.
Alas poor Shouni Kagesuke, doomed by events, remembered not just as a traitor but one of THE great traitors to the nation...
At least he'd be the one most likely to be the subject of revisionism, given the others did so in the context of personal greed (Asahara, Andou) or being persuaded by a court wizard you put far too much trust in (Kyougoku).
Wow! Great chapter @Arkenfolm!
Thank you!
 
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