Roman Republic's survival and effects thereof

That Momentous Year: 91 B.C.

91 B.C.: Tribune Livius Drusus revives the proposal to extend Roman citizenship to Italian socii.** Due to the demand for tribal cohorts both to guard Rome’s expanded borders and to check the threat of military takeover by the permanent cohorts (the ratio is intended to be 3 to 1, which will not change for some time), the proposal passes almost with little opposition. The socii tribes hold the same legal status and duties as the old Roman tribes, though do not [yet] receive Senate membership alongside Roman nobiles.**
Coastal Macedonia rebels, and numerous Thracians come south to assist in invading Roman Greece. The Pontic general Archelaus is in command of the rebels, who have taken the last of Mithridates’ gold in a desperate gambit. Forces intended to assist Marius in Trebizond are instead rushed to Achaea under Lucius Cornelius Cinna and Lucius Cornelius Sulla. Sulla’s forces annihilate the Macedonians and Thracians at the ancient battleground of Thermopylae and advance north to punish the Macedonians, while Caesar spends the remainder of the year pacifying rebellious regions in Achaea.
With no troops available to assist his damaged legions, Marius is stuck in a hard position. To the surprise of nearly all in Rome, he releases the reserve cohorts from duty, who constitute over half of his legions, as well as four Italian cohorts whose time has expired but whose intended replacements are in Macedon, consolidating both permanent cohorts of Italian citizens with his auxiliaries. The Iberians and Lycian allies are sent north to his aid by the Carthaginian Magius, whose actions against the Cilicians have been largely successful. Marius meets Mithridates outside of Sinope, and in a battle which will be studied by tacticians for generations, the battle-hardened Romans destroys Mithridates’ army, which has been weakened by the defection of many mercenaries due to bankruptcy. Sinope is razed and all adult males killed, but Mithridates manages to escape to the Bosporan kingdom (some say dressed as a woman). Marius calls on his trusted ally Magius, whose fleet rounds Asia Minor and sails for the Bosporus. The Carthaginian marines do night even have to fight, as the Bosporan Monarch [??????] hands over Mithridates. As the fleet returns him to Trebizond and the rough justice of Marius, the “Terror of Asia” disappears overboard one night, never to trouble history again.
Cinna remains in Achaea, while Sulla and his forces march across Asia to join Marius. The Roman Senate orders Marius to return and celebrate a triumph, but he sends a letter back saying he will remain in Asia until the Armenians and Syrians have been punished for their role in the war. This creates a crisis in Rome. Marius’ allies say that command should not be changed in wartime, but the conservative party, fearing that Marius’ defiance for the rule of law combined with his army of loyal followers could precipitate an unprecedented crisis, demands that he return to Rome or be labeled a traitor. Finally a compromise is reached. Marius is given the special title of Imperator of the East, with proconsular imperium and a mission of “destroying those who would destroy Rome”, and Cinna is named Proconsul of Asia, with the Herculean task of reorganizing the shattered and mostly depopulated provinces of Asia, Bithynia^, Pontus^, Lycia^, and Cappadocia^. The more expansionist leadership in the city speaks passionately of absorbing Armenia, Syria, and Parthia, some even referring to Marius as “Another Alexander.” The conservatives point out that Alexander ended his life as an Oriental despot, and mutter darkly about the open-ended nature of the “Oriental Imperium” and spin dark scenarios of Marius returning to Rome with his army, which they correctly point out contains only permanent cohorts and auxiliaries loyal only to him; not the citizens on their compulsory service which have checked military dictatorship thus far. The “Imperial” faction laughs these scenarios aside. Anything which gains new land for Rome cannot be bad, though vast tracts of Asia Minor lie open for settlement now, and parts of Achaea and Macedonia have been emptied due to their rebellion.
Cinna begins his reconstruction efforts from Halicarnassus, leaving Marius in de facto control of Pontus and Cappadocia. Marius establishes Colonus Marium in eastern Cappadocia, guarding the approaches to Armenia. From this new base, he begins a massive reconstruction of his army. He starts by releasing the last citizen troops in his service, those with time left being placed under Cinna’s command and those who are done being resettled in coastal Asia. Troops from his permanent cohorts who have completed their individual 10 years of service are resettled, mostly in Trebizond. The permanent cohorts are augmented on an individual basis by members of the auxiliary cohorts who have particularly distinguished themselves in battle, with the promise of citizenship and land at the end of the campaign. The families of the Teutones, Cimbri, and Helvetii who have always provided Marius his most loyal cohorts are allowed to right to settle in the area around Colonus Marium itself, and many more of these tribesmen form new cohorts out of loyalty to the man who defeated their fathers. Marius reinforces the relatively small Roman force under his command by calling on Mithridates’ erstwhile satellites in Colchis and the Bosporan Kingdom to provide troops or face his wrath, Cinna provides many more semi-willing cohorts from the devastated Asia Minor as well as rebellious Greece and Macedon, and Magius, Admiral/governor of Lycia sends 10,000 Lycian volunteers and two cohorts of elite Carthaginian mercenaries. Using the wealth he plundered from the Pontic heartland, Marius builds his new city and pays mercenaries, being careful not to send gold or cause trouble in Rome to risk the personal empire he has built. Nevertheless, many young Romans of the Imperial party flock to help Marius with gold, arms, and mercenaries from throughout the Republic. With an extensive treasure horde at his new city, widespread support back home, and virtually unassailable by the normal checks and balances of the Republic, old Gaius Marius has every reason to feel confident. He plans to set out in the spring with his composite, hardly Roman army of 120,000.
But on the other side of the mountains, a powerful foe waits. Tigranes has not been idle knowing that his relentless enemy is still at large, and Mithridates of Parthia is for once, focused firmly to the West…

*The earlier Mithridatic war checks the threat of a Social War. Besides, OTL political factions have been butterflied away in favor of a strongly expansionist conservative party. Marius is the last hope of the old Populares.
**Yes, this will change, very soon.
^New provinces, which (except for Lycia) have been added because most of their nobility was either killed by Mithridates or sided with him. The situation in Roman Asia is by no means fixed, though.
 
I found the following in the Wikipedia entry on Carthage as I did some research for Carthage's upcoming formal annexation to Rome.
In addition to manufacturing, Carthage practiced highly advanced and productive agriculture, using iron plows (which were only implemented in Early Modern Europe during the 1600s), irrigation, and crop rotation. Mago wrote a famous treatise on agriculture which the Romans ordered translated after Carthage was captured. After the Second Punic War, Hannibal promoted agriculture to help restore Carthage's economy and pay the war indemnity to Rome, and he was largely successful.
Carthage produced wine, which was highly prized in Rome, Etrusca, and Greece. Rome was a major consumer of raisin wine, a Carthaginian specialty. Fruits, nuts, grain, grapes, dates, and olives were grown, and olive oil was exported in competition with Greece. Carthage also raised fine horses, similiar to today's Arabian horses, which were greatly prized and exported.
Carthage's merchant ships, which surpassed even those of the cities of the Levant, visited every major port of the Mediterranean, Britain, the coast of Africa, and the Canary Islands. These ships were able to carry over 100 tons of goods. The commercial fleet of Carthage was comparable in size and tonnage to the fleets of major european powers in the 18th century.
Very interesting. Carthage has been a Roman satellite for some time now, but I don't think all of these things will be widespread throughout Rome until after annexation.
Also, I don't really know what to do with those poor Byrsans down in Senegal. I figure it will take them at least 100 years to make their tropical colony self-sustaining, but these were Carthage's best and brightest who fled. What will Byrsa's economy and society look like after 100 years of isolation? My eventual goal was to have them as a seed for thriving kingdoms earlier in West Africa and for them to explore Africa and possible parts of the Americas centuries ahead of OTL. Anyone with suggestions on the Byrsans, or with any area in this timeline that I've failed to touch on or completely screwed up is welcome to weigh in. The best TLs I've seen on here have been cooperative. What's going on in China? How are the Graeco-Bactrians and Yuezhi doing? The economy and society of Rome and its neighbors are far from fleshed out.
And yes, the annexation of Carthage is going to introduce some interesting political ripples in Rome. I have neglected Roman domestic politics far too much at this point, and need to give it some serious thought before I proceed further on the domestic front.
 
Almost finished writing up 90 B.C., which is going to be a monster of a year that will probably have to be split into two posts. I should have it up at work tomorrow (I only do work on my timeline when I'm being compensated for it by the American taxpayer's dollar). After I finish up the first 100 years I'm going to go back over the first parts of the TL and write out some parts in more detail. The ultimate goal is to divide the TL into 10 year detailed segments and a year by year basic timeline. Really looking forward for the chance to put it on the wiki site...
And now for your exclusive sneak preview...
This year will be the watershed for Rome. Not only is the great army of Marius and Sulla going to rock the balance of power in the East forever, Marius' defiance of the Senate has produced Rome's first constitutional crisis in TTL. The Senate is split between three parties, Carthage's internal politics are at the point of crisis, and Rome's current provincial administration is proving untenable. What will happen? Watch this space and see!
 
Good new installments!:) AAhh, I like these roman timelines! (and Dominus said that is possible some new installment (see the last post of Dominus in Historia Mundi) this weekend in his Historia Mundi, so we will have now two timelines about the Roman Republic:cool: :cool: .

At the end Mitridates was defeated also in TTL (I expect some day anyone makes a timeline about Mithridates being succesful:D ).

*No, Marius could not have stolen this idea from Stonewall Jackson at Second Bull Run. That would involve ASBs. Rather, Jackson must have received this idea from Confederate sympathizers in this timeline who build a time machine and come to OTL. Or Marius and Jackson were both just very sharp boys.

Hmm, I have a lot of suspects about who stole one of my interdimensional-time traveller teleporters:D
 
People don't want Mithridates to win because he was an asshole, just like I've never seen a "WI Saddam Hussein conquered Kuwait and Khuzestan" thread. Note that he may have been defeated, but the Romans never saw his body.
As for your interdimensional transporter, I have it. I promise I'll get it back to you right after I finish setting Artemisia of Halicarnassus to be Empress of Persia. Phillip, satrap of Makedonistan, will marry her granddaughter as a reward for conquering Greece, and Alexander will never be born to destroy the Achaemenid dynasty.
 

Faeelin

Banned
The Bald Imposter said:
People don't want Mithridates to win because he was an asshole, just like I've never seen a "WI Saddam Hussein conquered Kuwait and Khuzestan" thread. Note that he may have been defeated, but the Romans never saw his body.

Why do you consider Mithridates an ass hole?
 
Because that's what we call great conquerers if the "great conquerer" thing doesn't work out. From the perspective of Rome, he certainly was.
He was definitely a capable ruler, but unfortunately for him, both in OTL and ATL, he was too close to Rome for his aggressively expansionist policies to work out. I'd be interested in a timeline about a successful Mithridates, one where he'd be called "Mithridates the Great" instead of dismissed with vulgar epithets.
 
90 B.C.: Rome and the Mediterranean (Part 1 of 4)

90 B.C.:
Meanwhile, back at the ranch…
Debates in the Senate and other Roman councils about the structure of the expanding Republic’s government continue. Three major political factions exist. One, the ideological descendents of Scipio, believes in Romanization throughout Rome’s territories and advocates more voice for the plebeians and others to prevent the rise of tyranny. These conservatives are outraged by Marius’ creation of a larval empire in the East, and are determined to hold the line against any further erosion of Republican virtue. The radical imperialists, led by supporters of Marius, are the ideological descendents of the populares. They believe in the establishment of an “Empire”, with powerful Roman magistrates holding consular imperium on all the frontiers of the Republic plundering the provinces to enrich Italy. The optimates are determined to maintain patrician privilege, and hold much power in the Senate, but are currently devoting most of their energy to checking the excesses of the Imperial party^.
Marius sends word back to Rome requesting a fleet and army to attack Seleucid Syria from the sea. The Carthago-Roman naval hero Gaius Melcartius Magius Lyciaticus, who has recently declared Lycia pacified, is the logical commander for the fleet, and the fiery young patrician Sextus Caecilius Metellus, who has just completed his praetorship in Narbonese Gaul, demands command of the army. The conservative faction in the Senate, determined to hold on to as much control as it can after the defiance of Marius, instead invites Magius to Rome, where, against all precedent, he is given an Ovation and the title “Lyciaticus” by the Senate as recognition for his brilliant military victories in the East. Tainted as he is by association with Marius, Roman leaders have come to regard him as one of their own as the least controversial hero of the Oriental Wars. Magius, during his stay in Rome, ingratiates himself with the Senate’s leadership with his flawless Latin education and support for the conservative party’s policies, which he points out are very similar to those of the Carthaginian government before the rise of those “Mad Barcas*”. The Senate’s leadership, impressed by the military hero (who has not yet reached the age of 40), and by extension, with Carthage, feels that a demi-Roman will prove the best leader for their African satellite.
Magius returns to Carthage and is named one of Carthage’s two “judges” by the city’s council, who feel they have no choice due to his support within Rome. The “Barcid party” in Carthage rises up in opposition to their new leader, who they regard as no better than any Roman, with broad popular support. Magius’ “Roman party”, fearing Rome’s wrath if the Barcids gain any political influence, launches a purge of nationalist supporters. Initially aimed at nobles within the city, the inquisition, led by the (charmingly alliterative) Roman citizen Marcus Melcartius Matabellus, spreads to villages and poor neighborhoods where conservative Punic values still run deep. After two years, an estimated 15,000 people have been executed, and Carthaginian nationalism is gone forever. The reign of terror will long be remembered in the Punic countryside, though Carthage itself has become “More Roman than Rome”, in the words of Matabellus.
The twenty-year old Caecilius Metellus, supported by his family’s (and that of several other Imperial party Romans) vast fortune, has recruited an army of 20,000, of whom barely 2,000 are Roman citizens and veterans of the legions**, the rest being a mixed bag of mercenaries, including a large body of former Cilician and Cretan pirates for whom piracy has become an unviable option, thanks to Carthage’s new head of state and Rome’s greatest admiral [The Roman/Carthaginian navy has made the Mediterranean a “Roman Lake” in a way OTL Rome could only dream of until hundreds of years after this point]. Caecilius Metellus and his merry band of brigands pull into Antioch’s harbor in June, only to become involved in one of Seleucid Syria’s dynastic disputes which mark this period in the declining empire. Throwing his lot in with Phillip I Philadelphus against the Egyptian candidate Demetrius III Eucaerus, the boy general quickly gets bogged down in Syria’s interminable civil war.

^Patrician economic privilege and the establishment of slave-run superfarms has been checked, for some time, by the reforms of Scipio’s compromise party, which has grown to include half of the Senate and completely dominates the Comitia Curiata. Of course, the current round of Oriental wars is going to change things.
*Why, yes, I would like it if a more talented writer than myself were to do a fictionalized account of that.
**Most former legionaries, whether part of the tribal cohorts or veteran regulars, are more than happy to settle down in the land they are fairly granted. Ain’t responsible government and economic prosperity a bitch for would-be tyrants?
 
Marius and Sulla in the Orient (Part 2 of 4)

Where we last left our handsome heroes, on the Cappadocian/Armenian border…
Marius and young Sulla set out over the mountain passes into Armenia as soon as the snow thaws. The boundary between Marius’ Cappadocian territory and Tigranes’ Armenian empire is near the headwaters of both the Tigris (Marius’ bloody draw with Tigranes two years before had been at the head of the Tigris Valley) and Euphrates rivers. The Tigris route will lead Marius to Tigranes’ budding metropolis at Tigranakert and allow him to menace Ecbatana in the Parthian satrapy of Media, but the Euphrates route leads through Seleucid Syria, where Marius hopes he will be getting support from either Magius or Sextus Caecilius. Either route will ultimately lead through Mesopotamia to Seleucia, Babylon, and the head of the ancient Persian Royal Road, the route followed by Alexander on his conquests.
Marius decides to split his forces, leading the Teutones, Helvetii, and most of the legionaries (roughly 70,000 total) down the Tigris to hammer Armenia and shield his Syrian conquests from Parthia’s inevitable strike. Sulla will lead the rest of the army, including the bulk of the cavalry, across the more open Euphrates valley against Parthian-dominated Coelo-Syria. The two conquerors plan to meet in Babylon by midsummer, moving as quickly as possible to avoid getting bogged down.
Marius is initially very successful, defeating an Armenian army only a few miles from his former battleground at Arshamashat, which city surrenders without a siege, and is left undamaged by Marius in exchange for a guarantee of neutrality. Tigranes, however, armed with Parthian gold, encourages the tribes in Marius’ rear to rise up and cut the supply lines of the huge army, as well as to raid the new settlements he has planted in Eastern Cappadocia. Marius is undaunted in his rapid advance towards Tigranakert, but does detach approximately 20,000 of his troops to guard his supply lines and his germ of an empire in Cappadocia. Marius encounters no serious resistance around Tigranakert, but his lack of engineers forces him to besiege the city, despite its rather simple fortifications. By the end of spring, however, the Armenian defenders in and around their capital are becoming desperate due to Marius’ effective noose around the city itself as well as the damage he has done to the surrounding countryside. Tigranes himself withdraws to Parthia to petition Mithridates II for support.
Sulla, meanwhile, made his move on the Assyrian kingdom of Osroene, a Parthian vassal between coastal Syria and Mesopotamia. Osroene capitulates quickly, swearing allegiance to Sulla and even providing him troops. Rather than move against Seleucia/Ctesiphon, just upstream from Babylon, which the heat-averse Parthian armies are still wintering in, Sulla seeks to secure Syria to his rear and gain dominance of the Syrian coast and even menace Egypt before moving against Mesopotamia. Sulla’s advance into Syria is confused by the maze of factions loyal to various Seleucid successors, and he spends much of the spring aimlessly plundering until the arrival of Sextus Caecilius places the Romans firmly on the side of Phillip. The combined armies of Sextus Caecilius and Sulla move quickly against Damascus, the base of Demetrius III Eucaerus, Phillip’s main rival. After a short battle, Demetrius’ army is defeated and the Seleucid dynast is taken hostage by Sulla. Sulla leaves 15,000 of his own troops to assist Phillip in his shaky hold on united Syria, while Sulla himself, with Sextus Caecilius and his ragtag army [about 70,000 total, for those keeping score], advances through the furnace-like July heat of the Euphrates Valley towards Ctesiphon.
In that same July, Marius finally succeeds in breaking the resistance of Tigranakert. After a not-very-thorough (by Roman, and especially by Marius’ standards) sack, Marius is in somewhat tenuous control of half of Armenia. He decides against striking at Ecbatana or Upper Armenia, reasoning that a quick advance down the Tigris Valley towards Ctesiphon will keep the Parthians acting defensively, on his terms. Mithridates, however, is willing to meet Marius on those terms.
The mountain kingdom of Corduene, or Kurdistan, though a Parthian vassal and hostile to Armenia, is not willing to allow the haughty Marius to advance through its territory unmolested (these same tribesmen had cost Xenophon many lives during his famous March Upcountry). Recognizing their inability to meet Marius in open battle, the Kurds launch guerilla attacks against Marius and his supply lines. As his army is slowly disintegrating through a combination of lack of supplies and Kurdish raiders, Marius decides that his best course of action is to move as fast as possible through the wild mountain country, though he knows it will cost him the lives of many troops, including over 5,000 mercenaries massacred at the pass of Sapphe Bezabde. By the end of the summer, his reduced forces enter Adiabene, or Assyria, and meet Mithridates and a Parthian army of over 100,000 just north of Nineveh.
 
90 B.C.: The Battle of Nineveh (Part 3 of 4)

Narrative: Battle of Nineveh
There is evidence Marius’ mind was beginning to slip at this point. The account of Socrates of Sinope, a Pontic Greek who served as a secretary to the great man’s staff, reveals that Marius, though elderly, was beginning to identify with Alexander. When he first heard the report that great numbers of Parthian cavalry had been sighted north of Nineveh, Marius said “But they’re not supposed to come for another three days’ march!” referring to the plain at Gaugamela, between Nineveh and Irbil, where Alexander had shattered the Persian armies. Whatever the state of Marius’ mind, his preparations for the clash with Mithridates were not lacking. Marius’ forces had dispersed across the open Assyrian countryside to plunder food and supplies. Rather than meet the Parthians in pitched battle, where their superior numbers and elite heavy cataphracti would demolish his ragged infantry, Marius took a leaf from the book of the Kurds who he had recently fought. His troops began a retreat to the northwest in a dozen columns, ravaging the countryside as they went, while the Teutonic cohorts burned the fields behind him.
A lesser commander might have reacted with less celerity to seeing the enemy army he expected to face vanish behind a cloud of smoke in the least likely direction, but Mithridates reasoned that even meeting Marius on his own terms could result in no less than a Roman rout. Before noon, his army moved forward dispersed, with squadrons of a thousand spaced approximately half a mile apart, covering over thirty miles of total front and prepared to converge on the Roman main body wherever they might be. The Teutonic cohorts were routed after a short but hard fight, and the Persians finally moved to a site where they could see Marius’ forces. Mithridates had been raised in the Persian warrior tradition, and was expecting an apocalyptic clash in which his men would destroy the massed Roman army while he himself killed the hated Marius. Mithridates, according to legend, was furious when he realized that this was not to be, and spurred his personal squadron hard at the closest Roman force. The battered mercenaries fought hard and without quarter, but their number did not include Marius, and Mithridates was left disappointed as the sun went down. The Romans continued to march hard all night, despite the slaughter of the Teutons and two of their cohorts, but left many stragglers behind.
The next morning, pursuing Dahae cavalry found a group of these stragglers, which appeared to be a white-haired Roman nobleman and a number of his retainers, who had stopped when the old man collapsed from exhaustion. The Roman officer, despite his weakened condition, struggled valiantly, and had to be killed. Knowing he must have been a man of importance, the steppe tribesmen took the body to their sovereign. Again, legend is our only source, but it is said Mithridates laughed out loud for some time looking down at the ravaged corpse of Gaius Marius. He crucified the body where he had been camped, and carried the head of Rome’s greatest commander with him as he moved south to Ctesiphon.
The ragged remains of Marius’ army, leaderless and exhausted, surrendered in bits and pieces to the pursuing Parthians, who offered them amnesty and even positions in the Parthian army, which the bulk of the mercenaries accepted.
 
90 B.C.: Sulla the King (Part 4 of 4)

Sulla’s advance down the Euphrates in summer had damaged his army, but not as badly as Marius’ march through Kurdistan. The Roman commander reasoned that the Parthians would enjoy campaigning in the Mesopotamian summer no more than his polyglot army would, and his supply lines through Osroene were still safe. The desert trading kingdom of Palmyra helped him greatly by not only allowing his advance down the Euphrates but contributing a few thousand cavalry and camel riders to help break Parthia’s hold on their realm. A Parthian army consisting mostly of Arab auxiliaries met Sulla near Dora and was scattered by expert use of the Numidian and Palmyran light horsemen. Sulla continued down the Euphrates unchecked until a Parthian army, commanded by Gotarzabes, satrap of Mesopotamia, met his a few miles west of Sippar. Sulla’s infantry took heavy casualties from the initial charge of the Parthian cataphracts, but his cavalry rode around the Parthian rear and set fire to the fields between the Parthians and Sippar, causing the inept Parthian satrap to retreat before he could the final blow to Sulla’s army. Sulla took the opportunity to advance fast and occupy the city of Seleucia, just across the Tigris River from the Parthian capital of Ctesiphon. Reconsolidating at Seleucia, he sent messengers back to Palmyra, Osroene, and Syria to request aid quickly, as Mithridates and the main Parthian force were moving south from Nineveh to destroy the second prong of the Roman threat. Syria, however, was having its own troubles, and Osroene and Palmyra were reluctant to aid a lesser Roman commander after the defeat of the invincible Marius. Sulla’s troops were, however, well-supplied off the rich Mesopotamian countryside, where diplomacy had replaced outright pillaging as the preferred way to deal with the natives, and morale was high after their string of victories.
Knowing Mithridates would destroy him in a clash of armies, seeing that Ctesiphon was a virtually unassailable target, and recognizing the weakness of his fortifications in Seleucia, Sulla declared himself “King of Mesopotamia” in which position Syria, Osroene, and Palmyra recognized him. His goal was a general Mesopotamian uprising, which he aimed to further with an advance on Babylon. The gambit proved a fruitful one, as the city’s populace overthrew their Parthian governor and opened their gates to him. Sulla, clad in Oriental robes, marched triumphantly through the Ishtar Gate, his army of Oriental mercenaries behind him.
Mithridates, apoplectic with rage, recaptured Seleucia, killing one of every ten male residents in revenge, and set up a siege of Babylon, staking the head of Marius outside the city walls. Mesopotamia, however, remained largely in rebellion throughout the winter.
The rage of the Parthians was mild compared to that in the Roman Senate. Marius’ reputation, at least, had come out roughly level in Rome, with his heroic victories and death in battle counterbalancing his late attempt at establishing and empire, and his property in Italy was safe. Sulla, however, was declared a traitor to the State, under immediate death sentence should he ever return to Roman territory, and his property was confiscated, though allowed to remain within gens Cornelius. The Romans who had accompanied him were also declared traitors, though their property was allowed to proceed to their heirs. As the year ended, Rome faced a severe crisis, the question of what to do with Syria and Marius’ Cappadocian fief an open sore on the body of the great Republic.
 
Mithridates was indeed capable, and pretty smart, he was said to have spoken 20-odd languages... but he was damn ruthless, too. His own mother wanted to kill him because she feared him. He escaped to the wilderness, lived as a hunter, later returned, took the throne, killed some siblings, imprisoned his mother and killed her later, too. When he conquered Greece first time, he had all Italians there killed - about 80,000 people. He lost three wars against Rome (under Sulla, Lucullus and Pompeius respectively) and planned a war even after that. When he committed suicide, all his wives had to kill themself too. He took a dose of poison every day, so his body would accustom and noone could kill him by that way. The comparison to Saddam is good indeed. But he stays a fascinating character... and after all, we have so many Nazis win, CSA wins, Carthage wins, Aztecs win TLs around, one Mithridates wins doesn't hurt.
 
This comes pretty close to being a "Carthage wins" TL. Gaius Melcartius Magius is the first of many Roman heroes of Punic extraction. Carthaginian naval expertise has already made the Mediterranean safe, and pro-Roman politicians have brutally suppressed the inevitable expressions of Punic nationalism. Carthage's formal annexation is coming up in a couple years, and a sovereign republic becoming a province will have a major effect on Rome's coming political reform.
 
It's going to be a few days until the next update, due to people expecting me to do something besides my timeline at work. Just because they're paying me, they think they can tell me what to do, the bastards.
Anyway, upcoming, we have Rome's "Constitutional Convention", where the Republican system, which has had no major structural change since the 2nd (and last) Punic War, is about to be revised to support a much larger Roman state.
The Orient has been shaken considerably. Obviously, King Sulla of Mesopotamia is not going to last long. But we are going to see Egypt absorb the Seleucid kingdom to form the new "Alexandrian Empire", a vigorous champion of Pan-Hellenism and lasting rival of Rome. With the Alexandrians and the vigorous Armenia of Tigranes the Great blocking their further expansion westward, Parthia is going to look east, towards the Greco-Bactrian kingdom, giving Greeks a push into the Tarim Basin, where the Kushan Empire will form farther East as a block to Han China and a vital conduit on the Silk Road, and into India, where the Indo-Greeks will last longer than they did in OTL due to the Alexandrian Empire's opening of the India trade.
The Alexandrians will control all the Indian Ocean trade routes, eventually sailing as far as OTL Indonesia and planting settlements all down East Africa, forming lasting relationships with the kingdoms of Nubia and Ethiopia. Meanwhile, the Byrsans on Africa's west coast will come into their own, trading and sailing around the other side of Africa, eventually coming across South America and the Caribbean.
I also foresee a stronger, longer-lasting Judean state, and some surprising converts to Judaism, which will become one of the dominant religions in the Middle East in the next centuries.
A native Persian dynasty will throw off the Parthian yoke in the next 50 years, but will take much longer than that to establish control over all of Iran.
The Central Asian overland trade route will possibly expand to Rome's outposts on the Black Sea, if someone can give me a good scenario for Central Asia. Nothing (except for the rise of the Alexandrian Empire) is set in stone.
You people are some of the most historically astute and creative around. Please give me any feedback on these ideas, and any ideas of your own which will enhance this timeline.
 
It appears that Egypt was embroiled in Ptolemaic dynastic squabbles almost as bad as Seleucid Syria at this time. Who would be the best candidate to become Alexandrian Empire, if not the new Seleucid king or Ptolemy IX or X?
 
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