Reds vs. Blues, an alternate Cold War

Chapter 20.6

Right, time for a break from all of those countries. Before we return to our regularly-scheduled timeline, I thought it might be handy for a quick guide to British political parties. Especially given what is coming in the next update…

Anyway, on to said guide.

*

Of the various parties to the right of centre in the UK, by far the biggest is the Conservative Party, also called the Tories. Despite being the party of the established order, Tory ministries have seen several radical changes to British politics, such as expanding the franchise on two different occasions.

Despite originally being opposed to electoral reform, Irish Home Rule and making India a dominion, they have come to accept all three with (reasonable) good grace. There are such things as manners, after all. Since the PoD, eight of the fourteen men that have been prime minister (some more than once) have been Tories.

Unlike IOTL, there is no “and Unionist” in their name, as a much smaller contingent of Liberal Unionists defected to them compared to OTL.

The Tories are very much in the anti-EFSR camp, but they were too concerned about what might happen domestically to join the Entente. Instead, they concentrated on a policy of containment, to ensure that EFSR’s gains were kept to a minimum. They have instituted a policy of military expansion and modernisation, however, just in case war does break out.

Despite not being fond of coalitions, especially with parties not of like-mind, the Tories swallowed their pride and come to an accommodation with the Liberals to form the most recent government. Their leadership may be caricatured as being stuffed with tweed[1], but they are nothing if not practical.

*

The Tories’ brethren in Ireland have had to reinvent themselves to suit their new situation. Firstly forming an electoral pact with the Irish branch of the Liberal Unionists, they later merged with them to form the Irish Unionist Party. Still firmly Protestant, the membership is now far more Presbyterian than Church of Ireland, which has annoyed the last remnants of the old guard.

Even so, they have had to make numerous accommodations with the other Irish Parties, joining numerous (and rather mixed) coalitions in both the Home Rule and Ulster Assemblies. Their exclusion from the Irish government in 1930 prompted the considerable complaint from the Irish Unionists, but they were invited to join the one of 1935, after some grumbling.

However, they are not the only Protestant unionist party in town – the Orange Party are their main competition for votes, claiming to be more Protestant and more unionist.

*

Then there is the Democratic Party. Formed in 1916, not long after Home Rule was granted, they were one of the first parties to capitalise on the nascent feeling of “well, what do we do now then?” that was growing in Irish politics.

Not that dissimilar to the Conservative Party, they filled a centre-right niche for the Catholic majority that the (mostly Protestant) Tories couldn’t cater for. Since they first gained seats in all four of the Irish Regional Assemblies in 1919, they have been increasing in strength.

When the Conservatives need support for a vote, they are the first port of call…

*

The other significant party of the right is the National Party. Originally founded to support the interests of demobbed soldiers, they drifted further and further to the right, absorbing other groups as they went. Nowadays, their politics are just shy of outright Spartacism, though they would never admit to it. Despite this, they are firmly in favour of war with EFSR, and would like all socialist groups (especially communist ones) and trade unions banned.

When in rallies or on demonstrations, party members tend to wear grey shirts (hence their nickname), black ties and black pinstriped trousers (for men) or grey blouses, black berets, black thigh-length skirts and black stockings (for women). They like marching, and big banners with slogans (normally anti-socialist) on them.

They are supported by the *Daily Mail. Make of that what you will…

*

Now onto the centre. The biggest party in this part of the spectrum is the Liberal Party.

With Gladstone suffering from illness during the 1880s and 90s, and no-one who could adequately take his place, the Liberals were out of power until 1902. During this period, following much soul-searching, Joseph Chamberlain managed to reintegrate the fractured party under his leadership, though a few unreconstructed Liberal Unionists defected to the Tories, and those in Ireland formed the Unionist Party (see above). His premiership saw the establishment of electoral reform and Irish home rule, which has changed Britain forever.

Since 1910, all Liberal governments have been coalitions. Though they are more amenable to them than the Tories, they have various degrees of success depending on which parties have joined them.

Despite having reunified following their spat over Irish Home Rule, the party has split over whether to participate in European Wars. The latest round has led them to being a junior partner in a Tory-led coalition, which isn’t that popular amongst either set of backbenchers.

*

The other centrist party is the appropriately-named Centre Liberal Party. The Irish Liberals decided to spin off as their own party, in an attempt to rebrand, and gain support amongst Catholic voters. So far they have been successful, forming several coalitions in Irish Home Rule and Regional Assemblies. The former Home Rule League has since disbanded, with most of its membership joining the Centre Liberals.

*

Of the many left-wing parties in Westminster, the *Labour Party is by far the most popular. They have grown up quite a bit from the early days when they were the Liberal Party’s little buddy(TM).

Unlike IOTL, the mainstream left-wing movements haven’t coalesced into one big party, with multiple factions. Instead there are several – imagine if you will the major factions of the OTL Labour Party as their own parties. The combination of butterflies, more multi-member constituencies following the 1885 reorganisation, electoral reform and a generally more divided left has led to the small parties gaining a lot of support very quickly, and diverging too much to form an orderly merger.

ITTL, Labour is more or less equivalent to the OTL Labour right. The leadership is predominately of the intellectual, technocratic, pipe-smoking, tax-the-rich Robin Hood redistributive, armchair socialist variety; the rank and file are somewhat leftier, and generally of the syndicalist persuasion. They would like to nationalise public transport, utilities and heavy industry, and to have strong trade unions. They are also supportive of a strong welfare state, in as much as it acts as a safety net, and (more recently) a national healthcare system that provides for all. They are, however, not opposed to necessary reforms to industrial practices (emphasis on the necessary).

Labour is supported by the bigger and more conciliatory trade unions (i.e. those who respect the whole mandatory conciliation business, due to Labour’s insistence on the earlier than OTL establishment of industrial tribunals).

Despite being on the left, Labour doesn’t like EFSR one bit, no matter what right-wing propaganda says. At least their leadership doesn’t. Ok, most of the leadership. Anyway, this is something of a hot potato, can we talk about something else now…

More recently, though, Labour has gotten firmly into bed with the ILP (more on them later), and is drifting to the left. Whether this will be successful is yet to be seen.

*

The Labour Unionists are no longer little more than the Irish branch of the Labour Party. Like the Irish Liberals, they are in the process of adapting to the reality of Home Rule, and have even stopped campaigning as a separate party in Irish elections. Instead, they stand on a joint-platform to Irish Labour as the Labour Party of Ireland

*

Much like the Democratic Party and the Tories, Irish Labour is very similar in its politics to the British Labour Party, but with more support amongst the Catholic community.

They have drained support from the left of Irish Parliamentary Party and the Home Rule League, and have formed or joined multiple coalitions in Irish Home Rule and Regional assemblies.

*

The Social Democratic Federation is the second biggest, though it wasn’t always. Electoral reform has been good to the smaller socialist parties, particularly to the SDF. More recently, their strength has ballooned, partially at the expense of the Liberals, who compete with them for second and third preferences.

Having been in government with the Liberals in the 1920s, they found much common cause with the left wing of the Liberal Party, and were generally better behaved than Labour’s backbenchers were. Though they don’t take the Liberal whip, they generally vote in the same way on most issues.

As their name suggests, the Social Democrats are of the social democratic variety of socialism. They gain their support from the quieter unions and from individual donations.

*

The Cooperative Party, the political arm of the cooperative movement, is fairly popular, especially in the south and east of England. They can go toe to toe with Labour in terms of seats gained in those regions; many of these are in the traditionally conservative Home Counties.

They generally gain support from the second or third preferences of Liberal or Tory voters, who are put off Labour, but find the modest socialism of the Cooperative Party easier to swallow.

*

Last, but by no means quietest, is the Independent Labour Party. This is the equivalent to the OTL Labour left and Militant Tendency, and would greet the likes of Tony Benn and Bob Crow with open arms. They want to nationalise practically everything that moves, and everything that doesn’t, price controls to keep things affordable for the common man, and a very strong trade union movement.

They are mostly syndicalist, with a few borderline communists, anarcho-syndicalists and what would be called Trotskyists IOTL. There are also more than a few actual communists in the party – not all Marxists in Britain support EFSR, and they would rather have Britain be the core of a Commonwealth/Anglosphere-wide democratic socialist federation.

They are supported by the middle-ranking trade unions, especially the more truculent ones (i.e. the ones who would rather strike than even consider mediation), and a smattering of hard left organisations who don’t dance to Berlin’s tune.

*

Then there are the actual, dyed-in-the-wool Marxists, the Socialist Action Party. Their support has gone up and down over the past few elections, but they have yet to drop below a dozen seats.

Naturally, they support EFSR and oppose imperialist capitalism and colonialism. Some even support Britain joining EFSR outright, in order to form a worldwide socialist federation.

They are supported by the most hardline trade unionists, filled with fellow Marxists, and (not entirely covertly) by funds from EFSR.

*

The last two parties don’t readily fall into any particular part of the political spectrum.

Firstly, the Irish Parliamentary Party, once the big beast of Irish politics, propping up successive Liberal governments, has had the wind taken out of its sails. The very thing that it had campaigned for – Home Rule – has actually resulted in its support dropping bit by bit over the years. Their fellow pro-Home Rule party, the Home Rule League, has disbanded itself, largely merging with the Centre Liberals. Once they led coalitions in the Assemblies; now they are lucky to be third fiddle…

Partially, this is because they didn’t have any definite aims beyond securing home rule. Other parties have either entered into the newly fertile political ground, like the Democratic Party, or the defunct Land Reform Party, or have adapted themselves, like the Liberals and Labour. As times change, the Irish Parliamentary Party has found themselves without a purpose.

*

The Paírtí Éirean, on the other hand, has adapted to the new reality, sweeping up most of the mainstream of Irish Nationalism. They want an independent Ireland as a dominion, to be Great Britain’s friend, ally, trading partner and, above all, equal, not joined at the hip. They are happy to be politically aligned with Britain, as a member of the Commonwealth and the anti-EFSR contingent in the League of Nations. (Basically, think more SNP than Sinn Fein.)

There are republicans amongst the party, but they are a distinct minority. Most of the republican nationalists are either members of the Irish Republican Party – which have no seats in Westminster, and are declining in Ireland proper – or the hard-left pro-EFSR Gaelic Worker’s Party. Indeed, the latter is in danger of absorbing the entirety of republican sentiment in Ireland…

--

[1] And have awesome facial hair, but that’s beside the point. :D
 
Good bunch of updates, AE - I've been away for a bit, and it's great to come back and see loads of stuff I've missed to catch up on.
 
Act the Fourth
Chapter 21

In which we finally end our first intermission and get on with the show, and Britain gets a change of government.


Despite the Tory-Liberal coalition’s success at keeping the UK out of the European War, and a period of economic stability and growth, the electorate would not reward them at the ballot box. Support for both the Conservatives and Liberals had been slowly waning throughout the length of the government, for numerous reasons.

To say that an election is a historic one is a well-worn cliché, as each is unique in its own right. However, the UK General Election of 1938 was historic, in that it was the first time the prime minister was anything other than a Tory or Liberal/Whig. Despite paranoia about EFSR, the left had reached a high point in British politics. Though the Socialist Action Party lost seats, inexplicably, the National Unity Party lost all of its seats in Westminster, defying expectations of a resurgence in the populist, hard-right.

Instead, it was the best election result the Labour Party had ever achieved to date…

Unfortunately, the House of Lords was stuffed full of Tory peers, and a not inconsiderable number of Liberals, which would hold up everything endlessly. Eventually, they agreed that they would not oppose the government’s budgets, nor anything that was in their collective manifestos that was approved by the Commons. [Equivalent to the OTL Salisbury Convention.]

*

Result of the 1938 Westminster election

HM’s Government (318), of which

  • Labour & Independent Labour[1] – 183 (+102)
  • Social Democratic Federation – 66 (-2)
  • Cooperative Party – 53 (+15)
  • Irish Labour Party – 12 (+6)
  • Labour Unionist – 4 (+1)
11 seats short of a majority

HM’s Loyal Opposition (170), of which

  • Conservative Party – 160 (-72)
  • Irish Unionist – 10 (+3)
Other opposition parties

  • Liberal Party – 112 (+6)
  • Socialist Action Party – 19 (-6)
  • Paírtí Éirean – 10 (+3)
  • Centre Liberal Party – 6 (-1)
  • Democratic Party – 6 (-12)
  • Irish Parliamentary Party – 6 (=)
*

Despite significant gains, the so-called Socialist Coalition was still technically a minority government. They could have achieved an outright majority by bringing in the Socialist Action Party, or a large one with the Liberals, but neither option had enough support amongst the backbenchers or the party leaders to succeed. Instead, they made arrangements on a vote by vote basis, counting on several combinations of parties during the length of the parliament.

At any rate, it would be a period of change. Emboldened, the technocrats came out in force, and set out to change the country. Though is said that political change in Britain comes by evolution rather than revolution[2], they would give it a damn good try.

Some of the government policies were little more than expansions of existing programmes, or policies that they hadn’t succeeded in implementing previously whilst in opposition.

*

Further money was allocated to local authorities to build social housing, which had been a requirement since early 1920s [and IOTL]. Slum clearances were accelerated, especially in places of extreme deprivation[3]. Though the ILP held some admiration for EFSR’s technocratic socialism, it didn’t share its taste in architecture – the great urban warrens of reinforced concrete that were springing up around Germany were not in vogue in the UK[4].

*

As access to electricity became more and more widespread with the expansion of the now nationwide grid, it was nationalised in 1938[5]. Attempts to outright nationalise power generation failed, however, when a group of SDP and Cooperative backbenchers “mysteriously” failed to turn up in time. Despite being mooted following the end of the Great War[6], there simply wasn’t enough support for outright centralisation of this kind. Instead, the Liberals successfully proposed an amendment, expanding the number of publically-owned electricity generators, utilising oil as well as the traditional fuel of choice: coal.

Similar plans to nationalise the gas supply were also shot down. Unlike electricity, gas was produced locally, through municipal gas works, and provided by private companies and local governments. There was no national gas network, and indeed there wouldn’t be one for several more decades, after natural gas was discovered in the North Sea. [Similar to OTL.]

They did, however, legislate to rationalise and better regulate the domestic water supply system, including requiring the suppliers to provide water to non-domestic users, and expanding the various local government offices’ remit to include water conservation for supply, and the power to enforce mergers where needed. Eventually, this would lead to a national (and nationalised) water supply system, but that would have to wait a few more decades to come to fruition. [Similar to OTL.]

*

Welfare provision was expanded, including further disregards for savings for means-testing, giving more people access to pensions and social insurance than ever before.

It was also the beginning of a nationwide public health service. Control of public hospitals and mental-health institutions were transferred from local authorities to a series of regional health boards; charitable hospitals were also placed under their regulation, though they were permitted to retain autonomy (for the time being)[7].

Paid for by a combination of taxation, charges and social insurance, it proved very popular. Pensioners, the unemployed, dependents, people disabled by industrial injuries and the very poor would have their insurance topped up by the state, whilst workers contributed by direct deductions from their wages[8].

Emergency treatment, especially life-saving ones, would be free to all who needed it in public hospitals, as was maternity care. Primary care, such as eye care, dentistry and general practitioners, though still mostly private, were subsidised to allow greater access by the poor. The ILP wanted a far more centralised system, with free everything, but they were shot down by the rest of the coalition, causing them go into a huff…

Over the next decade, the overall health of Britain’s poorest people improved dramatically, and infant mortality fell by similar levels.

*

Compulsory free education was extended to all 14 year olds, with provision to allow local education authorities to increase this to 15 if they wished. [1944 IOTL.]

The government also reformed and regularised the schooling system into the tripartite system still in use today. Secondary schools had been in place since the turn of the century [IOTL also], but publically funded ones were considerably expanded by the government. An examination at the end of primary schooling was brought in to decide which type of school each pupil was best suited to.

The first type was the grammar school, intended for the more academic students. These were a combination of state-funded and direct-grant, the latter being allowed to admit fee-paying pupils also. Though very prestigious, they would not appear in sufficiently large numbers to accommodate all the qualifying pupils until the 1950s. Accusations of favouring the middle classes were abound, despite streaming, and not entirely without basis, especially at first.

The second time was the technical school, intended for vocationally minded students. Though opposed by the more zealous unions, jealously guarding their apprenticeship system, they would be supported by the political left, right and centre to encourage skills training. They would receive a considerable amount of funding over the years[9].

The third was the secondary school, which was for everyone else. These would be large, especially in the big cities, and, shall we say…not entirely successful. Accused (not without cause) of being a dumping ground for working class students, especially in deprived inner city areas, they would prove to be something of an embarrassment for several successive governments.

*

The Bank of England was nationalised in 1940 [1946 IOTL], though it was allowed to maintain considerable autonomy.

*

The “nationalise everything” brigade failed, once again, to bring the railways in Great Britain under state ownership (they had already been nationalised in Ireland some years previously). The British political establishment in general was not ready for such a change – yet.

However, the railways did continue to improve. With some freedom to choose what kind of freight they could carry, and with integrated timetables with the major bus companies, the railways continued to be the long-distance passenger transport of choice for the ordinary commuter (air travel would still be out of reach for the majority of people for some time yet).

Southern Railways, with its pioneering spirit, paved the way for modernising the other railway companies’ fleets. With greater supply of power, electrification of lines increased, while the older steam trains were preferentially replaced with newer Hornby [diesel] engines, with a few Hornby/electric and all-electric ones being added later. [This is similar to OTL, but with even more modernisation.]

Despite romantic attachment, and being cheaper to build, the old steamers were expensive to maintain, and were just soooo old fashioned, dahling! In comparison, the Hornbys were expensive to build, but cheaper to maintain, and what with all the oil being available and becoming cheaper.

The newer engines were artistically streamlined (including the steamers), and were poster children for the railways and the expanding tourist industry. The Northeastern Railways clung on to their steamers, and speed records were constantly being broken and fought over between the different types.

But, sooner or later, one must either move with the tide of progress, or be swept away by it…

Despite all of these improvements, it is very hard for private railways to make a profit without substantial government subsidy. Eventually, even Britain will join the ranks of countries with state-owned railways.

*

In acknowledgement of the devolutionist (hah!) tradition of the Labour Party (shamelessly stolen from the Liberals when it proved to be popular), they established a Welsh Office in 1938, with powers similar to (but not as strong as) the Scottish Office, replacing the (strictly advisory) Welsh Board set up in 1925. A deliberative Welsh Assembly, again echoing the Scottish one, was also instituted, and elections held later that year. The legislation also finally recognised Monmouthshire as part of Wales, a status that had been ambiguous until then[10].

*

In acknowledgement that colonies were rather embarrassing for a left-wing government (which was genuine), several of them were prepared for (eventual) independence. The first of these was Ceylon, which gained a bicameral parliament in 1940, modelled on the Irish one, elected by STV and universal suffrage[11].

Burma would gain a similar one in 1941[12], as would Cyprus[13] (with protests from Greece) and Palestine in 1942[14], all using STV.

Both the Ceylonese and Burmese legislatives would use systems adapted from India, with seats reserved for female candidates, and ones for ethnic minorities. Also like India, both Ceylon and Burma would (in time) gain strong regional and local governments, which allowed the various minorities the ability to balance power against the ethnic majority. Upper Burma and the Shan States still retained their traditional methods of government, though, much like the Princely States of India.

Cyprus’ legislative has guaranteed representation for the Turkish minority in the upper house and in the government, but doesn’t use reserved seats for the lower house. Palestine uses a similar system, though the Arabs and Jews are far more equal in population than Greek and Turkish Cypriots are, making cross-community power-sharing a necessity[15]; there are also reserved seats in the upper house for Christians, mostly representatives of the many Churches.

*

The government was better known for its domestic policies, but there were a few others of note.

The first was, despite its generally anti-war stance, they continued with the previous government’s plans to expand and improve the military, though concentrating more on the Royal Air Service than the Royal Navy.

The second and third were in matters of foreign policy…

The Statute of Westminster (1939)[16] removed all but the last vestiges of the British Government’s ability to legislate over the affairs of its dominions, except by the request of their respective governments. However, the Privy Council still remained the final court of appeal for all parts of the British Commonwealth and Empire. Acts enabling the provisions of the Statute were passed almost immediately in India and Newfoundland; Canada and South Africa adopted it without needing ratification by their respective parliaments[17]. East Africa passed such an act in 1941, though Australia and New Zealand didn’t pass enabling acts until 1949 and 1953 respectively[18].

However, there were ambiguities in the wording of the statute, which still gave Britain some (theoretical) right to legislate for the provinces of Canada, Australia and South Africa, and the constitutions of New Zealand and Newfoundland[19] until this was finally resolved towards the end of the century.

The third matter was in extending diplomatic recognition to the new socialist states in Europe. This was extremely controversial at the time, and protests flew from the various exile governments, as well as from Japan and the Balkan League. But politics must deal with matters as they are, not as they wish them to be, and embassies and consulates were (re-)opened.

*

Some predicted that the parties of the left would remain dominant, at the expense of a dwindling Liberal Party, echoing trends in Scandinavia, thereby winning several more general elections by themselves in future. A smaller number feared that Britain would end up turning into an EFSR satellite by the back door. In the end, though, none of these things would come to pass…

It was noticeable though that, unlike the standard to-ing and fro-ing over the various rules governing strikes, none of the enacted legislation mentioned above was repealed by the next government, nor even significantly amended.

*

Result of the 1940 Irish Assembly election

HM’s Government (83), of which

  • Centre Liberal Party – 42 (+4)
  • Labour Party – 31 (+3)
  • Irish Parliamentary Party – 10 (-2)
Giving an effective majority of 16 (-18)

Official Opposition (29), of which

  • Democratic Party – 29 (-3)
Other opposition parties

  • Paírtí Éirean – 18 (=)
  • Orange Party – 9 (+3)
  • Unionist Party – 8 (-6)
  • Gaelic Worker’s Party – 2 (+1)
  • Irish Republican Party – 1 (=)
*

Unlike on the mainland, the previous government in Dublin was returned (minus the Unionists), but with a reduced majority. Unlike in 1930, this time around the Unionist Party’s protests fell on deaf ears. Irish politics had grown up a lot over the past decade; meanwhile, the Unionists, slow to accept change, were becoming increasingly irrelevant.

They too adopted similar polices to the Socialist coalition in Westminster, with the adoption of a universal healthcare system, expanding welfare to more people and the modernisation of industry.

The state, which already had a large stake in the peat industry[20], established a corporation to expand its electricity generation through hydroelectricity[21]. By 1942, all of Ireland’s larger hydroelectric dams were under state ownership, or were heavily subsidised.

*

Result of the 1939 Scottish Assembly election


  • Conservative Party – 18 seats (-4)
  • Liberal Party – 17 seats (=)
  • Labour & Independent Labour – 18 seats (+18)
  • Cooperative Party – 4 seats (=)
  • National Unity Party – 1 seat (=)
  • Social Democratic Party – 13 seat (+1)
  • Socialist Action Party – 2 seats (=)
*

Result of the 1938 Welsh Assembly election


  • Conservative Party – 7 seats
  • Liberal Party – 12 seats
  • Labour & Independent Labour – 10 seats
  • Cooperative Party – 1 seat
  • National Unity Party – 1 seat
  • Social Democratic Party – 2 seats
  • Socialist Action Party – 2 seats
  • Independents – 1 seat
*

--

[1] Labour and the ILP stood on a joint ticket during this election.
[2] This is not entirely true (see the English Civil War). However, it was hard to tell the difference sometimes with a few of the more, shall we say…outré…policies the government attempted to enact.
[3] Without the Blitz ITTL, this is going to take rather longer, and be a more gradual process. Many houses that would have simply been demolished outright IOTL would instead simply be renovated, where possible. Despite how radical this government is, the OTL Labour governments of the 1950s and 60s were even more so, and had proper majorities to play with.
[4] Thank goodness. TTL’s equivalent to Art Deco is still very much de rigour in Britain, even for dyed in the wool socialists. Just because it has high utility, doesn’t mean it can’t look nice.
[5] The National Grid was nationalised in 1947 IOTL. With more free capital around and not taking place in the war, expansion of the grid is faster ITTL than IOTL.
[6] The OTL Birchenough Report of 1919 also suggested this, but it wasn’t enacted either.
[7] IOTL, plans for a national health service were suggested in the 1930s, but were put on hold by WWII. As mentioned in a previous post, I see no reason why the UK couldn’t have a national health service implemented at around the same time ITTL, especially given the fact that there’s plenty of money sloshing around for the government to work with.
[8] This is more like the system France uses IOTL.
[9] Unlike IOTL, where they failed due to a combination of factors. ITTL, they are more prestigious, and aren’t simply used as a dumping ground for those that don’t quite pass the ATL equivalent to the eleven-plus exam.
[10] The Welsh Board is the ATL equivalent to the OTL (advisory only) Council for Wales and Monmouthshire. The OTL Welsh Office wouldn’t be founded until 1964. IOTL, Monmouthshire’s status wouldn’t be finally pinned down until the Local Government Act 1972, though mentions to “Wales and Monmouthshire” would be made until at least 1978. The English Democrats have campaigned on a referendum on Monmouthshire’s status, particularly as it was the only part of Wales that mostly voted “No” in the Welsh devolution referendum in 2011 (and even then, by a margin of just 1.28%). It’s basically the UK’s answer to Alsace-Lorraine, but with its own warm-water port :D.
[11] Gained in 1948 IOTL (minus STV), with a partially appointed, partially indirectly-elected upper house. Britain is retreating from empire faster ITTL, what with India becoming independent much sooner than IOTL.
[12] Easier to enact ITTL (though possibly a bit harder in some ways), due to it being separated from India much sooner than OTL. The more nationalist Burmese (read tiny middle class) were still annoyed that they didn’t enjoy the same reforms India received, much like OTL.
[13] Governed as a crown colony until 1960 IOTL. ITTL, Cyprus’ education system under British rule taught using both English and Greek (with Turkic being used in those areas with a sizable Turkish minority). Cyprus’ culture is sufficiently different from Greece’s, that the majority of its population does not want annexation. Greece still does, though, and is very annoyed at continual resistance to what it sees as the reunification of the Hellenic people.
[14] Smaller and much quieter than OTL’s Mandate of Palestine, and with a smaller Jewish population (most *Zionists having migrated to East Africa instead), British governors have had a much easier time ruling it. On the other hand, those that have settled in Palestine tend to be more conservative, so community cohesion is not easy. It is much less shooty place, though, which is nice.
[15] It also uses STV rather than the Party List system, giving its politics a reasonable degree of moderation compared to OTL.
[16] Enacted in 1931 IOTL.
[17] This was the case IOTL.
[18] There was a similar delay with Australia and New Zealand enabling the Statute of Westminster (1942 and 1947 respectively).
[19] This was also the case IOTL (except for South Africa, which has a different constitution IOTL, and Newfoundland, which joined Canada), which wasn’t resolved until the 1980s.
[20] This was the case IOTL. De Valera and co. were very into state-ownership when it suited them.
[21] Developed sooner ITTL, with more industry in Ireland.
 
Chapter 21.1

In which the new public health regions are elucidated upon. Please note: health policy outside England comes under the purview of the Irish assembly, and the respective Secretaries of State for Scotland and Wales.


England


  • Bristol – Gloucestershire, Wiltshire, part of Somerset; County Boroughs of Bath, Bristol and Gloucester
  • East Anglia – Cambridgeshire, Isle of Ely, Huntingdon, Norfolk, Soke of Peterborough, East and West Suffolk; County Boroughs of Great Yarmouth, Ipswich and Norwich
  • East Mercia – Derbyshire, Leicestershire, Nottinghamshire, Northamptonshire, Rutland; County Boroughs of Derby, Leicester Nottingham and Northampton
  • Essex – Essex; County Boroughs of East Ham, Southend on Sea and West Ham
  • Hampshire – Hampshire, Isle of Wight; County Boroughs of Bournemouth, Portsmouth and Southampton
  • Hertford – Bedfordshire, Hertfordshire
  • Leeds – part of West Riding; County Boroughs of Bradford, Dewsbury, Halifax, Huddersfield, Leeds and Wakefield
  • Lincoln – Lincolnshire; County Boroughs of Grimsby and Lincoln
  • Liverpool – parts of Cheshire and Lancashire; County Boroughs of Birkenhead, Bootle, Liverpool, St. Helens, Southport, Wallasey and Warrington
  • London – County of London, Middlesex; City of London
  • Manchester – parts of Cheshire and Lancashire; County Boroughs of Bolton Bury, Manchester, Oldham, Rochdale, Salford, Stockport and Wigan
  • North-East – County Durham, Northumberland, parts of North Riding; County Boroughs of Darlington, Gateshead, Middlesbrough, Newcastle upon Tyne, South Shields, Sunderland, Tynemouth and West Hartlepool
  • North-West – Cumberland, Westmoreland, parts of Lancashire; County Boroughs of Barrow in Furness, Blackburn, Blackpool, Burnley, Carlisle and Preston
  • Oxford – Berkshire, Buckinghamshire, Oxfordshire; County Boroughs of Oxford and Breading
  • Sheffield – part of West Riding; County Boroughs of Barnsley, Doncaster, Rotherham and Sheffield
  • South-East – Kent, Surrey, East and West Sussex; County Boroughs of Brighton, Canterbury, Croydon, Eastbourne, Hastings
  • South-West – Cornwall, Devon, Dorset, Isles of Scilly, part of Somerset; County Boroughs of Exeter and Plymouth
  • West Mercia – Herefordshire, Shropshire, Staffordshire, Warwickshire, Worcestershire, parts of Cheshire; County Boroughs of Birmingham, Burton on Trent, Chester, Coventry, Dudley, Smethwick, Stoke on Trent, Walsall, West Bromwich, Wolverhampton, Worcester
  • York – East Riding, parts of North Riding and West Riding; County Boroughs of Kingston upon Hull and York
Wales


  • North – Anglesey, Caernarvonshire, Denbighshire, Flintshire, Merionethshire
  • Mid and West – Brecknockshire, Cardiganshire, Carmarthenshire, Montgomeryshire, Pembrokeshire, Radnorshire
  • South – Glamorganshire, Monmouthshire; County Boroughs of Cardiff, Merthyr Tydfil, Newport and Swansea
Scotland


  • Borders – Berwick, Peebles, Roxburgh, Selkirk
  • Forth and Tayside – Angus, Clackmannan, Fife, Kinross, Perth
  • Grampian – Aberdeen, Banff, Kincardine, Moray
  • Highlands and Islands – Caithness, Inverness, Nairn, Orkney, Ross and Cromarty, Shetland, Sutherland
  • Lothian – East Lothian, Midlothian, West Lothian; City and County of Edinburgh
  • Southwest – Ayr, Dumfries, Kirkcudbright, Wigtown
  • Strathclyde – Argyll, Bute, Dumbarton, Lanark, Renfrew, Stirling; City and County of Glasgow
Ireland


  • East Leinster – County Dublin, Kildare, Wicklow; County Borough of Dublin
  • East Ulster – Antrim, Armagh, Down; County Borough of Belfast
  • Munster South – Cork, Kerry, Waterford; County Borough of Cork
  • North Connaught – Leitrim, Roscommon, Sligo
  • North Leinster – Longford, Louth, Meath, West Meath
  • North Munster – Clare, Limerick, North and South Riding of Tipperary; County Borough of Limerick
  • South Connaught – Galway, Mayo
  • South Leinster – Carlow, Kilkenny, Laois, Offaly, Wexford
  • West Ulster – Cavan, Donegal, Fermanagh, Londonderry, Monaghan, Tyrone; County Borough of Londonderry
 
Sorry for the delay, folks. The next update won't be posted for a while yet, as I have to study for my exams, which are in the first week of June.

In the meantime, please comment.
 
It lives!

Chapter 22

In which we learn what’s been happening with all those socialist uprisings.


The period immediately after the European War was a time of great upheaval, both in Europe and elsewhere. The defeated countries – France, Italy and Russia – had all fallen to civil war, with EFSR-backed leftists fighting against whatever hodgepodge of loyalists and other anti-Marxist groups could be assembled. Greece, Bulgaria and Romania would form the Balkan League in 1937, joined by Montenegro the following year.

Concerned with the effect of prolonged bloodshed, and with the League of Nations’ relevance under threat, the United States invited all the countries of Europe and Asia to come together “for the pursuit of peace, reconciliation and harmony in the brotherhood of nations”.

In the beginning, this was largely ignored. However, as the situation on the Continent escalated, many countries decided that peace was infinitely preferable to war.

In 1938, the Eurasian Forum was established, based in Zurich, in the still neutral Switzerland. That year, delegates from the UK, Portugal, Denmark, EFSR, Hungary, Lithuania and the United States met to discuss a mutual agreement to bring about an end the civil conflicts and to recognise whatever faction that came out on top as the legitimate government.

*

First on the list was Italy. The war in the peninsula itself had ground to a bloody stalemate, with the Marxist-led leftist coalition controlling the north and centre, and the monarchists the south and the islands. Eventually, an arbitration committee made up of delegates from the League of Nations and the League of International Socialist States (or LISS for short) met in Rome to broker an agreement.

After several months of negotiation, the border was fixed along provincial lines, based on which faction controlled the majority of its territory. Though neither side extended diplomatic recognition to the other, the war itself was over. (Now they could get down to undermining each other by covert means, instead.)

The former Italian colonies of Libya and Somaliland were recognised as independent Marxist republics, and were admitted to the LISS. Finally, an uti possidetis peace was established in Abyssinia, with the north remaining under Royalist rule and the south was left to cobble together some kind of statehood. North and South Abyssinia, like the Italies, would not extend diplomatic recognition to each other, but their relations would be far more hostile than their northerly counterparts.

*

French Africa, despite some unrest, was mostly quiet when large numbers of French loyalist troops fled from the mainland. The quasi-Spartacist government had already moved to Algiers, but was deposed by a coalition of moderates and anti-Spartacist right-wingers within months when it was obvious that they would persist in their failed and discredited policies in Algeria as well, likely alienating those very people whose goodwill they depended upon for their continued survival.

Pockets of Spartacist hardliners held on for years in France. The largely Syndicalist paramilitary forces saw that their opponents would rather die in a ditch than be ruled by leftists, so they obliged them most thoroughly.

Meanwhile, in the Far East, the French colonial forces in Indochina and Hainan were dangerously exposed. With local guerrillas threatening to topple their masters, and with the situation likely to spiral out of control due to mutual disagreements, Japan stepped in “to maintain order”. By the end of 1936, Japanese army units and naval flotillas had placed the colony under its “protection”.

Despite protests from both Paris and Algiers, too few other voices complained. The League of Nations moved to recognise the newly-established Republic of Hainan and Federated Republic of Indochina, both of which were admitted by the end of 1940.

*

Russia was…complicated. Much of the Tsarist court had fled eastwards, along the Trans-Siberian, and was poised to flee at a moment’s notice. Eventually, they would end up in Vladivostok.

Much of European Russia was under the control of a diverse group of moderate republicans, Marxists, anarchists, other left wingers and minority groups – basically, anyone who had been grinded under the regime’s many boot heels over the years. Tsar Nicholas II had holed up in Moscow, ready to die in what he thought would be a glorious battle. In the end, it was far from glorious, but he would die – shot three times by an anonymous rebel.

It would take the best part of a decade for the Russian republicans to establish proper control, and the remaining part fighting each other for dominance. During this time, Royalist forces (or Whites as they were called) had dug in, holding the Caucasus, much of Turkestan and the Russian Far East. By the time of the Tsar’s death, the generals had largely given up on trying to restore the Romanovs’ power, and looked to themselves. Backed by British and Japanese aid and arms, they held off until the Republicans just gave up trying to recover the whole of Russia.

The Tsarists were rather stuck with a hard choice. They could remain in Vladivostok, and be puppets of the Japanese, or they could flee to New Arkhangelsk and be puppets of the British and Americans. In the end, they chose the latter, preferring to be under the thumb of fellow Europeans rather than Asians.

Annoyed at this decision, the newly established Russian Free State declared itself in Vladivostok, which ratified the Japanese “purchase” of northern Sakhalin (which was under occupation more or less since the Russian civil war started).

Further south the Federation of Transcaucasia and the United Republic of Turkestan were established. Both of them are military dictatorships, maintaining their existences thanks to piles of Stirling and Yen being thrown at them.
 
Chapter 23

In which Britain rejects its Labour government, in favour of a different way.


Despite the successes of the Socialist coalition, the people of Britain would not reward them with another term of office. To this day, political scientists and pundits, psephologists and sociologists have debated ad infinitum as to why the electorate turned away from them. Naturally, there are many conflicting ideas, all of which have at least some of the truth.

Partially, support for Labour et al was a vote against the previous government, because the status quo wasn’t believed to be working, at least at that time. Partially, it was a matter of “job well done, now we want to get back to normal”. And partially, it was down to public perceptions of the coalition itself.

If there was one word that could describe the Socialist coalition, it would be “dysfunctional”. Despite being made up of parties on the left, none of them quite agreed on how far to the left things should go. The Conservative MP for Powys (and future PM) Arwyn Llwyd once, only half-jokingly, described it as “six parties, pulling in twelve different directions”[1]. Though not quite as bad as that, there were frequent “full and frank discussions”, which is parliament speak for massive arguments.

Towards the end of 1941, the moderate wing of Labour had had enough of their ultra-lefty bedfellows, and forced their leadership to give the Independent Labour Party the heave-ho. The two parties would contest the 1942 election separately, which also contributed to a dip in both of their vote shares and seats.

Strangely enough, the Conservatives also lost a lot of seats, though they remained the official opposition, with the Democratic Party and Irish Unionists taking the Tory whip. Why this happened is harder to explain, but happen it did.

The winner, despite most pundits’ expectations, was the Liberals. However, there was one organisation that not only predicted a Liberal victory, but also came within a small margin of predicting the distribution of seats exactly right. This was the first British election to feature political polling, in this case by the American organisation Braithwaite-Forbes[2], which had been polling in US elections for nearly two decades. Britain’s first polling organisation (Vox Populi, latter simply VoxPop) wouldn’t be founded until 1955.

All of the socialist parties would lose seats, aside from the Social Democrats, which had the advantage of both mopping up second and third preferences from moderate left-wing voters, and distancing themselves from the Labour/ILP infighting. It also saw the return of the National Party, which had been sending out a propaganda campaign since the last election against left-wing parties being in thrall to EFSR, which it called “The Red Menace”.

*

Result of the 1942 Westminster election

HM’s Government (340), of which

  • Liberal Party – 231 (+119)
  • Centre Liberal Party – 19 (+13)
  • Social Democratic Federation – 90 (+24)
Giving an effective majority of 33

HM’s Loyal Opposition (136), of which

  • Conservative Party – 119 (-41)
  • Democratic Party – 9 (+3)
  • Irish Unionist – 8 (-2)
Other opposition parties

  • Labour Party – 91 (+91)
  • Cooperative Party – 28 (-25)
  • Independent Labour Party – 20 (+20)
  • Socialist Action Party – 9 (-10)
  • Irish Labour Party[3] – 8 (-4)
  • Paírtí Éirean – 6 (-4)
  • Irish Parliamentary Party – 5 (-1)
  • National Party – 5 (+5)
*

Result of the 1945 Irish Assembly election

HM’s Government (61), of which

  • Labour Party – 39 (+8)
  • Centre Liberal Party – 32 (-10)
Also, HMG’s supporters (8), of which

  • Unionist Party – 8 (=)
Giving an effective majority of 8 (-8)

Official Opposition (32), of which

  • Democratic Party – 32 (+3)
Other opposition parties

  • Paírtí Éirean – 21 (+3)
  • Irish Parliamentary Party – 8 (-2)
  • Orange Party – 7 (-2)
  • Gaelic Worker’s Party – 2 (=)
  • Irish Republican Party – 1 (=)
*

Result of the 1944 Scottish Assembly election


  • Conservative Party – 14 seats (-4)
  • Liberal Party – 23 seats (+6)
  • Labour Party – 10 seats (+10)
  • Independent Labour Party – 4 seats (+4)
  • Cooperative Party – 4 seats (=)
  • National Unity Party – 1 seat (=)
  • Social Democratic Party – 13 seat (=)
  • Socialist Action Party – 2 seats (=)
  • Scottish Nationalist Party – 2 seats (+2)
*

Result of the 1943 Welsh Assembly election


  • Conservative Party – 6 seats (-1)
  • Liberal Party – 11 seats (-1)
  • Labour Party – 5 seats (+5)
  • Independent Labour Party – 1 seats (+1)
  • Cooperative Party – 2 seat (+1)
  • National Unity Party – 1 seat (=)
  • Social Democratic Party – 4 seats (+2)
  • Socialist Action Party – 2 seats (=)
  • Independents – 1 seat (=)
  • Welsh National Party – 3 seats (+3)
*

At any rate, the new Liberal-led coalition was viewed by many as a return to normality. Mostly, the couple of years of this new government were spent enacting what amounted to watered-down versions of the last government’s plans. Largely, it would be remembered as a mediocre administration, determined not to rock the boat too much.

One exception, though, was the local government reform. The Socialist coalition had planned a massive reorganisation of local government, which had to be shelved when not even all of their own MPs would support it. The Liberals looked it over, crossed out most of the really objectionable measures, and presented it to the house. [4]

The Local Government Act (1945) and Local Government (Scotland) Act (1945) largely swept away the old system of urban districts, rural districts, and municipal boroughs, replacing them with a simpler, two-tier system of local government, with a few single-tier county boroughs. Originally, the district was intended to be the lowest level of government in Great Britain, but the Tory amendment to institute successor Parish Councils was approved.

The Local Government (Ireland) Act (1926) had scrapped its rural districts entirely[5], whilst the Local Government (Ireland) Act (1948) re-designated the urban districts as Town Councils, and fully designated the County Boroughs as separate counties (merely a formality in this case)[6]. The Irish home-rule assembly (which had power over local government) had decided that, with the inclusion of regional assemblies, so many levels of government were redundant.

The distinction between the various rural and urban districts and (non-county) boroughs (small burghs in Scotland) were abolished, replaced by large districts that dealt with most local issues. The county boroughs were largely retained, as were the Scottish large burghs, which were redefined as districts (though many kept their titles for historic purposes). The powers of the county councils were made uniform, largely dealing with broader issues like health, local housing and sanitation. In Scotland particularly, there were several so-called “most purpose” councils, now termed unitary authorities.

*

Result of the 1946 Westminster election

HM’s Government (340), of which

  • Liberal Party – 202 (-29)
  • Centre Liberal Party – 15 (-4)
  • Social Democratic Federation – 112 (+22)
Giving an effective majority of 11 (-22)

HM’s Loyal Opposition (136), of which

  • Conservative Party – 134 (+15)
  • Democratic Party – 16 (+7)
  • Irish Unionist – 7 (-1)
Other opposition parties

  • Labour Party – 87 (-4)
  • Cooperative Party – 21 (-9)
  • Independent Labour Party – 19 (-1)
  • Socialist Action Party – 9 (=)
  • Irish Labour Party – 7 (-1)
  • National Party – 5 (=)
  • Paírtí Éirean – 5 (-1)
  • Irish Parliamentary Party – 4 (-1)
  • Scottish Nationalist Party – 3 (+3)
  • Welsh National Party – 1 (+1)
*

Result of the 1950 Irish Assembly election

HM’s Government (61), of which

  • Democratic Party – 47 (+15)
  • Centre Liberal Party – 30 (-2)
Also, HMG’s supporters (8), of which

  • Ulster Democratic Party[7] – 7 (-1)
Giving an effective majority of 18

Official Opposition (28), of which

  • Labour Party – 28 (-11)
Other opposition parties

  • Paírtí Éirean – 23 (+2)
  • Irish Parliamentary Party – 4 (-4)
  • Orange Party – 8 (+1)
  • Gaelic Worker’s Party – 2 (=)
  • Irish Republican Party – 1 (=)
*

Result of the 1949 Scottish Assembly election


  • Conservative Party – 13 seats (-1)
  • Liberal Party – 17 seats (-6)
  • Labour Party – 14 seats (=)
  • Independent Labour Party – 5 seats (=)
  • Cooperative Party – 4 seats (=)
  • National Unity Party – 1 seat (=)
  • Social Democratic Party – 15 seat (+2)
  • Socialist Action Party – 1 seats (-1)
  • Scottish Nationalist Party – 3 seats (+1)
*

Result of the 1948 Welsh Assembly election


  • Conservative Party – 7 seats (+1)
  • Liberal Party – 9 seats (-2)
  • Labour Party – 6 seats (+1)
  • Independent Labour Party – 1 seats (=)
  • Cooperative Party – 1 seat (-1)
  • National Unity Party – 1 seat (=)
  • Social Democratic Party – 5 seats (=)
  • Socialist Action Party – 1 seats (-1)
  • Independents – 1 seat (=)
  • Welsh National Party – 3 seats (=)
*

Coupled with this was the first boundary reform since 1919. With the considerable population changes over the past three decades, this was long overdue. Fortunately, the local government reform was just the excuse to get this done too, just not in time for the 1946 election. This Act wouldn’t come into law until 1948, along with a change to a general ticket system of election[8], and with new rules setting out minimum numbers of candidates[9].

The only other notable event was the first election night to be televised in the UK – the Irish Assembly election of 1950. Broadcast in full on IBS[10], with summary results and commentary broadcast on BBS during the news, it would set the stage for more in future[11]. The result of the election itself was mostly unremarkable, with the Democrats now leading the government, and Labour relegated to Opposition. The Irish Parliamentary Party and Irish Republican parties both saw their worse assembly election results ever; the latter’s sole seat would be lost in a by-election in 1953, and they would never again win another[12]. The IPP would struggle on for a while longer before fading into irrelevance.

In any case, the mid to late 1940s in the UK were more remarkable for their cultural changes than for any major political changes. With the major fashion houses of Paris, Milan and elsewhere on the continent now shut down as being decadent and bourgeois, London was left to become the fashion capital of Europe[13], especially with many French and Italian exiles now living there.

Several new musical trends were sweeping the nation, much to the horror of the ATL equivalent to “Disgusted of Tunbridge Wells”, who decried it as lewd, debauched and suchlike[14]. But the youth of Britain (and the more Bohemian adulthood) largely ignored them, dancing to the new sounds from America. It was exciting, it had energy to spare, and, more importantly, it was different; just the thing to distract Britons from the gloom and paranoia that was slowly worming its way through society. Though many American bands (and later singers) would become famous in the UK thanks to their tours, they would be joined by West Indians and native bands would lend their own spin on things[15].

--

[1] Referring to Labour and Independent Labour as separate parties.
[2] Similar to the Gallup organisation of OTL.
[3] The Labour Unionists have merged outright with Irish Labour by this point, and no longer campaign as a separate party.
[4] There was local government reform planned during this period IOTL, following the Local Government Boundary Commission (1945-9), but it came to naught. Without a direct equivalent to WWII ITTL, and certainly not one that the UK fought in, there’s more inclination to work on domestic matters.
[5] Equivalent to the OTL Local Government Act (1925) for the Republic of Ireland.
[6] Equivalent to the OTL Local Government Act (2001) for the Republic of Ireland.
[7] The Irish Unionists have rebranded themselves – aside from the name change, and some of the more firebrand members having defected to the *Orange Party.
[8] Basically, this is the same system Australia uses to elect its senators IOTL.
[9] Prior to this, registered parties couldn’t put up more candidates than seats, but there was no minimum limit. The minimum candidate number is half the number of seats, rounded down to the nearest whole number in the event of a fraction. Obviously, independents aren’t subject to this limit, so the smallest parties just put up independent candidates to get around this rule, and endorse their campaign. The bigger parties complain, but little is (officially) done about it…
[10] Irish Broadcasting Service.
[11] Yes, this means that Reds vs. Blues will get ELECTION NIGHT POSTS!!! Just don’t expect me to go full Politibrit.
[12] This is not the end of Irish Republicanism ITTL, though, just the end of this particular version of it. More on that later…
[13] This was true IOTL as well, when Paris was under Nazi occupation during WWII. With France and Italy under new management for far, far longer ITTL, London has a lot of slack to pull.
[14] This is ATL’s equivalent of everything from ragtime through to swing, jazz, skiffle and boogie-woogie, including big bands and smaller groups. Given that many of their precursors existed before the PoD, I can’t see why the development of music in the first half of the 20th century ITTL wouldn’t closely parallel OTL’s.
[15] This was true IOTL. However, without a WWII equivalent, there are fewer Americans (and almost all civilians) knocking about, so American bands are less popular compared to OTL, but not by that much.
 
Chapter 23.1

In which we get a glimpse at the newly reformed local government areas.


England

Two-tier counties (prior to the formation of *Greater London)


  • Bedfordshire – four districts
  • Berkshire – five districts
  • Buckinghamshire – five districts
  • Cambridge and Huntington[1] – six districts
  • Cheshire – five districts
  • Cornwall – five districts
  • Cumberland – three districts
  • Derbyshire – eight districts
  • Devon – nine districts
  • Dorset – five districts
  • Durham – nine districts
  • East Sussex – six districts
  • Essex – fourteen districts
  • Gloucestershire – six districts
  • Hampshire – eight districts
  • Hereford and Worcester – eight districts
  • Hertfordshire – six districts
  • Isle of Wight – two districts
  • Kent – ten districts
  • Lancaster Central – ten districts
  • Lancaster North – four districts
  • Lancaster South – nine districts
  • Lincoln North[2] – five districts
  • Lincoln South[3] – four districts
  • London, County of – unchanged by this legislation
  • Merseyside – eight districts – Liverpool is a most-purpose district[4]
  • Middlesex – twelve districts
  • Norfolk – six districts
  • Northamptonshire – six districts
  • Northumberland – six districts
  • Nottinghamshire – five districts
  • Oxfordshire – four districts
  • Rutland – single district
  • SELNEC[5] – seven districts – Manchester is a most-purpose district
  • Shropshire – five districts
  • Somerset – seven districts
  • Stafford Central – five districts
  • Stafford South – six districts
  • Suffolk – six districts
  • Surrey – ten districts
  • Thames-side[6] – nine districts
  • Warwickshire – six districts
  • West Sussex – four districts
  • Westmorland – two districts
  • Wiltshire – five districts
  • Yorkshire East – five districts
  • Yorkshire North – eight districts
  • Yorkshire South[7] – five districts
  • Yorkshire West – ten districts
Single-tier county boroughs


  • Birmingham
  • Bradford
  • Bristol
  • Central Sussex[8]
  • Coventry
  • Croydon
  • Derby
  • East Ham
  • Kingston-upon-Hull
  • Leeds
  • Newcastle-upon-Tyne
  • North Staffordshire[9]
  • Nottingham
  • Plymouth
  • Portsmouth
  • Sheffield
  • Sunderland
  • West Ham
Wales [10]


  • Cardiff – “most purpose” city council
  • Clwyd[11] – seven districts
  • Dyfed[12] – seven districts
  • Glamorgan – eight districts
  • Gwynedd[13] – five districts
  • Monmouthshire – four districts
  • Powys[14] – three districts
Scotland


  • Aberdeenshire – four districts
  • Angus – four districts
  • Argyll and Bute – five districts
  • Ayr – four districts
  • Banff and Moray – four districts
  • Borders[15] – three districts
  • Caithness and Sutherland – four districts
  • Dumbarton – four districts
  • Dumfries and Galloway[16] – four districts
  • East Lothian – three districts
  • Edinburgh – “most purpose” city council
  • Fife – three districts
  • Glasgow – “most purpose” city council
  • Inverness and Nairn – five districts
  • Kincardine – two districts
  • Lanark – six districts
  • Midlothian – three districts
  • Orkney – “most purpose” county council
  • Perth and Kinross – four districts
  • Renfrew – four districts
  • Ross and Cromarty – three districts
  • Shetland – “most purpose” county council
  • Stirling and Clackmannan – four districts
  • West Lothian – three districts
Ireland

Counties are the same. County boroughs are as follows – Belfast, Cork, Dublin, Limerick, Londonderry, Waterford.

--

[1] Also includes the Soke of Peterborough and the Isle of Ely.
[2] The Lindsey part of Lincolnshire.
[3] The Holland and Kesteven parts of Lincolnshire.
[4] Most-purpose districts are basically districts that have more powers than ordinary districts, but aren’t counties in and of themselves.
[5] Short for South-East Lancashire and North-East Cheshire, and was IOTL a proposed name for what is now Greater Manchester.
[6] There was an OTL plan for a Thames-side local authority, but it was dropped. It covers the south of Essex and north of Kent, along the Thames estuary.
[7] Formerly part of the West Riding of Yorkshire.
[8] More or less equivalent to the OTL unitary authority of Brighton and Hove.
[9] Basically the area of the Staffordshire Potteries, including Newcastle-under-Lyme.
[10] Yes, I know these titles are very convergent, but they were based on historic or geographical areas of Wales.
[11] Formed from Denbighshire and Flintshire.
[12] Formed from Cardiganshire, Carmarthenshire and Pembrokeshire.
[13] Formed from Anglesey, Caernarvonshire and Meirionethshire.
[14] Formed from Brecon, Montgomery and Radnor.
[15] Formed from Berwickshire and Roxburghshire.
[16] Formed from Dumfries, Kirkcudbright and Wigtown.
 
Chapter 23.2

In which we see the new constituencies following the Redistribution of Seats Act (1948)


England


  • Bedfordshire – single 7-seat constituency
  • Berkshire – single 8-seat constituency
  • Birmingham – single 13-seat constituency
  • Bradford – single 5-seat constituency
  • Bristol – single 6-seat constituency
  • Buckinghamshire – single 8-seat constituency
  • Cambridge and Huntingdon – single 7-seat constituency
  • Central Sussex – single 4-seat constituency
  • Cheshire – single 6-seat constituency
  • Cornwall – single 6-seat constituency
  • Coventry – single 4-seat constituency
  • Croydon – single 3-seat constituency
  • Cumberland – single 4-seat constituency
  • Derby – single 4-seat constituency
  • Derbyshire – single 6-seat constituency
  • Devon – single 9-seat constituency
  • Dorset – single 7-seat constituency
  • Durham Central – single 5-seat constituency
  • Durham Southeast – single 6-seat constituency
  • East Ham – single 2-seat constituency
  • East Sussex – single 6-seat constituency
  • Essex North – single 7-seat constituency
  • Essex South – single 8-seat constituency
  • Gloucestershire – single 9-seat constituency
  • Hampshire East – single 5-seat constituency
  • Hampshire West – single 5-seat constituency (inc. IoW)
  • Hereford and Worcester – single 7-seat constituency
  • Hertfordshire – single 7-seat constituency
  • Kent East – single 8-seat constituency
  • Kent West – single 7-seat constituency
  • Kingston-Upon-Hull – single 3-seat constituency
  • Lancaster Central – single 7-seat constituency
  • Lancaster North – single 3-seat constituency
  • Lancaster South – single 7-seat constituency
  • Leeds – single 4-seat constituency
  • Leicester – single 4-seat constituency
  • Leicestershire – single 5-seat constituency
  • Lincolnshire North – single 5-seat constituency (Lindsey)
  • Lincolnshire South – single 4-seat constituency (Holland, Kesteven, Rutland)
  • Manchester – single 6-seat constituency
  • Merseyside East – single 10-seat constituency (inc. Liverpool)
  • Merseyside West – single 5-seat constituency
  • Middlesex North – single 5-seat constituency
  • Middlesex Northeast – single 5-seat constituency
  • Middlesex West – single 5-seat constituency
  • Newcastle and Tyneside North – single 7-seat constituency (inc. Newcastle)
  • Norfolk – single 8-seat constituency
  • North Staffordshire – single 4-seat constituency
  • Northamptonshire – single 6-seat constituency
  • Northumberland – single 4-seat constituency
  • Nottingham – single 4-seat constituency
  • Nottinghamshire – single 7-seat constituency
  • Oxfordshire – single 8-seat constituency
  • Plymouth – single 4-seat constituency
  • Portsmouth – single 4-seat constituency
  • Salop – single 6-seat constituency
  • SELNEC East – single 8-seat constituency
  • SELNEC West – single 8-seat constituency
  • Sheffield – single 5-seat constituency
  • Somerset – single 5-seat constituency
  • Southampton – single 4-seat constituency
  • Stafford Central – single 6-seat constituency
  • Stafford South – single 9-seat constituency
  • Suffolk – single 8-seat constituency
  • Surrey East – single 7-seat constituency
  • Surrey West – single 8-seat constituency
  • Tyneside South – single 5-seat constituency (inc. Sunderland)
  • Warwickshire – single 7-seat constituency
  • West Ham – single 2-seat constituency
  • West Riding of Yorkshire – single 4-seat constituency
  • West Sussex – single 5-seat constituency
  • Westmorland and Furness – single 3-seat constituency
  • Wiltshire – single 7-seat constituency
  • Yorkshire East Riding – single 3-seat constituency
  • Yorkshire North Riding – single 7-seat constituency
  • Yorkshire South – single 7-seat constituency
  • Yorkshire West – single 7-seat constituency
London


  • Battersea, Clapham and Wandsworth – single 6-seat constituency
  • Bethnal Green, Hackney and Shoreditch – single 5-seat constituency
  • Camberwell, Lambeth and Newington – single 5-seat constituency
  • Chelsea, Fulham, Hammersmith and Kensington – single 6-seat constituency
  • Cities of London and Westminster – single 2-seat constituency
  • Deptford, Greenwich, Lewisham and Woolwich – single 5-seat constituency
  • Finsbury and Islington – single 5-seat constituency
  • Hampstead, Marylebone, Paddington and St Pancras – single 5-seat constituency
  • Southwark – single 2-seat constituency
  • Tower Hamlets – single 5-seat constituency
Wales

· Cardiff – single 4-seat constituency
· Clwyd – single 4-seat constituency
· Dyfed – single 3-seat constituency
· Glamorgan – single 6-seat constituency
· Gwynedd – single 3-seat constituency
· Monmouthshire – single 5-seat constituency
· Powys – single 2-seat constituency
· Swansea – single 3-seat constituency

Scotland

· Aberdeen and Kincardine – single 4-seat constituency
· Angus – single 4-seat constituency
· North Clyde – single 4-seat constituency (Argyll, Bute, Dumbarton, Renfrew)
· Southwest Scotland – single 4-seat constituency (Ayr, Dumfries and Galloway)
· Borders – single 3-seat constituency (Berwick, Peebles, Roxburgh, Selkirk)
· Central Scotland – single 4-seat constituency (Perth and Kinross, Stirling and Clackmannan)
· Edinburgh – single 4-seat constituency
· Fife – single 3-seat constituency
· Glasgow – single 10-seat constituency
· Lanark – single 5-seat constituency
· Lothian – single 3-seat constituency (East Lothian, Midlothian, West Lothian)
· North Scotland – single 4-seat constituency (Banff and Moray, Caithness and Sutherland, Inverness & Nairn, Ross and Cromarty, Orkney and Shetland)

Ireland

· Connacht East – single 4-seat constituency (Leitrim, Roscommon, Sligo)
· Connacht West – single 4-seat constituency (Galway and Mayo)
· Leinster Mid – single 3-seat constituency (Kildare, King’s County, Queen’s County)
· Dublin City – single 4-seat constituency
· Leinster East – single 4-seat constituency (County Dublin, Wicklow)
· Leinster North – single 4-seat constituency (Longford, Louth, Meath, Westmeath)
· Leinster South – single 3-seat constituency (Carlow, Kilkenny, Wexford)
· Cork – single 4-seat constituency
· Munster East – single 4 seat-constituency (Tipperary, Waterford)
· Munster Northwest – single 4-seat constituency (Clare, Kerry, Limerick)
· Belfast – single 4-seat constituency
· Ulster Northeast – single 5-seat constituency (Antrim, Londonderry)
· Ulster South – single 4-seat constituency (Cavan, Fermanagh, Monaghan)
· Ulster Southeast – single 5-seat constituency (Armagh, Down)
· Ulster West – single 4-seat constituency (Donegal, Tyrone)
 
Oh, and a map of the world in 1940:

World Map UCS (1940).png
 
Things look bleak for Europe.
Is the Russian Free State a Republic?
Given the Tsarist departure to New Arkhangelsk, what are the main idelogical differences, using OTL references? I presume the Republicans are more SR-influenced and the RFS more Kadet-influenced.

It should be interesting to follow the two Russian splinter staes and the Alger government.
 
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