Piri goes West

Prologue

There is a Spanish saying, amongst the Moors, that goes “The honest (woman) affirms the beetle.” The history of this saying lays at the very heart of the Moorish people, for it addresses their near extinction, their miraculous salvation, and, perhaps, the altering of the history of mankind.

The year 1492 not only marks the early modern era of western civilisation due to the Columbian discovery of the New World, but also that of the defeat of Granada, the last of the Mohammedan kingdoms in Iberia, which would set in place a chain of events no less miraculous and awe-inspiring than the founding of Rome or the spread of Islam.

It is said that, upon boarding the ships to sail for exile in the dominions of the Moroccan sultan, the last Moorish king of Granada, Mohammed XII, popularly known as Boabdil, turned one last time to survey his former kingdom, and began to weep.

Disgusted with his cowardly surrender and behavior, his mother, the formidable sultana Aixa, legend has it, spat at him, despairingly, declaring:

You cry today as a woman, for what you could not defend as a man.”​

Curiously nicknamed La Honesta, the Moorish saying, ‘la honesta affirms the beetle,’ is a retake on the Moorish proverb “even a beetle, in his mother’s eyes, is a gazelle.”

***​

Yaqwan, Kingdom of Khaqwan
Winter, 898
/1492

Since the Pharaoh had returned beyond the seas, nearly half of the 39 men left behind, all Israelites (as they thought of themselves) had abandoned the fortress, and began their trek through the interior. Yusuf Levi, the interpreter, had mastered far more than the others the tongue of the people of this land, and had managed to learn of the route to the court of the great khaness herself. This empress, who’s brother and husband respectively ruled two large kingdoms, was said to command fear and awe amongst the peoples of Bohio. Her kingdoms had both rebuked the infidels’ expedition, the locals had informed them, and fiercely resisted the Pharaoh’s advances. Unlike the king of Maryan, they empress's domains had resisted the idolatry that the Pharaoh's expedition had brought.

After weeks of travel through the arid and dry domains of the converted prince of Maryan, the Israelites were greeted at the natural border which demarked Maryan from the domains of the great empress’s brother, the powerful prince Bokheshio. Welcomed by his emissaries and ambassadors, the Israelites continued in safe passage to his capital at Yaquan, where a feast was prepared for them.

Like the Israelites, of both persuasions, these men observed days of fast as well as ritual purification by bathing; they refrained from touching the dead as well as from tasting blood. Having observed the armies of the great khaness pillage those of Maryan during their journey, the Israelites had even observed the empress’s armies carrying a holy ark with them into battle. For the Israelites, there was no question: the 10 lost tribes had been found. Was this empress a descendant of the infamous Balqis herself? Three moons had passed before they arrived in this land. Could it be Sheba?

Tears of bliss and joy ran down Yusuf Levi’s face as he and his companions sat in the manner of the courtiers of the empress and her brother and husband, and ate the feast prepared for them. Today too, the Court had observed a fast, and the feelings of respect and admiration of both groups for one another ran deep. The Pharaoh’s men had attempted to pillage both kingdoms, however the empress’s brother and husband, and their armies, had resisted.

When many of the empress’s men had fallen ill, two of the Israelites - Bernal, a medicinist, and Saqobi, a surgeon - had treated them, and maintained a quarantine to stop the spread. Spreading this practice amongst the medicine men of the two kingdoms, the spread of the disease and plague amongst the other kingdoms of the land had a much smaller effect on the subjects of the two kingdoms. While gratitude and pleasantries were expressed initially, as the feast ended and the dried leaves were brought out, lit with fire and inhaled, matters of histories, introductions, politics and strategy were discussed.

The Pharaoh was sure to return, and his men and his overlords were ferocious and vicious in their desire to rid the whole world over of those who did not worship their idols. As the night turned to morning, the majority of the Israelites, save for six of them (including Yusuf, Saqobi, and Bernal) excused themselves from the audience, purified themselves with the water from the river nearby, and prostrated towards the daybreak. They would then return, and with their six companions who did not prostrate towards daybreak as they did, be shown to the dwellings set-aside for them.

Throughout that winter and the following spring and summer, preparations were made, and emissaries sent to the farthest kingdom in Bohio that enjoyed close relations with the khaness’s domains, the eastern empire of the Maquan king Quarion. Many of the Israelites, all men, took wives from amongst the women of the kingdoms. New weapons and tactics of battle were adopted. Structures, walls, towers and fortresses erected throughout the interior of the kingdoms, guaranteeing safe passage between the allied kingdoms, and isolating the kingdoms which had embraced the Pharaoh’s men, where disease and dissent spread.

Beyond the dominions of her brother, husband and ally, the khaness’s armies and their medicine men sought out any remaining member of the Pharaoh’s men who had stayed behind the year before. The following harvest season, the remaining of the Pharaoh’s men had been found alive, and were decapitated; their corpses laid on the beach near their original fortress above the tide, as a warning to the Pharaoh upon his return. His constructed tower, fortress and cellar were destroyed, and similar ones constructed in the empress’s domains, as well as in those of the eastern king. The Pharaoh would return, it was sure. His return was an existential threat to both the Israelites and the people of the lands. The Israelites, and the Bohioans, would be prepared.

***​

Tenrif Regency
Late Summer, 907
/1501

The son of the late mencey addressed his liberated people, to the whistles and cheers of the island’s population celebrating the moon peoples’ capture, defeat and imprisonment of the Spanish contingents present on the island after a decade of conquest, and a century of hostilities and conquest amongst their kinsmen on the other isles. A Berber sailor from the port of Algiers roughly translated for the Turkish admiral and his nephew.

A seaman, the admiral was hesitant towards his nephew’s grandiose plans. Capturing the island already had not been planned. Tenrif was neither Granada, nor were there Muslims present amongst the island’s people. But it could be a haven for them, given significant defenses, and further more, it could be a pawn against the infidel king and his queen.

Power is an opiate, a responsibility, a danger, and glory. As the Imam Tirmizi reported, the Prophet himself stated "Whoever comes to the gate of the power and authority will face by being corrupted." Witnessing both the zeal of the Granadans and of the former Spanish prisoners on the battlefield, resulting in his lofty praise and assumption of power, the admiral began to ponder the potential of his nephew’s daring ideas. Perhaps, had the admiral not tasted power on land, he would have never considered his nephew's ideas. He had sought to disrupt the Spaniards’ navy and destroy enough ships and pillage enough ports to force the Spanish king and queen to negotiate a continued existence of Granada, which would, naturally, fall under the suzerainty of the Sublime Porte, giving the empire a foothold in western Europe and guaranteeing eventual Muslim mastery of the Mediterranean.

Yet, if the liberated prisoners were to be believed, the feather headdresses belonged to men, enslaved by the Spanish and captured from a powerful empire beyond the Ethiopian Seas, where the fight between the Cross and the Crescent had continued, as Colombo’s men were encircling and fighting an empire that had taken in several Moors and continued the holy struggle of the People of the Book against the followers of the Pauline heresy. The map the prisoners had provided did not help his case to be cautious or ignore their tales, as his cartographer and navigator of a nephew had already taken to, in consultations with other Arabic, European and Turkish sources present in his study aboard the fleet, constructing a map of the islands and coastline beyond the sunset.

The Ethiopian Sea was the edge of the known world, unless the prisoners aboard the Spanish ships the Ottoman fleet had captured were to believed. Having left Asia Minor with only three galleys and 16 smaller ships, the admiral’s grand fleet had nearly doubled, with the addition of several Genoese warships and the additional seven Spanish ones. Such a bounty would reap not only hefty rewards, but also rank, and glory in Constantinople. Even with such a fleet, it would be impossible to do more damage than pillage and plunder the Spanish navy and ports. Yet, if the tales were to be believed, this island empire, their great empress, and her Moorish advisors could indeed be aided to victory with the admiral’s great fleet.

The former prisoners described the voyage to this Candace’s islands as nearly three months at sea. Supplies could be gathered from what was present at Tenrif. The harvest was at hand, and the locals were grateful, and the captured Spaniard’s arms could be of use. The admiral went to sleep late that night after the festivities. After enjoying the company of young native woman of rare beauty, the Turk prayed. He stayed in the position of prostration for hours meditating on his decision at hand.

O God,” he supplicated, “Behold I ask Thee the good through Thy knowledge, and ability through Thy Power and beg Thy favor out of Thy infinite Bounty. For surely Thou hast Power and I have none. Thou knowst all and I know not. Thou art the Great Knower of all things.” Raising his hands in supplication, the admiral covered his face in a purifying motion, thrice, and slept peacefully.

A fortnight later, the fleet of Kemal Reis set sail from Tenrif, to aid and liberate the Moors and their allies in the islands beyond the sunset.
 
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Oh cool. I'll be following this again - I recall reading the original some time ago.

You've set up a lot of mysteries and I'm curious to see where they lead.
 
Yay it's back!
But what a weird start, considering Bayouk was becoming a republic.
Are the brother and husband one person?
Sorry if this is a dumb question but english is not my first language.
 
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It's back! (rebooted?) Yay!

Back, rebooted, new and improved. Similar ideas at times to come, but definitely worth following from the beginning.

Soverihn said:
Fuck yeah, its great to see this back!

Ridwan Asher said:
Fuck yeah, its great to see this back! [2]

Thank you, thank you gentlemen.

Soverihn, I'm expecting the great empress and the mentioned realms to not be so secretive to you.

Ridwan, your dedication and critiques have largely inspired many of my first instalments to come. I expect, as always, rigour in your review ;)

Jonathan Edelstein said:
Seeing this made my day. I assume those dates are Islamic?

Welcome, as always Jonathan. Hope it keeps your interest peeked.

Yes, the dates are indeed Hegiræ.

Practical Lobster said:
Oh cool. I'll be following this again - I recall reading the original some time ago.

You've set up a lot of mysteries and I'm curious to see where they lead.

Glad to have your readership. Stay tuned!

snassni2 said:
Yay it's back!
But what a weird start, considering Bayouk was becoming a republic.
Are the brother and husband one person?
Sorry if this is a dumb question but english is not my first language.

The opening scene is from the winter of 898 A.H./1492 A.D., so long before Bayouk existed, let alone developed its republican political ideology. However, this TL is similar in premises and ideas, but will develop hopefully much more holistically, as well as differ in many ways.

No, the brother and husband are two different kings of two different (albeit bordering) realms.

Spoiler, of course, the crown jewel of the first timeline, that is Moorish republicanism, will of course make its debut in this TL as well. But I recommend reading along, even from now, as enough will divulge from the original TL to make this one worth reading.



Bon lecture!
 
Morocco, 1505-1515

640px-Salida_de_la_familia_de_Boabdil_de_la_Alhambra.jpg

Salida de la familia de Boabdil de la Alhambra
Dar El Hadad
Fes, Kingdom of Fes
Moroccan Empire
Autumn, 922
/1516

There is no might, nor power, except in God,” mumbled the young noble as he hobbled into the grand, yet simple and plain, chamber of the infamous queen.

The newest palace in Fes was known by all, in all circles, as Dar El Hadad, the Palace of Mourning, for the somber existence of its inhabitants. The chamber, large in size, was absent any decoration. The pristine white marmorino stucco walls reflected the sun light from the large window facing the courtyard of the palace.

Unlike his father’s palace in Tarroudant, and those of nobles throughout the Moroccan empire, the queen-mother’s receiving chamber lacked the fine carpets from the East; plainly earthen-coloured tiles – similarly pristine – alone provided the chamber a cool, somber feel. At the dais, stood an intricately carved wooden partition.

Clearly the work of Andalusian artisans, it showed signs of age and wear, likely the result of the journey across the Pillars of Hercules and south to Fes. Behind the wooden partition, a large arabesque arch held two impressive, wooden doors, intricately carved with the motto and supplication, “There is no conqueror but God.

Don Musa, an elderly Mandingo eunuch and chief of the queen’s court, showed the young noble to the carved wooden chaise, facing the window, parallel to the wooden partition.

Accustomed the Arab and Berber traditions of the south, even in the north and at Fes, the young sherrif had never seen such a piece of furniture. Understanding his confusion (one all too common amongst the Moroccan visitors to the palace,) Don Musa quickly showed the young noble how to position himself, as well as the basic protocol (difficult as it were, given the young lord’s one leg.)

There was but one rule: absolutely no mention the exile that the matriarch and her dynasty currently in which existed.

A slight tap at the grand wooden doors behind the position allowed Don Musa to know the queen had arrived, and he quickly motioned for the young man to stand up from the chaise, and await the formal entrance of the queen.

The twin doors were opened, and the hushes and whispers of maidens and ladies-in-waiting were quickly silenced, as another black eunuch, much younger than Don Musa, entered, walking around the wooden partition, and came face to face with the elder eunuch and the young, crippled noble.

Greetings were exchanged, and the three men turned with their backs to the wooden position. The younger eunuch cleared his throat. The sound of a cane hitting the tiles of the palace thrice signaled to the younger eunuch to announce in a strong, clear voice as the three men bowed deeply:

"Her Highness the the Noble Lady and Queen; Aixa, daughter of Sultan Mohammed, the Ninth of his name, princess of the Banu Nasr, Mother of the Sultan and Commander of the Faithful of Andalusia the King and Sultan of Granada."

Still bowing, Dona Musa gathered his harsh voiced, tinted with sobriety age, introduced the southern prince:

The Sherrif Ahmed, son of the lord and prince of the Banu Zaydan, deputy of Tafilet, ruler of Tagmadert and pacifier of the Great South, Moulay Muhamad bin Abderraman,

Please, be seated Moulay.

It was not the melancholy and age of the queen’s voiced that surprised the young noble, as much as it was her addressing him with the honour as a descendant of the Prophet. Upon their arrival at the Wattasid court in Fes, the Berber dynasty had slighted, before all the nobles of the Empire, the exiled king Boabdil by not rising from his seated position to greet his fellow sultan.

While many credited this slight to the cowardice of “the beetle” (as Boabdil was known) due to his surrender of Granada, the matriarch of the Banu Nasir had refused, henceforth, to leave Dar El Hadad to visit the womenfolk of the Berber sultan, not on account of the slight to her son (whom she despised,) but rather on account of the lack of respect on the part of the Wattasids to recognize the prestigious descent of the Banu Nasir from Sab ibn Ubada, a companion of the Prophet – clearly distinguished from the Wattasids “mere” Berber descent.

And while not certainly of sherrifan origins, nonetheless the Andalusian matriarch clearly saw her dynastic origins above those of the reigning and recognized Berber sultan of all Morocco. Yet, she was quick to recognize and accord to the son of an upstart religious and military ruler in the southernmost viceroyalty of the Moroccan empire, the proper respect due to one of sherrifan descent.

After an hour of introductions, and pleasantries, the queen’s objectives became more clear to the southern ruler’s heir.

As your lordship knows, there is much said these days in regards to the islands of jihad beyond the seas, where many of my countrymen have continued the righteous struggle for the sake of God Most High against the Castilian dogs and infidels,” began the queen.

Yes, my lady, indeed for years now, there has been a continual migration of your countrymen from the towns and provinces of Fes, Marrakech, Sus, and Tafilet as well as from the kingdoms of the east, towards the former Portuguese ports in Sus, captured by the Turks, where they await annual fleets to escort them westward.

And what does our lord the Sultan think of all this?

My lady, our lord the Commander of the Faithful the Sultan actively encourages their migration to Sus, as it alleviates the struggle between the Moroccans and the Granadans (the Moors) in the cities of the empire,” the sherrif began, diplomatically.

Surely directing my countrymen to Sus, also, in our lord’s hopes, will preoccupy your father and your dynasty from their larger and rightful position outside of Sus, in all of Morocco?

My lady,” Ahmed began, stumbling, lost for words…

-

170px-Ahmed_of_Mauretania_(dell'Altissimi).jpg

Ahmed Sherif of Mauritania

Until now, he had not rebuked the sultan, a known rival of his father and his father’s zealous and martial movement. The southerners had openly embraced the Saadians against the Wattasid governors, and only a truce had tacitly recognized Wattasid suzerainty over the Saadian viceroyalty in the south. While the competition between the Arabs and Berbers amongst the makhzine (the Moroccan aristocracy and elites) was ever-present; amongst the Moroccans themselves, Arab and Berber alike, the sherrifs were deeply, and publically, venerated.

Deposed from power for nearly half a millennium, the descendants of the Idrissids, sherrifs, were still honoured and respected across the empire. They had been used by the Almohads, the Marinids and still today by the Wattasids alike (all Berber dynasties) in the empire’s administration, in order to co-opt and maintain popular legitimacy. The raise of the Saadians was a direct threat to the Wattasid dynasty (despite the current truce, and the attempts of the Wattasid sultan, Abu Abdallah Al Burtqali Mohammed the Second, to co-opt the Saadian prince of Tagmadert’s two sons, Ahmed and his young brother Mohammed – students in Fes.)

Perhaps, Ahmed thought, now, this queen and her zeal could prove to be of use in his own legacy...

Nicknamed “the limp,” Sherrif Ahmed, despite his status as his father’s heir, had always been looked upon by those surrounding the sherrifan movement’s leader as a liability of sorts. With one leg, and without sons, many questioned the heir’s ability to succeed and continue the religious and military conquests and victories of his father. If those in the south thought him useless, he would prove his worth.

-

My lady,” he continued, with his newfound resolve, “indeed, the the Wattasid sultan does surely hope to preoccupy us in the south with your countrymen. Yet, this need not be the case.

If there were to be, say, a benefactress of their migration and jihad in the islands beyond the sunset, a natural convergence of priorities would greatly develop, aiding not only the return to glory of the Banu Nasir, but also aid in the raise of the sherrifan movement in Morocco, to the mutual bane of the dogs of Spain and the Berber usurpers alike.


The old queen hummed in apparent approval.

We would be most pleased to aid your esteemed dynasty in their rightful and just cause,” the queen responded bluntly, “given appropriate arrangements and equal aide given by your princes to our own cause.

Restoration?” Ahmed questioned, hesitating to break the protocol, but hoping for a clear signal from the matriarch that the sherrifs would not be expected to aide the Banu Nasir in Granada, but rather, to guarantee and co-operate and advance the Andalusian cause in the islands beyond the sunset.

No, mowlay…” retorted the queen, respective of prophetic ancestry.

Redemption. Revenge…

***​

From the Nasrid Palace in Fes over the course of a decade, the queen mother of Granada, would coordinate and patronize the divine cause to migrate and bring jihad in the cause of God to the Spaniards in the islands of jihad and beyond.

Dar El Hadad would not only serve as a source of donation, it would also serve as an embassy and court of arbitration of sorts between the conflicts of various Muslim princes in northwestern Africa which, the queen saw, as detrimental to her existential desire to redeem the Nasrid dynasty and revenge Granada in the New World.

In addition to the heir of the Saadian sherrifs in Sus, the queen would mediate the conflicts between the Turkish Barbarossa brothers and the exiled sultan of Tlemcen, Sheikh Buhammad of the Zayanid dynasty, as well as with the Kabyle emir of the surrondings of Algiers. In doing so, the queen was able to negotiate for the Berber nobles of Tlemcen as well as the local Tumi dynasty near Algiers, to receive safe passage aboard the ships of the very same power that had ejected them from power towards Sus to await fleets to the islands, in exchange for promises of power beyond the sunset.

In co-opting the Zayanids, and streamlining the interests of the Turks and the Saadians, whom the visionary queen saw as the future powers of North Africa, the queen-mother’s court would come to serve as an embassy between Muslim powers on the ascent in Barbary, and as well guarantee the continued existence and romanticism of revenge against the dogs of Spain beyond seas. Furthermore, the presence of elite Berber dynasts, followed by merchants searching opportunities amongst the corsair ports and Moorish settlements in the Saadian domains of Sus, would prove key in establishing the continuous trade ties across the Sahara into the domains of Askia the Great, the sultan of Songhai.

Pact of Fes
Shortly after the fall of several Portuguese fortresses on the Atlantic coast to the Saadian conscript armies of Granadans awaiting fleets in 1516, an agreement was reached between the Granadan queen-mother, Hayreddin Barbarosa and Ahmed “the Lame” of the Saadian dynasty, at the Nasrid palace in Fes, infamously known as the Pact of Fes.

The pact established the former Portuguese fortresses and harbours south of the kingdom of Sus at Cab Blanco, Saint-Croix-en-Barbarie, Mogador, Cabo de Non and Cabo de Aguer as a dependency of the Ottomans, which, including Tenrif, would form the “Regency in Tenrif and the Ports of the Moors,” more commonly known as the Moorish Ports Regency, or simply, “the Moorish Ports.” The pact saw the Saadians promised full use of these ports, and a Turkish guarantee to aid their designs on Marrakech, Fes and the Moroccan sultanate.

As the Saadians at the time of the pact only ruled the kingdom of Sus (under the suzerainty of the Moroccan sultan,) and as the pact only mentioned (specifically) the kingdoms of Fes and Marrakech in addition to “the Moroccan sultanate” in its clauses, the rulership over the kingdom of Tafilet, or Moroccan (and later Turkish) Barbary would provide, nearly half a century later, a bone of contention between the Ottoman and Moroccan sultanates (only to be trumped by the pact including Saadian recognition of the Ottoman caliphate.)

A year later in 1517, at the request of the Barabarosa’s Turkish deputy in Tenrif, Ottoman military and naval engineers arrived from Constantinople and began the construction of a shipyard at Cab Blanco, funded largely by the Nasrid matriarch and the network of Sephardic refugees in the Ottoman East, maintained by the Sephards in Fes and the Ottoman holdings in the major cities and ports of Barbary.

Improving upon the Berber trade networks along the routes beyond the Sahara, a steady supply of lumber and manpower (in the form of slaves) from Songhai would reinvigorate and further cement Songhai’s ties and trades with Muslim power centres of super-Saharan Africa.

final.png
 
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Back, rebooted, new and improved. Similar ideas at times to come, but definitely worth following from the beginning.

The reason I wasn't sure if this was a reboot or not was because the original kept jumping back and forward in time, so I thought maybe this was just another jump back in time.

To be honest, the fact that you're starting from the beginning this time around will make it a little easier to read.

I also was uncertain, upon reading the first update, where the "Kingdom of Khaqwan" was. I know that probably your intention was to leave a little bit of mystery for us readers, but, maybe in the future putting the OTL spelling of Khaqwan in square brackets would be helpful because then we can google it. (From the research I've done, it seems that the OTL spelling is "Jaragua" or "Xaragua" - both will result in the same wikipedia article if you google them)
 
(Just discovered the multi-quote response button....amazing.)

Fascinating timeline. Keep it up!

Many thanks. Hope to maintain to your interest and readership.

This is back? Yaaay!

Name-changed to reflect a new idea, pulling strongly from the old TL, but not merely a reboot.

The reason I wasn't sure if this was a reboot or not was because the original kept jumping back and forward in time, so I thought maybe this was just another jump back in time.

To be honest, the fact that you're starting from the beginning this time around will make it a little easier to read.

I also was uncertain, upon reading the first update, where the "Kingdom of Khaqwan" was. I know that probably your intention was to leave a little bit of mystery for us readers, but, maybe in the future putting the OTL spelling of Khaqwan in square brackets would be helpful because then we can google it. (From the research I've done, it seems that the OTL spelling is "Jaragua" or "Xaragua" - both will result in the same wikipedia article if you google them)

Yes, and I've changed the name. Its still a *Moorish North America* TL with which I hope to incorporate the crown jewels of the last TL, but with a different PoD and premise, and respective divergences.

The TL will still not be purely chronological, but I understand a bit of frustration with the large skips and reverts in time-periods, so I will try to keep the TL mostly chronologically. Already our PoD is 1492, and I've posted as well from 1501 and 1516. Expect more to come on this thirty year period before we move on, but this is, after all, just my writing style I guess.

RE: Place-name spellings, I understand, and yes it was to add a bit of mystery. But brackets right away would have spoiled the effect. The mystery is only temporary. I'm sure you were not the only reader who could deduce where Bohio is (which I spelled as per OTL,) and besides, maps and names will soon come. That post was in the frame of an in-period narrative, so, naturally, names for the places will differ and not be standardised amongst different groups initially.

Please keep reading!

P.S. Donnacona's Dream is coming along very nicely. If you're interested to collaborate at all re: the Haudenosaunnee, the Hochelagans and the French in the New World ITTL, do PM me :)

It's always good to see Moorish themed timelines, I look forward to seeing the rest :D.

Glad to have your readership as well. It only gets more Moorish from here! They've barely made their debut ;)

It's Back,hooray!:D:D:D

Welcome, welcome and 1,000 welcomes :eek:
 
Does the name change a hint at a bigger influence of the ottomans on the colonies or will the moroccans still have a say like in Minarets of Atlantis.

By the way as a "moor", I really like your TLs. If you want help with Darija dialects just ask.
 
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P.S. Donnacona's Dream is coming along very nicely. If you're interested to collaborate at all re: the Haudenosaunnee, the Hochelagans and the French in the New World ITTL, do PM me :)

I would definitely be interested in collaborating! In fact I could even write a guest post if you want... Although unless you have some plan for the French to reach North America before OTL's Jacques Cartier, we'll have to wait until we get to 1540.
 
Dates updated to include Gregorian. Reading AH is no fun if one has to do math.

Actually, it's more fun if one has to do math. :D

More seriously, this timeline is very interesting. Please continue with this spectacular and imaginative concept.
 
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