Petain in 1934- A Sinister France in the Thirties

Signs of Things to Come

On 10th February, Pierre Laval proposed before the Assembly a bill to give emergency powers to President Lebrun. As Lebrun was somewhat weak, it was widely acknowledged that this was an attempt to hand over power to Petain. The bill gave Lebrun the rights to prorogue Parliament in the event of another attack on the government.

The bill was not passed, due to the presence of the SFIO and a variety of enemies of Petain of both Left and Right.

What was more concerning was that Petain had not sought a replacement for Weygand as head of the Army Chief of Staff- he overrode the position and handed military power directly to his own government.
 
I'm very curious to see where this goes. The diplomatic triangle of Nazi Germany, Petainiac France, and Fascist Italy should prove...interesting. All three have reasons to war with one another (Austria, Rhine/Saarland, Tunisia). Hitler wants war while Mussie will try to play both sides off one another until he can predict a "winning side" to jump in bed with, fishing for easy conquests. What Will Petain Do(TM)? :eek:
 
I'm also having pictures of a French-Italian Axis against Germany over Austria.

I could definitely see Mussolini cozing up to Petain instead of Hitler. Allying with France would be more to his benefit.

Maybe...France and Italy had several major diplomatic problems themselves, particularly over Italians living in French Tunisia, residual border woes over Savoy (recall: Royal family of Italy = House of Savoia!), the temptations of Corsica (Mussie considered supporting Corsican separatism in the 20s), and Naval/Colonial rivalries over the Med and N. Africa in general. If Petainiac France follows Standard Fascist Foreign Policy Rule 1.0: War is Good, and Corollary 1.2: Let's have Territorial Expansion for Shits & Giggles, then these rivalries could turn real hot real fast.

My guess is that Italy will try to play both sides off of each other, at least until Mussie thinks he's found the "eventual winner" to coat-tail to easy conquests.
 

Faeelin

Banned
Maybe...France and Italy had several major diplomatic problems themselves, particularly over Italians living in French Tunisia, residual border woes over Savoy (recall: Royal family of Italy = House of Savoia!), the temptations of Corsica (Mussie considered supporting Corsican separatism in the 20s), and Naval/Colonial rivalries over the Med and N. Africa in general. If Petainiac France follows Standard Fascist Foreign Policy Rule 1.0: War is Good, and Corollary 1.2: Let's have Territorial Expansion for Shits & Giggles, then these rivalries could turn real hot real fast.

Fascist states don't have to be expansionist; Mosley didn't want to expand, and neither did Brazil's fascists or the fascists in Spain (Not Franco; the ones he sidelined).

Moreove,r Petain could care less over Ethiopia.
 
Fascist states don't have to be expansionist; Mosley didn't want to expand, and neither did Brazil's fascists or the fascists in Spain (Not Franco; the ones he sidelined).

Moreove,r Petain could care less over Ethiopia.

I'm glad you weighed in Faeelin, and especially over Ethiopia. My thought is that France (ironically, with Laval in prime position like IOTL, but with less weight of public opinion against the idea) might sacrifice Abyssinia to Mussolini. What do you think?

And same for anyone else who has thoughts on that, please feel free to comment.
 
Banning the Far Left

Petain and Laval successfully convinced Lebrun that the Assemblee Nationale's current session could not continue in its current form, as the PCF and PUP deputies could clearly not exercise their mandate. What was needed, they argued, was a ban on both for 'sedition'. In reality, the small PUP hardly needed to be banned as it had been almost eviscerated.

Lebrun agreed, and on the 10th February used his powers to declare both the PCF and PUP to be banned organisations. At first, his decision seemed to be justified as workers across France protested and attacked other parties' offices. These demonstrations were unsurprisingly put down by force.

More surprising was that the act flushed out the more reactionary members of the working class. Many joined far-right parties over the course of the next few weeks. Alluding to the revolutionary turned Imperial policeman in Flaubert's 'Education sentimentale', Laval told Petain: "The spirit of Senechal is alive and well!"

More intriguingly, and again it is suspected that the new government had a hand in it, talks began between a number of the far-right leagues about creating an electoral party to rally around. Whilst this would not happen for some time, it was clear that Petain's arrival had made a real difference to the confidence and strategies of the far-right. Indeed, the philosopher and leader of Action Francaise, Charles Maurras, described Petain's elevation as a 'divine surprise'.
 
Home Thoughts From Abroad

In Berlin, Adolf Hitler's aides were filling him in on Petain. Naturally the Chancellor knew of the Marshal in a military context, but his arrival on the political scene had been somewhat of a shock to his advisors and diplomatic corps.

Hitler was not impressed with what he heard. Petain appeared to be a Catholic reactionary, and there were rumours that he had already spoken by telephone to the Austrian dictator, Englebert Dollfuss.

In Rome, meanwhile, Mussolini was somewhat pleased, if cautious. He took the precaution of sending a congratulatory telegraph to the the Marshal, from whom he received a gracious reply.
 

Faeelin

Banned
More surprising was that the act flushed out the more reactionary members of the working class. Many joined far-right parties over the course of the next few weeks. Alluding to the revolutionary turned Imperial policeman in Flaubert's 'Education sentimentale', Laval told Petain: "The spirit of Senechal is alive and well!"

More intriguingly, and again it is suspected that the new government had a hand in it, talks began between a number of the far-right leagues about creating an electoral party to rally around. Whilst this would not happen for some time, it was clear that Petain's arrival had made a real difference to the confidence and strategies of the far-right. Indeed, the philosopher and leader of Action Francaise, Charles Maurras, described Petain's elevation as a 'divine surprise'.

A few thoughts.

1) I don't understand what's going on with the workers. They remained committed to the left OTL, even if the middle class was amazingly eager to sell out democracy.

2) I'm not sure about the idea of a united "far right" party. Talkes were tried about this durign the Popular Front, but they went nowhere; and people like La Rocque wouldn't follow Petain OTL during the Vichy period. So what changes?
 

Faeelin

Banned
I'm glad you weighed in Faeelin, and especially over Ethiopia. My thought is that France (ironically, with Laval in prime position like IOTL, but with less weight of public opinion against the idea) might sacrifice Abyssinia to Mussolini. What do you think?

And same for anyone else who has thoughts on that, please feel free to comment.

I think they will do it in a heart-beat. Even in OTL there was substantial support for it.

But note that the takeover will throw off a lot of things; without France, the Popular Front as a concept seems dead, at least to me.
 
OTL France and Brtain grumbled out Ethiopia, but didn't do anything about it. I don't think a Fascist France would even grumble.
 
A few thoughts.

1) I don't understand what's going on with the workers. They remained committed to the left OTL, even if the middle class was amazingly eager to sell out democracy.

2) I'm not sure about the idea of a united "far right" party. Talkes were tried about this durign the Popular Front, but they went nowhere; and people like La Rocque wouldn't follow Petain OTL during the Vichy period. So what changes?

To answer those:
1. We're talking a small number of workers, but those who do join being used to the max for propaganda purposes. I'm thinking a similar kind of worker who would have collaborated IOTL.

2. Yep, you're right. There will not be a unified far-right party, but the idea is being taken more seriously. Ultimately, Petain's regime will swallow most of them up.
 
I'm Going To Spain

Over in Spain, President Alcala-Zamora looked on Petain's elevation with some concern. He had always felt strengthened by having one of the world's two most rabidly secular nations on his doorstep, but he knew from reports exactly what Petain was like. His real fear was that France might give the Catholic Church in Spain support and succour.

On the 14th February, at Lille, demonstrating anti-Petainist workers, rightfully afraid that their hard-won rights were under threat, went on the rampage after yet another provocation by the far-right. The Grand-Place was the scene of most of the trouble, which ended with the police firing into the crowd, killing 12. Unimaginatively, this became known as the St Valentine's Massacre. Martial law was declared that night in the whole Lille area, and in other areas of Nord.
 
On 2. Don't forget the main breaking point among the French far right during Vichy was a question priority:
Some hought that if the Republic and its "scions" (the Jew, leftist, free-masons... an so on) were a problem, the most urgent problem was number of foreigners with guns occupying the country.

Others (hardcore Vichyists and Parisian Colaborationnists) saw the German occupation as THE good occasion to "take care" of the Republic.

In this ATL those two factions have not to be opposed on that matter and Pétain's prestige will play completly.

Nevertheless I guess there wouldn't a single-party such as NSDAP but more officially non-political organisation like "Légion des anciens combattants" and Assemblée Nationale replaced by corporatist structure(s)
 
A few thoughts.

1) I don't understand what's going on with the workers. They remained committed to the left OTL, even if the middle class was amazingly eager to sell out democracy.

2) I'm not sure about the idea of a united "far right" party. Talkes were tried about this durign the Popular Front, but they went nowhere; and people like La Rocque wouldn't follow Petain OTL during the Vichy period. So what changes?

Yes, there's a middle class myth going around that fascists generally were (are) working-class males. The truth though, is that the typical fascist was a middle-class women. The German socialist parties essentially only lost votes to each other, the total remained around 40 % during the entire period up till Hitler´s ceasing of power, with the Communists growing and the Social democrats shrinking.
 
Yes, there's a middle class myth going around that fascists generally were (are) working-class males. The truth though, is that the typical fascist was a middle-class women. The German socialist parties essentially only lost votes to each other, the total remained around 40 % during the entire period up till Hitler´s ceasing of power, with the Communists growing and the Social democrats shrinking.

An interesting point. I have a friend who works for the Labour Party, and according to some research he saw once at university, Labour would have been in power since 1945 if women had never been given the vote. It's surprising, but women tend to vote for the Right more than men (I say this as a Tory).

Sorry for the lack of updates everyone, been away with work- more soon.
 
Exodus

Some members of the SFIO saw the writing on the wall: the new regime was coming for them, and the practice of democracy was fading away. Many could not even show their faces in the Assemblee Nationale, as various far-right leagues would attack them nearby.

Several had resigned their seats and fled. Notable examples were Vincent Auriol, deputy for Muret, who fled to Belgium on the evening of the 17th February after unknown Fascist assailants attempted to kill him in his Paris residence, and Roger Salengro, who also fled to Brussels.

On the 18th February, after the violence at Lille, Petain now openly demanded full powers. The newspapers backed him to the hilt, except for the Left-wing journals. Lebrun refused to countenance the idea, but did declare a temporary state of emergency, handing basic emergency powers to the Marechal.
 
Crackdown

The new regime was quick to exploit the emergency laws, and soon there were arrests all over the nation, almost all of whom were clearly people opposed to the regime or its individual personalities. Most arrests took place in the so called 'Nuit des matraques' on 20th February 1934. Amongst those taken in were:

-Gaston Tessier, Secretary-General of the Christian CFTC trade union.
-Arthur Groussier, former left-wing deputy and Grand Master of the Grand Orient de France (the main Masonic body), whose arrest was ordered following appeals by Charles Maurras.
-Several members of the Ordre Nouveau group, who sought a politics which was neither socialist nor fascist nor purely capitalist, including Charles Spinasse and Henri-Daniel Rops.
-The anarchist and openly bisexual Daniel Guerin.
-Several more hardline SFIO members such as Marceau Pivert, on trumped-up charges of being involved in the Lille violence.


A military man associated with Ordre Nouveau, one Charles de Gaulle, was tipped off by a sympathetic member of the police and took his wife and family to Switzerland on the 19th.
 
Nowhere is Safe

On the 20th February, Felix Gouin, another SFIO member who had fled, was gunned down on Place de Brouckere in Brussels by unknown assailants. However, despite never being admitted, it was widely understood that a person connected to the Belgian Rexist movement had performed the action on behalf of the new French regime. It is also widely believed that the Rexist leader, Leon Degrelle, received a payment for this action several months later. Vincent Auriol responded by flying to Britain the next morning, fearing that he was next.

In France itself, the tone of repression was growing stronger. The authorities used their emergency powers to take over L'Humanite, the PCF newspaper- this and its printing works were later sold to Francois Coty, the millionaire industrialist, news baron and Fascist sympathiser. Le Temps and Le petit Parisien took to self-censorship.
 
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