Osman Reborn; The Survival of Ottoman Democracy [An Ottoman TL set in the 1900s]
- Thread starter Sarthak
- Start date
I mean more the Armenians and Georgians decide to ethnically cleanse the land they want in the region, then the Ottomans are kind of forced of forced to go along as you can't change a horse mid race, sure they they can trial their leaders for war crimes but a war to liberate them means they have chosen a side of Caucasian, which puts them against others like the Azeri's which have had bitter relations since the Armenian–Tatar massacres of 1905–07 and the Georgians with Georgian–Ossetian conflict beginning in 1917 following the the February revolution in the OTL.
Which means backing them against their neighbors who would side with their fellow Russians against them, thus in a bitter irony a Armenian genocide by the Ottoman empire in this timeline.
I just reread my post- I keep biting people's heads on forums lately after reading too much into their writing. I'm stressed, but that's no excuse for bad faith readings. Apologies for my earlier tone.
True but still that is a low hanging fruit that i can see politicians use to gain votes and to attack rival who are to lenient toward Russia (even if they are in the same position will do exactly the same but you know it is politic after all). Depend on the situation it maybe a thing that win a vote after all. Nevertheless it will be interesting to see how the government balance this issue out.
Yes but I'm referring to the Turkish folk hero of around this period.
Hekimoğlu - Wikipedia
Chapter 33: The Politics of the Age
Chapter 33: The Politics of the Age
***
“As per the Ottoman Constitution of 1908, the Ottoman empire would conduct a parliamentary election every four years to determine the legislative makeup of the country. That meant that on December 28, 1917, the Ottoman Election Commission declared that the next Ottoman General Elections would take place on March 29 to March 31 in 1918.
As a result, the political parties all started to campaign once again. Led by Ahmet Riza, the Committee of Union and Progress, or the CUP decided to campaign on the premises of their previous victories during their term in power. They showed the successful Balkan War in which the Ottomans had been successful against the Balkan powers of Bulgaria, Serbia and Montenegro under the leadership and command of the CUP. Ahmed Riza also had other avenues of gaining votes, such as the passage of the Women’s Rights Bill, and the expansion of the suffrage. He could also point out several economic reforms that gave more credence to his position in the government. On the other hand, the Liberal Union led by Hasan Pristhina were campaigning against the CUP on the basis of liberal nationalism and liberal economics. Prishtina pointed out how the CUP led government had given up Cyprus to Greece without a fight, and that the Ottomans could not be lax in their security. Handing over nominal subjects of the Sultan willy nilly to other powers was something that could not go on any longer, Prishtina pointed out. He also attacked the economic policy of the state and the fiscal conservative traits of the economy. He called for liberal economics, and an end to the protectionist measures being employed by the Ottoman government, stating that protectionism made the standards of living more expensive. He espoused a free trade outlook, similar to the position that was held by the Liberal Party in the United Kingdom.
Hasan Prishtina
The Socialist Party was the most benefitted by the expansion of the suffrage to women. The Socialists under Huseyin Hilmi managed to campaign successful in the country’s growing working class on the basis of their pro-worker laws, and they pointed out towards their successful campaign in favor of Women’s Suffrage which had been successful. They also garnered intellectual votes by pointing out how that Socialist Party had been so consequential in the abolition of the Imperial Harem. Hilmi had also grown to become a mildly charismatic fellow, and he managed to personally garner a lot of sympathy votes as well, as he campaigned throughout the country. In comparison, the Ottoman Democratic Party led by Ibrahim Temo was not having a good time. Temo himself was ill and his leadership during the campaign was compromised. He was not able to come out into the fray and take part in debates to sway the electorate. The presence of Hasan Prishtina, a prominent Albanian as the leader of the Liberal Union also undermined the party’s base in Albania, the party was losing points in the polls.
Similarly, the Ottoman Social Democratic Party led by Ata Atalay was now campaigning with renewed vigor. Whilst it was correctly assumed that most of the increasing suffrage votes would be going to the Socialists from the worker class, the Social Democrats instead campaigned on the premise of increasing the welfare sector of the nation and creating a welfare state within the Ottoman Empire. Similarly, the Armenakan and Armenian Revolutionary Foundation in the Ottoman Empire reconciled with one another, and formed the Armenian Regionalist Party, a party dedicated to preserve the autonomy of Armenia and Armenians within the Ottoman Empire. The merger of the two parties probably saved the regionalist party as it ensured that the two would cross the electoral threshold. Previous polls had shown that the Armenakan would not be able to get any seats in the Chamber of Deputies. Under Armen Garo, the Armenian Regionalist Party led a successful campaign within Armenia as well.
Ottoman Nationalist Party Leader, Enver Pasha.
Finally, the new Ottoman Nationalist Party was able to use the outrage at the anti-discrimination votes and the nationalistic fervor against losing Cyprus to propel itself over the needed threshold. Led by Enver Pasha, it was an explicit nationalistic party, with the party making territorial claims all over Arabia, the Caucasus and the Balkans as well. The party was also against the Armenian Vilayet and made abolishing it one of their main manifesto claims, attracting anti-Armenian votes as well. Meanwhile Poale Zion and their party ran on a platform of maintaining the new pro-Jewish laws within the country and expanding them as well, whilst safeguarding Jewish interests in the state. Their pro-worker policies also garnered a lot of non-Jewish votes as well.
In the end, the CUP-Socialist coalition managed to retain a powerful minority led government in the elections. As a result, Ahmet Riza maintained his position as Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire. He did however make some political changes into the Cabinet of the Ottoman Government. The newly added Ministry of the Army and Airforce was given to Mehmed Essat Pasha whilst Ciballi Bey retired from the Ministry of Naval Affairs. As a result, Mehmet Ihsan Bey was appointed as the Minister of Naval Affairs by Riza. The position of Minister of War, was also vacant after Mahmud Shevket Pasha retired on January 1918, and the position was given to Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who had retired from active service and was enlisted in the reserves. With his new free time Mustafa Kemal had joined the CUP party to be involved in political affairs. Kemal’s appointment to the cabinet was particularly successful, as the man was a widely beloved figure within the Empire due to his status as a successful war hero within the empire.
As such the so called Cabinet of the Wondermen continued after the 1918 Ottoman General Elections.” A History of Ottoman Politics and General Elections, University of Angora © 2018
***
“On April 3, 1918, the Ottoman Sultan the Caliph of Islam, the Khan of Khans, The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and the Kayser-i-Rum died at the age of 73 due to old age and heart disease. He was the son of Sultan Abdulmejid I, and he succeeded his brother Abdul Hamid II after the Young Turk Revolution. His nine year reign was marked with a unique revival of the Ottoman Empire’s economic and military prowess. Mehmed V was a quiet man, more interested in the arts, and the romantic interests of life, however the man had supported the democratic reforms of the empire, and had upon his own initiative taken progressive steps in favor of a modern constitutional monarchy, remaining above partisan politics, and decreeing progressive reforms such as endorsing women’s suffrage and abolishing the Imperial Harem. Beloved throughout the Ottoman Empire, the news of his death was met with grief and disbelief from many sectors of Ottoman society. Despite his old age, the man was active and seen by the city goers of Constantinople. A week was announced as mourning time period throughout the empire as the empire shut down for a whole week.
Emperor Karl I of the Danubian Empire, King George V of the United Kingdom, King Alphonso XIII of Spain, King Manuel II of Portugal, Tsar Nicholas II of Russia, Boris III of Bulgaria, George II of Greece, George I of Serbia, Ferdinand of Romania, the Qajars, the Rashidis, and virtually every other Muslim monarchy on the planet sent their condolences to the Ottoman Empire and the Imperial Family. On April 27, 1918 he was buried after a grand procession throughout the capital city and his body was entombed in the city, alongside his predecessors of the Osman Dynasty.
Mehmed VI of the Ottoman Empire.
He was succeeded by his younger brother, who took up the mantle as Mehmed VI of the Ottoman Empire. As such a new era dawned within the Empire of Osman…….” Osman’s Dream: The Empire of the Ottomans. © 2020.
***
“The coalition government formed between the major parties of the United Kingdom was not to last after the war ended. The Conservatives made it clear that during and after the 1918 General Elections, the coalition would be abolished, and that normal partisan democracy and politics would be conducted, as a means of return to normalcy. As such as the year changed, all of the parties began to campaign in favor of their own parties for the upcoming elections.
Sir Austen Chamberlain campaigning during the elections.
The populace were however tired of the same old Liberal Party. The Liberals had led Britain since the 1906 General Election, and whilst a great deal had been achieved under Liberal leadership, much of the domestic sector had stagnated under their command as they gave precedence to foreign affairs rather than domestic affairs. As a result, despite McKenna’s own personal magnetism in the field and during debates and speeches, the Liberal party was starting to slump in the polls. Meanwhile, popular politician, Austen Chamberlain had taken the reigns of the Conservative Party, after Bonar Law had come in sick and unable to lead the party. Chamberlain was relatively well experienced, and for many in the country and the populace, dynamic. Many had thought that Curzon would lead the party after Law, however, while Curzon was quite adept at foreign affairs he was not experienced in domestic affairs and his hardline stances made him an ill-suited choice for the growing reform movement in the United Kingdom. As a result, Chamberlain came to power in the Liberal Unionist and Conservative Parties. Chamberlain to them was the very image of modern conservatism and Chamberlain promised a Britain First strategy to the population of the British Isles. Unlike what many believed in Ireland as well towards the Tories, Chamberlain took a pro-Home Rule stance unlike Bonar Law, and this stance allowed him and his associate party, the Liberal Unionists to make gains in the Irish electorate as well. Chamberlain used his general charismatic personality to attract votes as well, and he promised to no longer neglect the domestic situation. He called for a pullback on liberal free trade, and to create tariffs to protect British industries, and to increase industrial output to meet the demands of wartime debt, in the same manner as that of the United States of America and the Ottoman Empire. Chamberlain also campaigned on a position of cultural unionism, gaining inspiration from the reforms of the Ottoman Empire and Austrian Empires, all of whom had drawn on multiculturalism as their base. As a result Chamberlain based his unionism on multiculturalism between Ireland, Wales, England and Scotland. This unique policy would prove to be wildly successful in the future.
William Adamson.
The industrial expansion of British economics during the Great War vastly aided the Labour Party led by William Adamson. They were able to base their policies in pro-worker policies, and campaigned on the basis of democratic socialism. Adamson used the educational policies that was passed by Arthur Henderson during the Great War as the basis of his campaign as well, and managed to successful garner a lot of sympathetic votes in the government and the country. Meanwhile, John Redmond the First Minister of Ireland had resigned from his leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party and had stated that he would not run for the premiership in the 1919 Irish Home Rule General Elections either, and as a result, Joseph Devlin was accelerated to the position of leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party. Devlin campaigned in Ireland on the basis of retaining and preserving the Home Rule status that Ireland now found itself within the United Kingdom and he was also supportive of cultural unionism and moderate nationalism within the island. He also raised the issue of the northern boroughs and counties in Ulster who had not joined the Irish Home Rule territories and promised to do something about them, and bringing reform so that all of Ireland would join Home Rule, and according to Devlin himself, as a shining and equal member of the United Kingdom. Meanwhile, a new party was also forming. The Tories were the typical center right nationalist party within the United Kingdom, however the UK had a distinct lack of center-left nationalist parties. However under George Barnes, the National Democratic and Labour Party had managed to mold itself as a center-left nationalist party and used the nationalist zeal during the Great War, and the usage of pro-veteran social works and social policies to gain a lot of electoral popularity within the country, forming the fifth largest party within the United Kingdom by the end of 1917.
By the end of the elections, the Conservatives had managed to gain a slight lead in the polls and gained a 16 seat majority over the Liberals. As a result, Chamberlain formed a new conservative government in the United Kingdom.
With Stanley at the helm, the first british partisan government after the Great War was formed.” British Politics After the Great War: Stumbling Through the Darkness. © 2016.
***
“The Tibetan Expeditionary Army (TEA) (西藏遠征軍) was formed by the Hongxian Emperor on December 29th, 1917 under the command of Zhang Zuolin and consisted of around 120,000 men with the 6th and 7th Imperial Armies being a core component of the force. Ever since 1912, all warlords in China, and both the Republican government and the new Imperial government always maintained that Tibet was a part of China. The Hongxian Emperor, who was seen as a reformer by all, also proclaimed an ideological and economical motivation and goal to liberate the Tibetans from a theocratic feudal system that had no place in modern society.
Before the TEA could enter Tibetan territory however, talks between Tibet and China took place through the mediation of the British government in India. On January 7, a Tibetan delegation arrived in Sikkim, British India, to open a dialogue with the Chinese Empire and to secure assurances that the Chinese would respect Tibetan territorial integrity and sovereignty. The onset of talks was debate between the British, Chinese and Tibetan delegations. The Chinese ambassador to British India, The Duke of Confucius, Duke Yansheng (延生公爵) communicated a two point proposal to the Tbetans in which Tibet would be regarded as a part of China and in return China would be responsible for Tibetan foreign trade, relations and defense. Acceptance would lead to peaceful Chinese sovereignty, denial would mean war.
However, the Tibetans under the 13th Dalai Lama continued to try and maintain a priest patron relationship with one another. They reiterated their position that they were under no danger to be protected by China at all. However this position was weakened when tensions between the Kingdom of Nepal and Tibet flared up after a border dispute in Kuti Valley and the Nepalese Army mobilized as a subtle threat to Lhasa. The stalling of negotiations and the refusal of the Tibetan government to confirm whether or not it was linked to the Qing Restoration Attempt, gave the Chinese all the mandate they needed to enter Chinese territory and attack the Tibetans. On January 31, the invasion started as the Chinese entered Tibet from Kham territory despite the protests against the invasion towards the British. The British, whilst sympathetic did not raise issue at all. The Tibetans were recognized by the government in London as a part of China after all.
The Khampa Tibetans who lived in Kham were fiercely independent, and they and Lhasa Tibetans held each other in mutual contempt and dislike, with the Khampas in some cases hating Lhasa rule more than Chinese rule. This was mainly due to financial reasons. No matter how one may deride the Qing government, their taxation policies were fair, and tax was collected on the basis of population. However the independent Tibetan government collected tax on the basis of equal amount in every province, making tax prices hike in Kham, making many in Kham hate Lhasa rule and yearn for the Chinese to come back again. This was mainly why the Khampas did not resist the Chinese invasion at all, and in many cases acted as local advisors to the TEA under Zhang.
On February 18, the TEA reached the outskirts of Chamdo (昌都). The TEA had crossed the Jinsha River, and advanced rapidly with the aid of the Khampa defectors, who showed shortcuts to the invading Chinese army. The Sichuan 8th Division and the 2nd Shanghai Division captured the town of Chamdo and stormed the defenses of the city, levelling the defenses and capturing the city, by which time around 72 Chinese soldiers and 286 Tibetan soldiers had been killed or wounded in the short battle. The governor of Chamdo, Tsakpa Jigme Dorje, surrendered the city with the remainder of his forces, numbering some 3,000.
Chinese Troops in Tibet.
The Chinese continued to march and on March 28, reached the outskirts of the city of Nyingchi. There, the Tibetans had massed around 20,000 men to meet the Chinese invasion and defeat their incoming Chinese overlords. Zhang Zuolin lined his army up for battle in the unfamiliar mountainous terrain and engaged the enemy with an artillery barrage, though he had scant little of this, as the winter mud and snow had forced him to abandon his heavy artillery along the way. The Tibetans fought bravely and inflicted disproportionate losses on the enemy troops, however on March 30, Zhang’s forces encircled the Tibetans using a double envelopment tactic, and by that point all resistance became futile, and the Tibetans surrendered. The Battle of Nyingchi was devastating for the Tibetans as it removed their capability and ability to fight back against China militarily, and the 13th Dalai Lama quickly sued for peace.
A ceasefire was announced before on April 17, the Treaty of Nagqu (那曲條約)was signed which had the following points:
***
“After the Italian capitulation in the Great War, the government collapsed completely. By completely, the entire cabinet resigned and Italy was without a government. Victor Emmanuel III appointed former Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti to form a temporary government within the country as he sorted out affairs of the state, trying to use his blood ties to the House of Habsburg and the Spanish monarchs to seek foreign investment and aid to deliver aid to the broken Italian nation. The humiliation of losing the borderlands to France, the islands to Britain and the colonies to both the Anglo-French was burning through the overly nationalistic populace, and the country was smoldering in anger and dissatisfaction.
The King’s position was in doubt, and the country was demanding his abdication. The people were rioting against him openly in the streets and were demanding his resignation as monarch. In Naples, one Nicola Bombacci of the Italian Socialist Party openly demanded the abolition of the monarchy and with the aid of the other republican parties in Italy, declared himself as the legitimate Prime Minister of Italy, and not Giolitti opening up a political crisis of the highest kind within Italy.
Victor Emmanuel III was amenable to an abdication, with his own son, Umberto ascending to the throne and his wife becoming regent for 4 years until Umberto came to majority. However by January 28, the republican and nationalist fervor continued to grip major cities, and Genoa, Milan, Palermo all fell to nationalistic republican demands and Bombacci’s rival government. On the 7th of February, Giolitti met with other members of the House of Savoy, and discussed a plan to abdicate Victor Emmanuel III from the throne, who had now backtracked from his earlier position and was unwilling to abdicate. On the 10th of February, large crowds gathered in and around of Rome, demanding that the King abdicate, though they did not demand anything of abolishing the monarchy for example. Giolitti with aid from the other Savoyards, unilaterally declared the abdication of King Victor Emmanuel III. The proclamation read:
His Majesty, the King has made the decision to renounce the throne. The Royal Prime Minister will remain in office until all matters related to the abdication is taken care of, and the establishment of a regency is settled.
Even though the abdication of Victor Emmanuel III meant that Umberto was now king, as Umberto II of Italy, the 14 year old teen could not be expected to the rule the country and the government under Giolitti now tried to do damage control over the growing political atmosphere. With the hope of preserving the monarchy in the face of growing revolutionary and republican unrest, Giolitti announced Victor Emmanuel III’s abdication to the public. On 9th of February, Giolitti himself was forced to resign after it became clear that only Bombacii could effectively govern the country and Bombacci entered the capital. Later that evening, he proclaimed Italy to be a Republic.
Nicola Bombacci, the First Prime Minister of the Republic of Italy.
Bombacci immediately formed a government with socialists and communists at the helm. Both France and Danubia mobilized their troops in contemplation, as they hoped to stamp down on a nascent communist state, however Bombacci made no move towards a one party proletarian state, instead maintaining a multi-party democracy for the moment, not giving his enemies the casus belli required to enter Italian territory. Meanwhile Victor Emmanuel III and his wife were forced into exile into France, and then Spain. Umberto II and his personal caretakers were allowed to stay in Italy with a medium sized royal mansion being given to Umberto II and his servants for his caretaking.
The monarchy in Italy had been abolished. This would be merely be the first seed that would be sowed as the Italian Revolution of 1919 seeped closer and closer to the Italian peninsula.” The Italian Revolution of 1919.
***
***
“As per the Ottoman Constitution of 1908, the Ottoman empire would conduct a parliamentary election every four years to determine the legislative makeup of the country. That meant that on December 28, 1917, the Ottoman Election Commission declared that the next Ottoman General Elections would take place on March 29 to March 31 in 1918.
As a result, the political parties all started to campaign once again. Led by Ahmet Riza, the Committee of Union and Progress, or the CUP decided to campaign on the premises of their previous victories during their term in power. They showed the successful Balkan War in which the Ottomans had been successful against the Balkan powers of Bulgaria, Serbia and Montenegro under the leadership and command of the CUP. Ahmed Riza also had other avenues of gaining votes, such as the passage of the Women’s Rights Bill, and the expansion of the suffrage. He could also point out several economic reforms that gave more credence to his position in the government. On the other hand, the Liberal Union led by Hasan Pristhina were campaigning against the CUP on the basis of liberal nationalism and liberal economics. Prishtina pointed out how the CUP led government had given up Cyprus to Greece without a fight, and that the Ottomans could not be lax in their security. Handing over nominal subjects of the Sultan willy nilly to other powers was something that could not go on any longer, Prishtina pointed out. He also attacked the economic policy of the state and the fiscal conservative traits of the economy. He called for liberal economics, and an end to the protectionist measures being employed by the Ottoman government, stating that protectionism made the standards of living more expensive. He espoused a free trade outlook, similar to the position that was held by the Liberal Party in the United Kingdom.
Hasan Prishtina
The Socialist Party was the most benefitted by the expansion of the suffrage to women. The Socialists under Huseyin Hilmi managed to campaign successful in the country’s growing working class on the basis of their pro-worker laws, and they pointed out towards their successful campaign in favor of Women’s Suffrage which had been successful. They also garnered intellectual votes by pointing out how that Socialist Party had been so consequential in the abolition of the Imperial Harem. Hilmi had also grown to become a mildly charismatic fellow, and he managed to personally garner a lot of sympathy votes as well, as he campaigned throughout the country. In comparison, the Ottoman Democratic Party led by Ibrahim Temo was not having a good time. Temo himself was ill and his leadership during the campaign was compromised. He was not able to come out into the fray and take part in debates to sway the electorate. The presence of Hasan Prishtina, a prominent Albanian as the leader of the Liberal Union also undermined the party’s base in Albania, the party was losing points in the polls.
Similarly, the Ottoman Social Democratic Party led by Ata Atalay was now campaigning with renewed vigor. Whilst it was correctly assumed that most of the increasing suffrage votes would be going to the Socialists from the worker class, the Social Democrats instead campaigned on the premise of increasing the welfare sector of the nation and creating a welfare state within the Ottoman Empire. Similarly, the Armenakan and Armenian Revolutionary Foundation in the Ottoman Empire reconciled with one another, and formed the Armenian Regionalist Party, a party dedicated to preserve the autonomy of Armenia and Armenians within the Ottoman Empire. The merger of the two parties probably saved the regionalist party as it ensured that the two would cross the electoral threshold. Previous polls had shown that the Armenakan would not be able to get any seats in the Chamber of Deputies. Under Armen Garo, the Armenian Regionalist Party led a successful campaign within Armenia as well.
Ottoman Nationalist Party Leader, Enver Pasha.
Finally, the new Ottoman Nationalist Party was able to use the outrage at the anti-discrimination votes and the nationalistic fervor against losing Cyprus to propel itself over the needed threshold. Led by Enver Pasha, it was an explicit nationalistic party, with the party making territorial claims all over Arabia, the Caucasus and the Balkans as well. The party was also against the Armenian Vilayet and made abolishing it one of their main manifesto claims, attracting anti-Armenian votes as well. Meanwhile Poale Zion and their party ran on a platform of maintaining the new pro-Jewish laws within the country and expanding them as well, whilst safeguarding Jewish interests in the state. Their pro-worker policies also garnered a lot of non-Jewish votes as well.
In the end, the CUP-Socialist coalition managed to retain a powerful minority led government in the elections. As a result, Ahmet Riza maintained his position as Grand Vizier of the Ottoman Empire. He did however make some political changes into the Cabinet of the Ottoman Government. The newly added Ministry of the Army and Airforce was given to Mehmed Essat Pasha whilst Ciballi Bey retired from the Ministry of Naval Affairs. As a result, Mehmet Ihsan Bey was appointed as the Minister of Naval Affairs by Riza. The position of Minister of War, was also vacant after Mahmud Shevket Pasha retired on January 1918, and the position was given to Mustafa Kemal Pasha, who had retired from active service and was enlisted in the reserves. With his new free time Mustafa Kemal had joined the CUP party to be involved in political affairs. Kemal’s appointment to the cabinet was particularly successful, as the man was a widely beloved figure within the Empire due to his status as a successful war hero within the empire.
As such the so called Cabinet of the Wondermen continued after the 1918 Ottoman General Elections.” A History of Ottoman Politics and General Elections, University of Angora © 2018
***
“On April 3, 1918, the Ottoman Sultan the Caliph of Islam, the Khan of Khans, The Custodian of the Two Holy Mosques and the Kayser-i-Rum died at the age of 73 due to old age and heart disease. He was the son of Sultan Abdulmejid I, and he succeeded his brother Abdul Hamid II after the Young Turk Revolution. His nine year reign was marked with a unique revival of the Ottoman Empire’s economic and military prowess. Mehmed V was a quiet man, more interested in the arts, and the romantic interests of life, however the man had supported the democratic reforms of the empire, and had upon his own initiative taken progressive steps in favor of a modern constitutional monarchy, remaining above partisan politics, and decreeing progressive reforms such as endorsing women’s suffrage and abolishing the Imperial Harem. Beloved throughout the Ottoman Empire, the news of his death was met with grief and disbelief from many sectors of Ottoman society. Despite his old age, the man was active and seen by the city goers of Constantinople. A week was announced as mourning time period throughout the empire as the empire shut down for a whole week.
Emperor Karl I of the Danubian Empire, King George V of the United Kingdom, King Alphonso XIII of Spain, King Manuel II of Portugal, Tsar Nicholas II of Russia, Boris III of Bulgaria, George II of Greece, George I of Serbia, Ferdinand of Romania, the Qajars, the Rashidis, and virtually every other Muslim monarchy on the planet sent their condolences to the Ottoman Empire and the Imperial Family. On April 27, 1918 he was buried after a grand procession throughout the capital city and his body was entombed in the city, alongside his predecessors of the Osman Dynasty.
Mehmed VI of the Ottoman Empire.
He was succeeded by his younger brother, who took up the mantle as Mehmed VI of the Ottoman Empire. As such a new era dawned within the Empire of Osman…….” Osman’s Dream: The Empire of the Ottomans. © 2020.
***
“The coalition government formed between the major parties of the United Kingdom was not to last after the war ended. The Conservatives made it clear that during and after the 1918 General Elections, the coalition would be abolished, and that normal partisan democracy and politics would be conducted, as a means of return to normalcy. As such as the year changed, all of the parties began to campaign in favor of their own parties for the upcoming elections.
Sir Austen Chamberlain campaigning during the elections.
The populace were however tired of the same old Liberal Party. The Liberals had led Britain since the 1906 General Election, and whilst a great deal had been achieved under Liberal leadership, much of the domestic sector had stagnated under their command as they gave precedence to foreign affairs rather than domestic affairs. As a result, despite McKenna’s own personal magnetism in the field and during debates and speeches, the Liberal party was starting to slump in the polls. Meanwhile, popular politician, Austen Chamberlain had taken the reigns of the Conservative Party, after Bonar Law had come in sick and unable to lead the party. Chamberlain was relatively well experienced, and for many in the country and the populace, dynamic. Many had thought that Curzon would lead the party after Law, however, while Curzon was quite adept at foreign affairs he was not experienced in domestic affairs and his hardline stances made him an ill-suited choice for the growing reform movement in the United Kingdom. As a result, Chamberlain came to power in the Liberal Unionist and Conservative Parties. Chamberlain to them was the very image of modern conservatism and Chamberlain promised a Britain First strategy to the population of the British Isles. Unlike what many believed in Ireland as well towards the Tories, Chamberlain took a pro-Home Rule stance unlike Bonar Law, and this stance allowed him and his associate party, the Liberal Unionists to make gains in the Irish electorate as well. Chamberlain used his general charismatic personality to attract votes as well, and he promised to no longer neglect the domestic situation. He called for a pullback on liberal free trade, and to create tariffs to protect British industries, and to increase industrial output to meet the demands of wartime debt, in the same manner as that of the United States of America and the Ottoman Empire. Chamberlain also campaigned on a position of cultural unionism, gaining inspiration from the reforms of the Ottoman Empire and Austrian Empires, all of whom had drawn on multiculturalism as their base. As a result Chamberlain based his unionism on multiculturalism between Ireland, Wales, England and Scotland. This unique policy would prove to be wildly successful in the future.
William Adamson.
The industrial expansion of British economics during the Great War vastly aided the Labour Party led by William Adamson. They were able to base their policies in pro-worker policies, and campaigned on the basis of democratic socialism. Adamson used the educational policies that was passed by Arthur Henderson during the Great War as the basis of his campaign as well, and managed to successful garner a lot of sympathetic votes in the government and the country. Meanwhile, John Redmond the First Minister of Ireland had resigned from his leadership of the Irish Parliamentary Party and had stated that he would not run for the premiership in the 1919 Irish Home Rule General Elections either, and as a result, Joseph Devlin was accelerated to the position of leader of the Irish Parliamentary Party. Devlin campaigned in Ireland on the basis of retaining and preserving the Home Rule status that Ireland now found itself within the United Kingdom and he was also supportive of cultural unionism and moderate nationalism within the island. He also raised the issue of the northern boroughs and counties in Ulster who had not joined the Irish Home Rule territories and promised to do something about them, and bringing reform so that all of Ireland would join Home Rule, and according to Devlin himself, as a shining and equal member of the United Kingdom. Meanwhile, a new party was also forming. The Tories were the typical center right nationalist party within the United Kingdom, however the UK had a distinct lack of center-left nationalist parties. However under George Barnes, the National Democratic and Labour Party had managed to mold itself as a center-left nationalist party and used the nationalist zeal during the Great War, and the usage of pro-veteran social works and social policies to gain a lot of electoral popularity within the country, forming the fifth largest party within the United Kingdom by the end of 1917.
By the end of the elections, the Conservatives had managed to gain a slight lead in the polls and gained a 16 seat majority over the Liberals. As a result, Chamberlain formed a new conservative government in the United Kingdom.
| Prime Minister First Lord of the Treasury Leader of the House of Commons | Austen Chamberlain (Conservative + Liberal Unionist) |
| Chancellor of the Exchequer | Stanley Baldwin (Conservative) |
| Lord Chancellor | The Viscount Grave (Conservative) |
| Lord President of the Council | The Marquess of Salisbury (Conservative) |
| Lord Privy Seal | Lord Robert Cecil (Conservative) |
| Secretary of State for Foreign Affairs | Lord Curzon (Conservative) |
| Leader of the House of Lords | Lord Curzon (Conservative) |
| Secretary of State for Home Department | William Bridgeman. (Conservative) |
| First Lord of the Admiralty | Leo Amery (Conservative) |
| Civil Lord of the Admiralty | The Marquess of Linlithgow (Conservative) |
| Minister of Agriculture and Fisheries | Sir Robert Sanders (Conservative) |
| Secretary of State for Air | Sir Samuel Hoare (Conservative) |
| Secretary of State for the Colonies | The Duke of Devonshire (Conservative) |
| President of the Board of Education | Honorable E. F. L. Wood (Conservative) |
| Minister of Health | Neville Chamberlain (Conservative) |
| Secretary of State for India | The Viscount Peel (Conservative) |
| Minister of Labour | Anderson Barlow (Conservative) |
| Chancellor of the Duchy of Lancaster | J.C.C Davidson (Conservative) |
| Paymaster-General | Sir William Joynson-Hicks (Conservative) |
| Minister of Pensions | George Tryon (Conservative) |
| Postmaster General | Sir Laming Worthington-Evans (Conservative) |
| Secretary of State for Scotland | The Viscount Novar (Conservative) |
| Secretary of State for Ireland | The Earl of Midleton (Liberal Unionist) |
| President of the Board of Trade | Sir Philip Lloyd-Greame (Conservative) |
| Secretary for Overseas Trade | Albert Buckley (Conservative) |
| Secretary for Mines | George Lane-Fox (Conservative) |
| Minister for Transport | Sir John Baird (Conservative) |
| Secretary of State for War | The Earl of Derby (Conservative) |
| Attorney General | Sir Douglas Hogg (Conservative) |
| Master of the Horse | The Marquess of Bath (Conservative) |
With Stanley at the helm, the first british partisan government after the Great War was formed.” British Politics After the Great War: Stumbling Through the Darkness. © 2016.
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“The Tibetan Expeditionary Army (TEA) (西藏遠征軍) was formed by the Hongxian Emperor on December 29th, 1917 under the command of Zhang Zuolin and consisted of around 120,000 men with the 6th and 7th Imperial Armies being a core component of the force. Ever since 1912, all warlords in China, and both the Republican government and the new Imperial government always maintained that Tibet was a part of China. The Hongxian Emperor, who was seen as a reformer by all, also proclaimed an ideological and economical motivation and goal to liberate the Tibetans from a theocratic feudal system that had no place in modern society.
Before the TEA could enter Tibetan territory however, talks between Tibet and China took place through the mediation of the British government in India. On January 7, a Tibetan delegation arrived in Sikkim, British India, to open a dialogue with the Chinese Empire and to secure assurances that the Chinese would respect Tibetan territorial integrity and sovereignty. The onset of talks was debate between the British, Chinese and Tibetan delegations. The Chinese ambassador to British India, The Duke of Confucius, Duke Yansheng (延生公爵) communicated a two point proposal to the Tbetans in which Tibet would be regarded as a part of China and in return China would be responsible for Tibetan foreign trade, relations and defense. Acceptance would lead to peaceful Chinese sovereignty, denial would mean war.
However, the Tibetans under the 13th Dalai Lama continued to try and maintain a priest patron relationship with one another. They reiterated their position that they were under no danger to be protected by China at all. However this position was weakened when tensions between the Kingdom of Nepal and Tibet flared up after a border dispute in Kuti Valley and the Nepalese Army mobilized as a subtle threat to Lhasa. The stalling of negotiations and the refusal of the Tibetan government to confirm whether or not it was linked to the Qing Restoration Attempt, gave the Chinese all the mandate they needed to enter Chinese territory and attack the Tibetans. On January 31, the invasion started as the Chinese entered Tibet from Kham territory despite the protests against the invasion towards the British. The British, whilst sympathetic did not raise issue at all. The Tibetans were recognized by the government in London as a part of China after all.
The Khampa Tibetans who lived in Kham were fiercely independent, and they and Lhasa Tibetans held each other in mutual contempt and dislike, with the Khampas in some cases hating Lhasa rule more than Chinese rule. This was mainly due to financial reasons. No matter how one may deride the Qing government, their taxation policies were fair, and tax was collected on the basis of population. However the independent Tibetan government collected tax on the basis of equal amount in every province, making tax prices hike in Kham, making many in Kham hate Lhasa rule and yearn for the Chinese to come back again. This was mainly why the Khampas did not resist the Chinese invasion at all, and in many cases acted as local advisors to the TEA under Zhang.
On February 18, the TEA reached the outskirts of Chamdo (昌都). The TEA had crossed the Jinsha River, and advanced rapidly with the aid of the Khampa defectors, who showed shortcuts to the invading Chinese army. The Sichuan 8th Division and the 2nd Shanghai Division captured the town of Chamdo and stormed the defenses of the city, levelling the defenses and capturing the city, by which time around 72 Chinese soldiers and 286 Tibetan soldiers had been killed or wounded in the short battle. The governor of Chamdo, Tsakpa Jigme Dorje, surrendered the city with the remainder of his forces, numbering some 3,000.
Chinese Troops in Tibet.
The Chinese continued to march and on March 28, reached the outskirts of the city of Nyingchi. There, the Tibetans had massed around 20,000 men to meet the Chinese invasion and defeat their incoming Chinese overlords. Zhang Zuolin lined his army up for battle in the unfamiliar mountainous terrain and engaged the enemy with an artillery barrage, though he had scant little of this, as the winter mud and snow had forced him to abandon his heavy artillery along the way. The Tibetans fought bravely and inflicted disproportionate losses on the enemy troops, however on March 30, Zhang’s forces encircled the Tibetans using a double envelopment tactic, and by that point all resistance became futile, and the Tibetans surrendered. The Battle of Nyingchi was devastating for the Tibetans as it removed their capability and ability to fight back against China militarily, and the 13th Dalai Lama quickly sued for peace.
A ceasefire was announced before on April 17, the Treaty of Nagqu (那曲條約)was signed which had the following points:
- The incorporation of the Theocracy of Tibet into the Empire of China
- The recognition of the Hongxian Emperor as the highest authority in Tibet
- The system of the Dalai Lama and Panchen Lama to be continued.
- The autonomy of Tibet to be respected and a Tibetan Assembly of 90 members to be formed to observe Tibetan autonomy
- The incorporation of the Tibetan Army into the Imperial Chinese Army.
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“After the Italian capitulation in the Great War, the government collapsed completely. By completely, the entire cabinet resigned and Italy was without a government. Victor Emmanuel III appointed former Prime Minister Giovanni Giolitti to form a temporary government within the country as he sorted out affairs of the state, trying to use his blood ties to the House of Habsburg and the Spanish monarchs to seek foreign investment and aid to deliver aid to the broken Italian nation. The humiliation of losing the borderlands to France, the islands to Britain and the colonies to both the Anglo-French was burning through the overly nationalistic populace, and the country was smoldering in anger and dissatisfaction.
The King’s position was in doubt, and the country was demanding his abdication. The people were rioting against him openly in the streets and were demanding his resignation as monarch. In Naples, one Nicola Bombacci of the Italian Socialist Party openly demanded the abolition of the monarchy and with the aid of the other republican parties in Italy, declared himself as the legitimate Prime Minister of Italy, and not Giolitti opening up a political crisis of the highest kind within Italy.
Victor Emmanuel III was amenable to an abdication, with his own son, Umberto ascending to the throne and his wife becoming regent for 4 years until Umberto came to majority. However by January 28, the republican and nationalist fervor continued to grip major cities, and Genoa, Milan, Palermo all fell to nationalistic republican demands and Bombacci’s rival government. On the 7th of February, Giolitti met with other members of the House of Savoy, and discussed a plan to abdicate Victor Emmanuel III from the throne, who had now backtracked from his earlier position and was unwilling to abdicate. On the 10th of February, large crowds gathered in and around of Rome, demanding that the King abdicate, though they did not demand anything of abolishing the monarchy for example. Giolitti with aid from the other Savoyards, unilaterally declared the abdication of King Victor Emmanuel III. The proclamation read:
His Majesty, the King has made the decision to renounce the throne. The Royal Prime Minister will remain in office until all matters related to the abdication is taken care of, and the establishment of a regency is settled.
Even though the abdication of Victor Emmanuel III meant that Umberto was now king, as Umberto II of Italy, the 14 year old teen could not be expected to the rule the country and the government under Giolitti now tried to do damage control over the growing political atmosphere. With the hope of preserving the monarchy in the face of growing revolutionary and republican unrest, Giolitti announced Victor Emmanuel III’s abdication to the public. On 9th of February, Giolitti himself was forced to resign after it became clear that only Bombacii could effectively govern the country and Bombacci entered the capital. Later that evening, he proclaimed Italy to be a Republic.
Nicola Bombacci, the First Prime Minister of the Republic of Italy.
Bombacci immediately formed a government with socialists and communists at the helm. Both France and Danubia mobilized their troops in contemplation, as they hoped to stamp down on a nascent communist state, however Bombacci made no move towards a one party proletarian state, instead maintaining a multi-party democracy for the moment, not giving his enemies the casus belli required to enter Italian territory. Meanwhile Victor Emmanuel III and his wife were forced into exile into France, and then Spain. Umberto II and his personal caretakers were allowed to stay in Italy with a medium sized royal mansion being given to Umberto II and his servants for his caretaking.
The monarchy in Italy had been abolished. This would be merely be the first seed that would be sowed as the Italian Revolution of 1919 seeped closer and closer to the Italian peninsula.” The Italian Revolution of 1919.
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I suppose that is an appropriate title for the Cabinet that changed the date of the empire.
A question, since I really don't know anything about this: is that thing about Turkish women breaking to the left historical? If so, why did that happen? My understanding was that in most of the democracies at the time, newly enfranchised women tended to flock to conservative parties.
I'm afraid I just don't buy Jackson becoming leader of the Tories, much less PM. He was only elected to parliament in 1915, and has had absolutely no time to make his way up the ladder- there are literally dozens of senior MPs with established bases in the party and actual experience at the ministerial and cabinet level. I realise you want a Unionist to play with Britain being inspired from the eastern Empires, but that's moving far too fast, far too far.
I mean, Jackson would be enjoying the single fastest rise to power in British history on the basis of no experience in any level of statecraft whatsoever, at a time when that really did matter. Cricket, I'm afraid, would be completely irrelevant- this was not a time when Tory leaders were picked with an eye on their appeal to the general public, or even the membership.
I'm afraid I just don't buy Jackson becoming leader of the Tories, much less PM. He was only elected to parliament in 1915, and has had absolutely no time to make his way up the ladder- there are literally dozens of senior MPs with established bases in the party and actual experience at the ministerial and cabinet level. I realise you want a Unionist to play with Britain being inspired from the eastern Empires, but that's moving far too fast, far too far.
I mean, Jackson would be enjoying the single fastest rise to power in British history on the basis of no experience in any level of statecraft whatsoever, at a time when that really did matter. Cricket, I'm afraid, would be completely irrelevant- this was not a time when Tory leaders were picked with an eye on their appeal to the general public, or even the membership.
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Partially
It is partially due to the fact that the CUP and Socialist led Coalition led to the expansion of the suffrage as well as abolition of the Imperial Harem. As the Ottomans industrialized late, they had no qualms about using female labour in their factories, which led to a large pool of female workers in the country. However the Socialists aren't the only ones to gain extra votes. The most benefitted is the CUP, which is a center-right conservative party as you say.
Jackson has had a very very different career actually. Around the time when we reached the time of 1920, i intend to write short biographies of around 10 politicians of the decade. Jackson will be among them. The political developments of both the Conservatives and Jackson have changed since 1911. For now, that list contains Ali Kemal, Ahmet Riza, Stanley Jackson, Reginald McKenna, John M. Parker, Prince Louis of Lichtenstein. Until then, some 6 or 7 chapters later, as of right now, I cannot give up how Jackson comes to power for plot purposes. Though i do hope i make a good case when the chapter comes out.
the man will certainly make an appearance.Yes but I'm referring to the Turkish folk hero of around this period.
Hekimoğlu - Wikipedia
en.m.wikipedia.org
Finland by all rights is already devolved. The others, well we'll see...............
Looking at the tory cabinet list I do wonder what happened to FE Smith
With an intact Liberal party that presumably still contains Keynes I would think they could come back with a bang as there are many problems with both tariffs and imperial preference. Really not convinced about the need for the National Democrats OTL the racist workerist brand was pretty well cornered by Labour it was Labour figures that particularly targeted foreign seamen after WW1 and that were keenest on forcing women back to the home and most of those funky new parties like this were actually part of LGs machinations and plotting otl. Without this would it really happen.